Wwv&r&ttfu/ s^r^ 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

LOS  ANGELES 

GIFT  OF 


Gift  U.C.  Library 


MEMOIRS  OF  YOUTH 


GIOVANNI  VISCONTI  VENOSTA 


MEMOIRS  OF  YOUTH 

THINGS  SEEN  AND  KNOWN 
1847—1860 

BY 

GIOVANNI  VISCONTI  VENOSTA 

translated  from  the  Third  Edition 
Ey  William  Prall 

WITH    AN    INTRODUCTION    BY 

WILLIAM  ROSCOE  THAYER 


BOSTON    AND    NEW   YORK 
HOUGHTON  MIFFLIN  COMPANY 

dbf  flilicrtfiOc  press*  Cambridge 
1914 


COPYRIGHT,    1914,    BY  WILLIAM    PRALL 
ALL   RIGHTS  RESERVED 

Published  May  1914 


MORSE  STEPHENS 


Library 


TRANSLATOR'S   PREFACE 

THERE  are  many  mirrors  in  which  we  may  behold 
ourselves,  and  see  what  manner  of  men  we  are. 
Every  art  that  has  left  a  record  of  its  product  is  one;  and 
the  remains  of  the  arts  have  at  no  period  been  so  minutely 
studied  as  in  our  day.  Superior  to  the  arts,  however,  as 
means  of  understanding  the  life  of  a  people  are  their 
annals:  yet  not  so  much  the  annals  that  are  composed 
in  the  study  of  an  historian,  which  are  apt  to  be  colored 
by  prejudice,  as  the  documents  that  are  found  in  the 
various  national  repositories,  and  the  memoirs  of  the 
individual  actors  in  any  event. 

Not  all  parts  of  history  are  of  the  same  importance; 
and  not  all  the  annals  and  memoirs  of  a  people  are 
equally  interesting.  The  parts  that  are  of  supreme 
importance  are  those  that  have  reference  to  critical 
times,  such  as  the  making  of  a  nation,  the  founding  of  a 
state,  and  the  revolt  from  antiquated  to  newer  ways  of 
life.  Not  to  attempt  to  discriminate  between  the  rela- 
tive importance  of  these  times,  surely  there  is  no  period 
in  a  people's  life  that  is  more  attractive  than  that  of  the 
founding  of  a  state,  especially  if  that  state  be  composed 
of  parts  which,  previously,  had  been  arbitrarily  dis- 
severed. It  is  this  fact  that  makes  a  study  of  the  found- 
ing of  the  new  Kingdom  of  Italy  so  pleasing,  and  has 
given  rise  to  the  many  histories  of  the  Risorgimento. 

v 


Translator's  Preface 


The  final  and  definitive  history  has  not  been  written, 
and  cannot  be,  until  the  principal  actors  and  memoir- 
writers  shall  have  furnished  their  individual  testimony, 
and  all  the  documents  shall  have  been  brought  to  light. 
It  is  to  be  noted  that  a  committee  has  recently  been 
appointed  by  the  Italian  Government  to  edit  and  pub- 
lish the  papers  of  the  Conte  di  Cavour,  the  chief  artificer 
of  the  kingdom. 

In  the  mean  time  the  stories  of  the  lives  of  the  actors 
in  the  Risorgimento  are  not  less  worthy  of  perusal,  nor 
are  the  histories  of  the  lives  of  the  Italian  municipali- 
ties less  important.  The  memoirs  of  Giovanni  Visconti 
Venosta  portray  the  life  of  the  city  of  Milan,  and  more 
especially  of  the  youth  of  that  city,  from  1847  to  1860, 
that  is,  in  the  supreme  period  of  the  Risorgimento.  He 
speaks  of  himself  as  a  modest  citizen  who,  from  the 
body  of  the  house,  saw  the  great  drama  unfold  on  the 
national  stage.  It  is  true,  he  was  not  much  more  than  an 
observer  at  first,  because  of  his  extreme  youth,  but  later 
on  he  acted  a  part,  and  he  acted  it  well  (especially  in  the 
Valtellina),  and,  in  so  doing,  was  brought  into  contact 
with  many  of  the  leading  men  of  his  times.  He  was  a 
keen  observer,  and  had  a  fair  and  impartial  mind.  A 
noble  by  birth,  his  point  of  view  was  aristocratic;  but  a 
liberal  by  education,  his  sympathy  was  ever  with  the 
people. 

We  are  wont  to  think  that,  in  monarchical  coun- 
tries, there  are  ever  great  divisions  between  the  vari- 
ous classes  of  society.  This  is,  indeed,  usually  the  case 
in  lands  where  the  Teutonic  conception  of  nobility 
prevails;  but  among  the  nations  that  have  inherited 

vi 


'Translator**  Preface 


the  classical  idea  of  aristocracy  an  absolute  solidarity 
of  the  citizens  is  often  seen.  The  portrayal  of  the 
perfect  union  that  existed  among  all  the  classes  of 
Milan  during  the  ten  years'  resistance  to  Austrian 
rule  is  one  of  the  chief  attractions  of  these  memoirs; 
their  great  charm  and  value,  however,  lie  in  the  fact 
that  one  is  convinced  in  reading  them  that  the  au- 
thor's testimony,  in  regard  to  any  person  or  event,  is 
true,  upon  the  word  of  a  most  amiable  and  distinguished 
gentleman. 

This  translation  is  made  by  permission  of  the  Mar- 
chese  Emilio  Visconti  Venosta,  elder  and  surviving 
brother  of  the  author  of  the  Memoirs. 

WILLIAM  PRALL. 

PRINCETON,  NEW  JERSEY, 
June  i,  1913. 


CONTENTS 

INTRODUCTION  .  .  ,  ,  .  .'  .  ,  ,.  xix 
LETTER  OF  THE  AUTHOR  ...  .  xxiii 
CHAPTER  I .  * 

Early  years.  —  My  father  and  mother.  —  My  great-grandfather  and  my  grand- 
father. —  Movements  in  Valtellina  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  — 
The  annexation  of  the  Valtellina  to  Lombardy,  decreed  by  Napoleon.  —  The 
Austrian-Russian  invasion ;  brigandage.  —  The  Napoleonic  government.  — 
The  question  of  the  restoration  of  the  government  of  the  Canton  of  the 
Grisons  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  —  The  Valtellina  definitely  united  to 
Lombardy  in  1815.  —  Customs  at  Milan  in  1848.  —  The  cholera  of  1836  in 
Lombardy. — The  coming  into  Lombardo-Venetia  of  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand I.  —  Diversions  and  fetes  in  Casa  Trotti.  —  The  Boselli  Institute.  — 
Maestro  Pozzi.  —  My  brother  Enrico.  —  My  school  companions  in  the 
Boselli  Institute  and  in  the  Public  Gymnasium.  —  Director  Boselli  and  an 
escapade  of  Emilio.  —  Death  of  Boselli.  —  The  lessons  given  us  by  our 
father.  —  Giuseppe  Revere.  —  Vacations  at  Tirano.  —  My  relatives  in  the 
Valtellina.  —  The  scientific  congress  of  Milan.  —  My  father's  mono- 
graph. —  La  Societa  d'  Incoraggiamento.  —  Conte  Carlo  Porro.  —  Signora 
Anna  Tinelli.  —  My  father  has  an  unfortunate  accident.  —  He  takes  us 
from  the  Boselli  Institute.  —  We  go  to  the  Valtellina  for  our  vacation.  — 
My  father,  taken  ill,  dies  in  three  days.  —  We  go  to  the  house  of  my  cousin 
Don  Luigi  Quadrio.  —  All  the  people  of  Grosio  accompany  my  father's 
remains  to  the  grave. 

CHAPTER  II  (1847)      .......    26 

Return  to  Milan.  —  My  brothers  and  I  continue  our  studies  at  home.  —  Friend- 
ship of  Cesare  Correnti.  —  First  patriotic  authors.  —  The  rendezvous  in 
Correnti's  house.  —  The  Funeral  of  Federico  Confalonieri.  —  A  famine  in 
Lombardy,  and  a  collection  in  Milan  with  political  intent.  —  The  death  of 
Archbishop  Gaisruck,  and  the  election  of  Romilli.  —  Amnesty  granted  by 
Pius  IX,  and  the  first  demonstrations.  —  Demonstration  in  honor  of  the  new 
Archbishop.  —  First  uprisings  and  the  first  bloodshed.  —  The  autumn  of 
1847  in  Lombardy.  —  Hymns  to  Pius  IX.  —  Friends  at  Tirano;  Giacomo 
IWerizzi.  —  Reunions  in  Casa  Correnti.  —  The  "Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde."  — 
Demonstrations  and  public  agitation.  —  The  demonstration  of  non-smoking. 
—  The  Austrian  Government  augments  its  garrisons.  —  Metternich  sends 
Ficquelmont,  then  Hubner,  to  Milan  on  political  missions.  —  The  remon- 
strance of  Counsellor  Nazari,  of  Bergamo. 

k 


Contents 


CHAPTER  III   (1848) 45 

The  demonstration  of  non-smoking.  —  The  evening  of  the  ist  of  January.  —  In 
the  house  of  my  grandmother.  —  Military  provocations.  —  Wounded  and 
dead.  —  Casa  Correnti.  —  Cafes  of  the  Peppina  and  of  the  Cecchina.  — 
Carlo  Cattaneo.  —  The  aristocracy.  —  The  revolution,  at  Paris,  of  February 
24.  —  Reforms  demanded  at  Milan.  —  The  revolution  begins.  —  In  Via 
Monforte  and  near  the  column  of  S.  Babila.  —  The  young  men  in  arms.  — 
Luciano  Manara.  —  Angelo  Fava.  —  The  position  of  Cattaneo. 

CHAPTER  IV  (1848) 59 

The  second  day  of  the  revolution.  —  The  streets.  —  Broggi.  —  Engineer  Alfieri 
takes  command  of  our  quarter,  and  stations  me  on  guard.  —  Hospitality.  — 
Monday  morning.  —  Attack  upon  the  house  of  the  Duca  Visconti.  —  The 
son  of  our  doorkeeper.  —  An  officer  wounded.  —  Don  Cesare  Ajroldi,  and  the 
barricade  of  S.  Babila.  —  The  third  day.  —  We  go  to  the  Gamier  College.  — 
The  papal  consul.  —  Engineer  Alfieri  insane.  —  The  barricade  and  the  bal- 
loons of  the  seminarians.  —  The  Provisional  Government.  —  An  armistice 
proposed.  —  The  Austrian  garrison.  —  The  capture  of  the  barracks  of  the 
engineers. 

CHAPTER  V  (1848) 72 

The  fifth  day.  —  Porta  Tosa.  —  The  priest  who  blessed  the  combatants  at  the 
bridge.  —  In  Piazza  del  Verziere.  —  The  wounded.  —  The  "Martinitt"  of 
the  Asylum.  —  The  flag  of  the  Madonnina  on  the  cathedral.  —  Capture  of 
Porta  Tosa.  —  On  guard  on  a  roof.  —  De  Albertis.  —  The  appearance  of  the 
city  the  night  of  the  22d.  —  The  retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  Public  enthusi- 
asm at  the  announcement.  —  Clothes  alia  Lombarda.  —  In  the  castle.  —  The 
departure  of  the  volunteers  with  Manara.  —  The  hostages.  —  News  from 
the  districts  in  insurrection. 

CHAPTER  VI   (1848) 82 

After  the  retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  Public  opinion.  —  The  arrival  of  the  vol- 
unteers. —  The  National  Guard.  —  Cartridges.  —  The  Palestra  Parliament. 
—  My  watch  is  stolen.  —  The  National  Italian  Association.  —  The  proces- 
sion of  Corpus  Domini. — Mazzini. — The  newspapers. — Weakness  of  the 
Government.  —  Cattaneo,  Cernuschi.  —  Demonstrations  and  agitations.  — 
The  battalion  of  the  students  and  seminarians.  —  My  uncles  and  cousins. 

CHAPTER  VII   (1848) 95 

Apprehensions  and  fears.  —  Peace  offered  as  far  as  the  Mincio. —  Refusal  of  the 
Government.  —  Carlo  Alberto  and  his  generals.  —  Hurried  armaments.  — 
Gifts  of  the  Milanese,  and  other  Lombard  families.  —  Bad  news  and 


Contents 


anxieties.  —  Public  distress.  —  The  Committee  of  Defense.  —  Fanti, 
Maestri,  Restelli.  —  Mobilization  of  the  National  Guard. — Emilio  en- 
lists in  the  Garibaldian  volunteers.  —  My  mother,  Enrico,  and  I  leave 
Milan. 

CHAPTER  VIII   (1848)          '.       .      V     V      ..     .103 

We  leave  Milan.  —  The  attitude  of  the  peasants.  —  The  journey  to  Bellinzona. 

—  The  appearance  of  the  town.  —  The  news  gathered  by  the  Contessa 
Sormanni.  —  Sequestrations.  —  Disbanded  soldiers.  —  Gustavo  Modena.  — 
I  go  to  Lugano.  —  Lost  on  Monte  Ceneri.  —  I  find  Emilio.  —  Casa  Kramer 
Berra.  —  Mazzini.  —  The  expedition  to  Val  d'  Intelvi.  —  Poor  result.  —  The 
emigrants  scatter.  —  My  brother  goes  to  Genoa  and  Pisa.  —  We  remain 
at  Tirano. 

CHAPTER  IX  (1848)     .       .      .*       .       .       .        .116 

Return  to  Milan.  —  Appearance  of  the  city.  —  We  leave  for  the  Valtellina.  — 
Under  military  government.  —  A  condemnation.  —  The  Croatian  soldiers. 

—  Military  cantonments.  —  Major  Krall.  —  Mazzini  and  the  expeditions. — 
I  study  German  and  music.  —  Milan  again.  —  The  prevalent  sadness.  — 
The  revolutionary  movements  in  central  Italy.  * 

CHAPTER  X  (1849)       .       .       .       ...        .124 

Winter  of  1849.  —  The  end  of  the  armistice.  — The  battle  of  Novara.  —  At- 
tempts to  make  Lombardy  rise.  —  Brescia.  —  The  reaction.  —  Venice  re- 
mains in  arms.  —  The  Manara  battalion.  —  The  veterans.  —  Demonstration 
of  the  1 8th  of  August. — Whippings  publicly  administered. — We  return  to 
Tirano.  —  Military  cantonments.  —  A  saucepan  thrown  out.  —  A  condemna- 
tion. —  Military  perquisitions. 

CHAPTER  XI   (1850)     .       .       .       .     -  *       .        .136 

The  prevailing  squalor.  —  Rigorous  state  of  siege.  —  Plans  for  resisting  the 
Austrian  Government.  —  Patriotic  discipline.  —  We  abstain  from  amuse- 
ments. —  The  Contessa  De  Capitanei  Serbelloni  and  her  family.  —  The 
salle  <Tarm.es  in  the  house  of  a  cousin.  —  My  cousin  Carlo  Minunzi.  —  I 
make  the  acquaintance  of  the  Contessa  Maffei. 

CHAPTER  XII   (1850) 144 

Contessa  Clara  Maffei  and  her  salon.  —  Conte  Cesare  Giulini.  —  Intimate 
friends.  —  The  "  Crepuscolo."  —  Carlo  Tenca  and  his  collaborators.  —  Car- 
melita  Manara  Fe.  —  Contessa  Ermellina  Dandolo.  —  Hungarian  officers.  — 
Conte  Bethlen  and  his  nephew.  —  New  conspiracies.  —  Organization  of  the 
committees.  —  A  ten-million  loan  announced  by  Mazzini.  —  First  prosecu- 
tions at  Venice.  —  Dottesio  condemned  to  death.  —  Central  committee  at 
Mantua.  —  The  Lombard  clergy  and  the  Austrian  Government. 

xi 


Contents 

CHAPTER  XIII   (1851)  .        .        .        .        .        .155 

The  closing  of  the  university;  private  instruction.  —  The  duel  of  Luigi  Delia 
Porta.  —  The  lesser  committees.  —  G.  B.  Carta  and  his  colleagues.  —  Dr. 
Vandoni.  —  The  assassination  of  Corbellini.  —  Antonio  Sciesa.  —  Con- 
demnations and  executions.  —  The  priest  Giovanni  Griola,  of  Mantua.  — 
A  meeting  at  Mantua  of  representatives  of  the  committees.  —  A  trip  through 
Switzerland.  —  The  Emperor  at  Milan,  and  the  manoeuvres  at  Somma.  — 
Execution  of  Dottesio.  —  The  death  of  Berchet.  , 

CHAPTER  XIV  (1852) 165 

Arrest  of  the  priest  Tazzoli.  —  A  sad  Carnival.  —  The  Theaters  della  Scala  and 
Carcano.  —  Young  men  and  their  festive  patriotism.  —  Antonio  Lazzati  and 
Carlo  De  Cristoforis.  —  The  portrait  of  Conte  Nava.  —  Numerous  arrests.  — 
The  trials  at  Mantua.  —  The  treachery  of  Luigi  Castellazzo.  —  Lazzati  and 
others  arrested  and  taken  to  Mantua.  —  Episodes  of  Pasotti  and  of  Cervieri. 

—  The  suicide  of  Giovanni  Pezzotti.  —  The  coup  d'etat  in  France.  —  Hopes 
and  fears.  —  The  first  death  sentences  at  Mantua. 

CHAPTER  XV  (1853)    .        .        .        .     ~.     " .        .174 

Mazzini  decides  upon  a  revolt.  —  Opposition  of  his  friends.  —  He  sends  his 
emissaries.  —  Secret  organizations.  —  Piolti  de  Bianchi.  —  Fears  for  the 
outcome  of  the  rising.  —  The  Sixth  of  February.  —  The  leaders,  finding 
themselves  alone,  decamp.  —  Ferri,  with  a  band,  assaults  a  police  station.  — 
Some  soldiers  wounded.  —  A  short  struggle. 

CHAPTER  XVI   (1853) 184 

Surprise  and  disgust  of  the  citizens.  —  Several  of  them  go  to  General  Giulay.  — 
The  first  mild  measures  changed  by  orders  received  from  headquarters.  — 
Arrests  and  hangings.  —  The  escape  of  Carlo  De  Cristoforis.  —  Writings  of 
De  Cristoforis.  —  Sequestrations.  —  Piedmont  recalls  its  ambassador.  — 
The  city  gates  closed  for  a  month.  —  Piolti,  Fronti,  Furagy,  Brizio.  —  Con- 
demnations in  default.  —  The  hardships  of  military  law.  —  Rumors  from 
the  prisons  at  Mantua.  —  Episode  in  connection  with  Lazzati's  condem- 
nation. —  After  the  imprisonment.  —  Mazzini  endeavors  to  incite  a  new 
conspiracy.  —  A  new  chief  of  the  republican  party.  —  Ambrogio  Ronchi. 

—  The  party  disintegrates.  —  Sympathy  for  Piedmont. 

CHAPTER  XVII   (1853)         .     .   .        .     ,  .        .        .197 

My  brother  and  I  leave  for  a  journey  to  the  south.  —  Sojourn  at  Rome.  — 
From  Rome  we  go  to  Naples.  —  Hotels  and  hotel-keepers.  —  Naples.  — 
Casa  Gargallo.  —  At  the  Austrian  Legation.  —  Crossing  to  Messina.  — 
Catania  and  Taormina.  —  ^Etna  and  Syracuse.  —  Along  the  coast.  —  In- 
conveniences. —  Public  houses.  —  The  people.  —  The  muleteers  at  Gir- 

xii 


Contents 


genti.  —  To  Palermo  by  Calatafimi.  —  Letters  from  Tenca.  —  The  con- 
ditions of  civil  .life  in  Sicily.  —  Return  to  Genoa.  —  Letters  from  our 
mother. 

CHAPTER  XVIII  (1853)       •...'      .       .       V      ...     .  213 

Our  mother  advises  us  of  the  arrests  in  Valtellina.  —  The  expedition  of  Calvi.-— 
Letters  of  Mazzini  to  Calvi.  —  The  trial  of  Salis,  Stoppani,  and  Zanetti. 

—  Conte  Ulisse  Salis.  —  The  road  of  the  Stelvio.  —  Story  of  a  cannon.  — 
Torelli  and  Guicciardi. 

CHAPTER  XIX  (1854)          .       .       .  (     .  ,     .        .221 

Decline  of  the  republican  party.  —  Evolution  in  the  salon  of  the  Contessa  Maffei. 

—  Conte  Cesare  Giulini  and  his  relations  with  Piedmont.  — The  Crimean 
War.  —  Repeal  of  the  law  as  to  substitutes.  —  Many  fly  to  avoid  the  levy. 

—  Anecdotes  of  the  bribing  of  the  military  doctors.  —  The  Firemen's  school. 

—  We  go  to  Tirano  and  Grosio.  —  The  destruction  of  the  vines.  —  The 
cholera.  —  My  mother's  salon  at  Tirano. 

CHAPTER  XX  (1855)    .       .       .       .       ;    %    ,       .231 

Piedmont  joins  the  alliance  between  France  and  England.  —  Conte  di  Cavour. 
•    —  Vittorio  Emanuele.  —  La  Marmora.  —  Pianori's  attempt  upon  Napoleon. 

—  The  Exposition  in  Paris.  —  Radetzky  is  nominated  Governor  of  Lom- 
bardo-Venetia.  —  My  brother  Emilio  and  I  go  to  Paris.  —  Pietro  Maestri 
and  the  Italian  emigrants.  —  Different  opinions.  —  Daniele  Manin.  —  The 
victory  of  Tchernaya.  —  The  opera  attended  by  the  Empress  and  the  Queen 
of  England.  —  Words  of  Napoleon  to  Conte  Arese.  —  In  Valtellina.  —  The 
theater  at  Tirano  and  the  eloquent  tailor.  —  In  Milan.  —  Emilio  Dandolo 
and  the  Crimean  War. 

CHAPTER  XXI   (1856)          .        .        .       .        .        .241 

Casa  Carcano,  Casa  Dandolo,  Casa  Manara.  —  After  the  Crimean  War.  — 
Cavour  at  the  Congress  of  Paris.  —  A  new  direction  to  politics.  —  The 
"  Crepuscolo  "  and  Carlo  Tenca.  —  The  city  becomes  animated.  —  Festivities 
and  the  theaters.  — The  Austrian  officers.  — The  nickname  of  the  Milanese 
ladies.  —  A  tragedy  for  marionettes.  —  The  duel  of  Manfredo  Camperio. 

CHAPTER  XXII   (1856) .253 

The  popular  subscription  for  one  hundred  cannon.  —  The  Mazzinian  subscrip- 
tion for  ten  thousand  guns.  —  My  second  journey  to  France.  —  The  Italian 
emigration  at  Paris.  —  The  various  factions.  —  Montanelli,  Maestri,  Sirtori. 

—  The  announcement  of  a  visit  from  the  Austrian  Emperor.  —  Proposals  for 
festivities.  —  Subscription  for  a  monument  to  the  Piedmont  army.  —  Casa 
d'Adda. 

xiii 


Contents 

CHAPTER  XXIII   (1857)       .. 261 

Measures  taken  by  the  Government  to  celebrate  the  coming  of  the  Emperor.  — 
Arrangements  for  resistance  made  by  the  patriotic  Milanese.  —  Dandolo, 
Soncino,  Mancini,  Carcano,  and  others  banished.  —  The  "Crepuscolo" 
admonished.  —  The  entry  of  the  Emperor.  —  The  behavior  of  the  people.  — 
In  Casa  Dandolo.  —  Photographs  of  the  monument  to  the  Piedmontese 
army.  —  The  reception  at  court.  —  The  Emperor's  suite.  —  Conte  Archinto. 

—  Buol  recalls  the  Austrian  Minister  from  Turin.  —  Piedmont  follows  suit. 

—  Amnesty  extended  to  the  political  prisoners.  —  The  police  encourage  a 
demonstration. — Thereturnof  friends  from  Josephstadt  and  Theresienstadt. 

—  Marshal  Radetzky  relieved  of  his  command.  —  Partial  suppression  of  the 
"Crepuscolo."  —  La  Marmora  proposes  to  fortify  Alessandria,  and  Cavour, 
Spezia.  —  La  Farina  founds  the  National  Society.  —  The  landing  of  Pisacane 
at  Sapri.  —  Nomination  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian  as  Governor-General. 

—  His  arrival  in  Milan.  — /The  medal  of  St.  Helena. 

CHAPTER  XXIV  (1858) 276 

The  Archduke  as  Governor-General.  —  He  endeavors  to  attract  the  conspicuous 
citizens.  —  The  agreement  for  the  Italo-Austrian  railways.  —  Cesare  Cantu. 
— •  The  struggle  of  the  patriotic  Milanese  against  Maximilian.  —  In  Casa 
Maffei.  —  Conte  Giulini  in  the  years  of  resistance.  —  Words  of  Cavour  to 
Giulini  and  Dandolo.  —  Casa  Crivelli  and  Casa  Dandolo.  —  Fears  re- 
kindled. —  More  duels  proposed. 

CHAPTER  XXV   (1858) 284 

The  Marchese  Luigi  d'  Adda  visits  Maximilian.  —  Alfonso  Carcano  challenges 
him.  —  I  am  one  of  the  seconds.  —  Threatened  by  the  police.  —  We  go  to 
Piedmont.  —  The  duel.  —  The  Archduke  asks  Stefano  Jacini  to  report  on 
conditions  in  Valtellina.  —  Jacini  writes  an  excellent  book.  —  Rumor  of  a 
mission  to  Napoleon  given  by  Maximilian.  —  The  departure  of  Principe 
Porcia.  —  Cavour  at  Plombieres.  —  He  requests  Giulini  and  Dandolo  to 
come  to  him.  —  His  plans  for  the  next  year.  —  The  last  month  of  the  life  of 
Emilio  Dandolo.  —  The  family  Lutti  of  Riva.  —  Arrangements  for  sending 
recruits  to  Piedmont.  —  The  Societa  Nazionale  Italiana. 

CHAPTER  XXVI   (1859)        .        .        .        .        .        .297 

The  New  Year.  —  Speeches  of  Napoleon  and  of  Vittorio  Emanuele.  — 
"Norma,"  and  the  demonstration  at  the  Scala.  —  Organization  to  assist  the 
volunteers.  —  Their  departure.  —  The  death  of  Emilio  Dandolo.  —  The 
funeral  procession,  and  the  tricolored  crown.  —  The  orations  at  the  cemetery. 

—  Casa  Bargnani  is  searched,  and  a  letter  of  my  brother  is  found.  —  The 
police  come  to  our  house  to  arrest  Emilio  and  me.  —  My  brother,  who  was 
not  at  home,  escapes.  —  I  go  to  Casa  Maffei.  —  The  Contessa  and  Tenca 
help  me  to  leave  the  city.  —  A  first  misfortune.  —  By  a  series  of  relays  I 

xiv 


Contents 


arrive  at  Lonato  Pozzuolo.  —  My  host.  —  He  presents  me  as  a  railway 
engineer.  —  I  cross  the  Ticino  by  the  permission  of  the  police.  —  I  arrive  at 
Oleggio,  and  depart  for  Turin. 

CHAPTER  XXVII   (1859)      .        .        .        .       .        .316 

I  find  my  brother  in  Turin.  —  The  story  of  his  escape.  —  Letter  from  G.  B.  Guy. 

—  The  volunteers.  —  The  commission  of  enlistment.  —  Giuseppe  Massari. 

—  Casa  Arese  and  Casa  Correnti.  —  Sirtori.  —  The  trial  because  of  the 
Dandolo  funeral.  —  The  examination  of  Contessa  Ermellina.  —  An  inter- 
view with  Cavour.  —  Formation  of  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi.  —  The  streets 
of  Turin.  —  Dubious  rumors  from  Paris.  —  Public  anxiety.  —  The  Austrian 
envoys  demand  disarmament.  —  Refusal  of  Piedmont.  —  Cavour  asks  for 
full  powers.  —  A  declaration  of  war,  and  the  proclamation  of  the  king.  — 
Napoleon  breaks  off  relations  with  Austria.  —  Mezzacapo  asks  several  young 
men  to  go  with  him  to  the  Romagna.  —  Cavour  nominates  a  committee  of 
Lombards  to  arrange  for  the  decrees  with  which  to  begin  the  new  govern- 
ment in  Lombardy.  —  I  am  asked  to  take  part  therein.  —  The  arrival  of  the 
first  French  troops.  —  Their  enthusiastic  reception.  —  The  farewell  of  Carlo 
De  Cristoforis. 

CHAPTER  XXVIII   (1859) 331 

My  brother  is  nominated  Royal  Commissioner.  —  The  instructions  given  him  by 
Cavour.  —  He  telegraphs  me  to  join  him.  —  I  leave  Turin.  —  I  cross 
Lago  Maggiore  by  night.  —  Arrival  at  Varese.  —  I  see  Garibaldi  as  he  comes 
(  from  Como.  —  Orders  for  raising  the  country.  —  Counter-orders.  —  They 
arrive  too  late.  —  A  committee  from  the  province  of  Sondrio  asks  for  help.  — 
I  am  made  by  the  Royal  Commissioner  a  charge  d'affaires  for  the  Valtellina. 

—  Patriotic  festivities.  —  The  condition  of  the  Valtellina. 

CHAPTER  XXIX  (1859) .342 

Proclamations  at  Sondrio.  —  Movements  of  the  Austrians  from  the  Stelvio.  — 
Defenses  of  Valtellina.  —  Disagreements  in  regard  to  the  defenses.  —  Re- 
connoitering  by  the  Austrians.  —  Exaggerated  rumors  and  panic.  —  Costan- 
tino  luvalta,  of  Teglio.  —  A  professor  of  German  surprised.  —  Difficult 
communications. 

CHAPTER  XXX  (1859) 350 

News  of  the  battle  of  Magenta.  —  The  Valtellina  Battalion.  —  Captain  Fran- 
cesco Montanari.  —  The  parish  priest  of  Grosio.  —  The  Swiss  soldiers.  — 

—  The  Austrian  spies.  —  A  plan  of  attack  upon  Bormio.  —  I  go  to  confer 
with  Garibaldi.  —  At  Bergamo,  in  Casa  Camozzi.  —  Garibaldi's  headquar- 
ters. —  Captain    Clemente    Corte.  —  The    Austrian  prisoners.  —  Colonel 
Thurr.  —  Garibaldi's  orders. 

XV 


Contents 

CHAPTER  XXXI   (1859) .360 

I  go  to  Milan  to  confer  with  the  Governor-General.  —  My  brother  tells  me  the 
difficulties  of  his  office.  —  I  confer  with  Correnti  and  Vigliani.  —  Renewal  of 
my  appointment  as  Royal  Commissioner.  —  I  return  to  Sondrio.  —  Arrival 
of  Colonel  Sanfront  and  Captain  Trotti.  —  The  Secret  Service  in  the  Tyrol. 

—  Two  secret  communications.  —  The  announcement  of  Garibaldi's  coming. 

—  Enrico  Guicciardi.  —  The  end  of  my  office.  —  Preparations  for  mining  the 
road  between  Lecco  and  Colico.  —  Movements  of  the  Austrian  troops.  — 
The  fear  of  an  invasion.  —  Major  Manassero.  —  Arrival  of  Colonel  Medici. 

—  The  battle  of  Solferino.  —  Manassero  falls  back  on  Edolo.  —  The  Valtel- 
linese  Battalion.  —  Attack  of  the  Austrians  repulsed.  —  Garibaldi  enters 
Valtellina. 

CHAPTER  XXXII   (1859) 370 

I  leave  for  Turin.  —  An  audience  with  Cavour.  —  Emilio  goes  to  Modena.  —  I 
return  to  Sondrio.  —  The  march  of  Medici  upon  Bormio.  —  Its  capture.  — 
Retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  They  occupy  Sponda  Lunga. — I  stop  a  few  days 
at  Bormio.  —  Fatigue  of  the  Volunteers.  —  Return  of  the  Valtellinese  Bat- 
talion. —  With  Guicciardi  at  Sondrio.  —  Captain  Montanari.  —  The  arrival 
of  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appennini. 

CHAPTER  XXXIII  (1859) 378 

Arrival  of  more  volunteers.  —  The  fascination  of  Garibaldi.  —  The  armistice.  — 
The  Valtellinese  Battalion.  —  Antonio  Pievani.  —  News  of  the  Peace  of 
Villafranca.  —  Surprise  and  sorrow.  —  Disbanding  the  volunteer  corps.  — 
I  retire  from  office,  and  return  to  Milan. 

CHAPTER  XXXIV  (1859) 384 

Milan  after  the  Peace  of  Villafranca.  —  The  Venetian  immigration.  —  The 
relief  committee.  —  Receptions  and  festivities.  —  Conte  Francesco  Annoni. 

—  La  Perseveranza.  —  Emilio  with  Farini  at  Modena.  —  The  salon  of  the 
Contessa  Maffei  again.  —  The  Principessa  Cristina  Belgiojoso  Trivulzio.  — 
French  officers.  —  Hospitals,  public  and  private.  —  Rattazzi  and  his  new 
laws. 

CHAPTER  XXXV  (1860) 392 

The  end  of  the  "Crepuscolo."  —  I  go  to  Modena  and  Bologna.  —  The  family 
and  the  secretaries  of  Farini.  —  Cavour  again  in  power.  —  Massimo  d'  Aze- 
glio. — The  municipalities  of  Lombardy  under  Austrian  rule.  —  The  new 
elections.  —  Antonio  Beretta  Mayor.  —  Hospitality  in  Casa  Beretta.  — 
Private  fetes  and  receptions.  —  The  entry  of  Vittorio  Emanuele.  —  Ales- 
sandro  Manzoni.  —  The  coriandoli.  —  The  beauty  of  the  ladies.  —  The 
French  officers  and  Marshal  Vaillant.  —  The  subscription  for  a  million 

xvi 


Contents 


rifles.  —  Political  activities.  — The  elections  to  Parliament.  — The  Club  of 
the  "Galline." —  The  newspapers. — The  "Pungolo,"  the  "Perseveranza," 
the  "Unita  Italiana." —  My  brother  goes  to  Paris  and  London.  —  Crispi 
at  the  "Perseveranza." 

CHAPTER  XXXVI   (1860)     .        .        .        .        .        .  406 

Strangers  at  Milan.  —  Death  of  the  Principessa  Belgiojoso.  —  I  make  the 
acquaintance  of  Alessandro  Manzoni.  —  His  family  and  his  friends.  —  His 
habits  and  his  conversation.  —  Abbe  Ceroli  and  Professor  Rossari. — Dom 
Pedro  of  Brazil.  —  Public  homage  to  Manzoni. 

CHAPTER  XXXVII   (1860) 413 

Chronicle  of  the  events  of  1 860.  —  Attempt  of  Cavour  to  promote  a  pronuncia- 
mento  at  Naples.  —  Garibaldi  enters  Naples.  —  The  royal  troops  enter 
Emilia  and  the  Marches.  —  Conte  Pasolini  Governor  of  Milan.  —  More  fes- 
tivities. —  The  police  power.  —  Its  provisional  reorganization.  —  An  agent 
of  the  French  police.  —  Regular  organization  of  the  police.  —  Cavaliere 
Setti.  —  Farini  nominated  Lieutenant  at  Naples.  —  My  brother  accom- 
panies him.  —  Decline  of  Farini's  health.  —  The  sequence  of  events.  —  A 
saying  of  Alessandro  Manzoni.  —  Proclamation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  with 
its  capital  at  Rome.  —  Its  recognition  by  France  upon  the  death  of  Cavour. 

NOTES 421 

INDEX 445 


INTRODUCTION 

MEMOIRS  have  commonly  one  of  three  reasons  for 
existing.  Either  they  disclose  noteworthy  histori- 
cal matters,  or  they  describe  social  groups  and  condi- 
tions, or  they  unfold  an  interesting  personality.  Being 
woven  of  all  these  strands,  Giovanni  Visconti  Venosta's 
"Memoirs"  make  a  treble  appeal  to  his  readers.  They 
cover  the  fifteen  years  during  which  the  Italian  struggle 
for  independence  had  its  gorgeous  dawn,  its  calamities 
in  1849,  its  decade  of  patient  and  often  baffled  prepara- 
tion, its  partial  victory  in  1859,  and  its  triumph  in  1860. 

In  the  unification  of  Italy,  Lombardy  played  a  very 
important  though  a  passive  part,  second  only  to  that  of 
Rome.  Indeed,  before  the  rest  of  the  Peninsula  could  be 
freed,  Lombardy  must  be  free:  for  the  two  immemorial 
enemies  of  Italian  liberty,  independence,  and  union  were 
the  Pope  and  Austria.  But  the  Pope,  as  temporal  ruler, 
could  not  be  dislodged  so  long  as  Austria  maintained  her 
own  despotism  in  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  and  abetted 
the  Pope  and  the  other  petty  despots.  To  drive  out  Au- 
stria was,  therefore,  the  purpose  of  every  wise  patriot. 

Visconti  Venosta,  who  was  a  boy  of  only  fourteen 
when  the  election  of  Pius  IX  in  1846  kindled  a  delirium 
of  patriotic  hopes,  sprang  from  one  of  the  great  Lom- 
bard families.  His  older  brother,  Marquis  Emilio,  who 
survives  at  a  venerable  age,  the  last  of  the  statesmen  of 
the  Cavourian  school,  was  from  his  youth  up  in  the 
thick  of  political  plotting.  Other  kinsmen  and  friends 
had  contacts  with  Liberals  in  Piedmont  and  Tuscany. 

xix 


Introduction 


Thus  everything  contributed  to  supply  Giovanni  with 
information  from  the  inside  and  with  those  motives  and 
opinions  of  the  actors  in  the  drama  which  are  seldom 
avowed  in  official  records:  and  beginning  with  1848  he 
reports  as  an  eye-witness  events  of  capital  interest. 

To  the  historian  who  is  more  than  a  mere  docu- 
mentarian  Visconti  Venosta's  "Memoirs"  abound  in 
sidelights,  suggestions,  confirmations,  impressions,  which 
conjure  back  for  us  the  ambient,  the  atmosphere,  not 
to  know  which  shuts  us  out  from  understanding  an 
historical  movement.  To  the  general  reader,  who  is  not 
searching  for  the  missing  link  in  a  long  chain  of  causa- 
tion, the  recollections  have  the  charm  of  lively  talk; 
though  concrete  and  vivid  in  the  special  case,  they  are 
discursive,  and  loose  enough  in  arrangement  to  permit 
frequent  asides.  Just  as  in  our  daily  experience  many 
persons  have  their  exits  and  their  entrances,  so  here,  we 
meet  men  and  women  of  all  sorts,  some  appearing  only 
once  or  twice,  others  coming  and  going  so  often  that  we 
greet  them  as  old  friends.  The  elder  generation  tell  their 
reminiscences  of  the  French  Revolution  and  their  sto- 
ries of  the  ill-mannered  young  conqueror,  Bonaparte; 
among  the  younger  generation  are  Mazzini,  Garibaldi, 
and  Cavour,  with  each  of  whom  Venosta  had  personal 
relations. 

If  the  volume  contained  no  more  than  the  account  of 
the  amazing  expulsion  of  Marshal  Radetzky  and  his 
twenty  thousand  troops  from  Milan,  the  historian  would 
cherish  it;  but  it  supplies  first-hand  testimony  on  many 
other  events.  We  can  compose  from  it,  for  instance,  a 
mosaic  of  the  passive  resistance  when  "the  Lombardo- 

xx 


Introduction 


Venetian  provinces,  with  Milan  at  their  head,  set  for  ten 
years  the  example  of  a  country  which,  in  the  name  of 
its  own  nationality,  lives  completely  apart  from  the 
strangers  who  govern  it;  which  refuses  to  have  relations 
with  that  government,  and  treats  its  subjugators  as  a 
passing  horde  of  occupants.  .  .  .  The  Five  Days  were 
assuredly  a  splendid  page  in  Milanese  history;  but  who- 
ever studies  the  facts  of  our  national  resurrection  will 
conclude  that  in  her  decade  of  resistance  Milan  wrote 
still  more  glorious  pages  of  her  history.  Because  it  is 
easier  to  become  a  hero  in  one  day  of  battle  than  to  keep 
the  courage  high  and  undaunted  during  a  ten  years' 
imprisonment." 

Not  less  interesting  are  Visconti  Venosta's  pictures  of 
the  Milanese  society  in  which  he  grew  up.  From  him 
you  learn  how  the  aristocrats  of  the  Old  Regime  lived; 
what  a  fund  of  sterling  qualities  still  animated  the  best 
members  of  a  class  which  outsiders  dismissed  as  effete; 
how  strong  was  family  devotion ;  how  accessible  to  new 
ideals  —  above  all,  to  the  ideal  of  patriotism  —  were 
men,  women,  and  youths  who,  if  they  had  heeded  only 
their  interests  and  their  ease,  would  have  chosen  the 
lotus-eating  life  with  which  theAustrians  tempted  them. 
American  parents,  who  have  so  nearly  surrendered  the 
training  of  their  children  to  the  children  themselves, 
will  be  astonished  at  the  unremitted  care  which  Don 
Giovanni's  father  and  mother  bestowed  on  training  him 
and  his  brothers,  and  at  the  fact  that  this  solicitude, 
instead  of  dulling  the  boys'  affection,  stimulated  it. 

No  doubt,  all  Lombard  nobles  did  not  match  in  intel- 
ligence or  in  regard  for  duty  the  Visconti  Venostas  and 

xxi 


Introduction 


their  associates ;  classes  are  more  often  solidaire  in  their 
vices  than  in  their  virtues:  but  the  existence  of  a  con- 
siderable number  of  such  persons  among  that  aristoc- 
racy explains  why  the  struggle  for  independence  was  in 
Lombardy  so  conspicuously  an  upper-class  movement. 

But  on  Don  Giovanni's  canvas,  as  I  hinted  above, 
every  class  figures.  The  common  purpose  made  high  and 
low  kin.  And  in  Italy,  more  than  elsewhere  in  Europe, 
the  aristocracy  had  had,  ever  since  the  Renaissance,  the 
habit  of  mixing  cordially  with  artists  and  men  of  talent, 
no  matter  from  what  social  stratum  these  arose. 

Finally,  Don  Giovanni  himself,  irrespective  of  the 
vital  issues  which  he  saw  unfold  and  of  which  he  was 
a  part,  is  a  person  worth  knowing.  You  cannot  read 
far  in  his  memoirs  without  feeling  the  attraction  of 
his  lovable  nature,  of  his  dignity  blended  with  sim- 
plicity, of  his  wholesome  mind  and  charitable  heart. 
Though  he  risked  his  life  for  his  ideal,  yet  he  had 
neither  the  doctrinaire's  rasping  iteration  nor  the  fa- 
natic's dehumanizing  zeal.  In  a  time  of  revolution,  he 
could  be  the  personal  friend  of  the  leaders  of  antagonis- 
tic parties,  without  masking  his  own  beliefs  or  doing  in- 
justice to  theirs,  and  without  incurring  the  least  suspi- 
cion of  insincerity.  Nobody  ever  questioned  his  honor; 
fairness  is  stamped  on  every  page  of  his  book.  He  is, 
in  truth,  what  the  Italians  call  simpatico;  which  means 
more  than  our  English  "sympathetic,  "and  implies  not 
wit  alone,  nor  virtue  alone,  nor  even  beauty,  but  charm, 
without  which  wit  and  virtue  and  beauty  never  quite 
captivate  us. 

WILLIAM  ROSCOE  THAYER. 


LETTER  OF  THE  AUTHOR 

To  my  nephews  Carlo,  Enrico,  Giovanni 

TlRANO,  August,  IQOO. 

IN  reading  books  of  history  I  have  many  times  had 
the  curiosity  to  know  what  was  said  and  done,  during 
the  chief  events,  by  all  that  part  of  the  public  that  has 
not  the  honor  of  being  recorded  in  books. 

Moreover,  in  reading  books  of  the  history  of  our 
country,  and  more  especially  of  the  Valtellina,  I  have 
had  another  interest,  quite  a  domestic  one.  Knowing  the 
part  taken  by  some  members  of  our  family  in  the  events 
of  their  native  valley,  I  have  had  the  curiosity  to  know 
what  had  been  their  intentions,  what  was  the  state  of 
their  minds,  what  were  their  habits  and  thoughts,  and 
through  what  vicissitudes  they  had  passed. 

When  such  thoughts  came  to  me,  if  I  happened  to  be 
at  Tirano,  I  passed  hours  in  the  library  that  you  know, 
turning  over  the  leaves  of  old  records.  At  times  I  have 
been  able  to  live  in  the  midst  of  our  progenitors,  as  I 
read  bundles  of  their  letters  or  some  of  their  other 
writings;  and  have  succeeded  in  knowing  what  they  had 
thought,  and  what  they  had  done,  during  certain  tem- 
pestuous times. 

If  you  have  inherited  my  curiosity,  you  will  be 
curious  to  know  what  things  your  father  and  your 
uncles  thought  and  did  in  the  years  that  will  ever  be 
famous  in  Italian  history,  the  years  between  1848  and 
the  proclamation  of  the  New  Kingdom  of  Italy. 
v  I  have,  therefore,  thought  of  recalling  to  mind  the 

xxiii 


Letter  of  the  Author 


events  of  my  youth,  and  of  relating  them,  sorry  only 
that  I  did  not  think  sooner  of  keeping  notes,  day  by  day. 
It  is  not  a  complete  story  of  those  times  that  I  will  write; 
many  stories  have  been  already  written,  and  others  will 
be  written,  and  you  will  not  be  able  to  read  them  all.  I 
will  content  myself  to  lay  before  you  the  events  in  the 
midst  of  which  I  was,  in  which  I  took  some  part.  I  will 
relate  what  I  have  seen,  and  what  I  have  heard  said, 
and  the  impressions  that  have  remained  with  me.  I 
will  conduct  you  in  the  midst  of  some  great,  and  of  many 
little,  deeds.  I  will  make  you  know  some  of  the  persons 
I  then  knew,  people  of  importance  and  people  of  no 
importance,  some  relatives  and  some  friends.  In  a  word, 
I  will  seek  to  give  you  an  idea  of  the  environment  in 
which  I  lived  in  those  times. 

I  have  thought,  also,  of  taking  you  with  me,  and  of 
giving  you  a  brief  glance  at  the  years  that  preceded 
1848,  the  years  of  my  boyhood;  to  tell  you  something  of 
my  father  and  mother,  of  my  grandfather  and  grand- 
mother, taking  you  into  the  bosom  of  our  family.  There 
will  be  a  few  pages  of  family  history  that  I  will 
write,  above  all,  for  you;  and  so,  if  any  one  besides  you 
shall  read  this  book,  he  can  skip  the  first  chapter. 

If,  among  my  readers,  some  one  who  was  of  those 
times  should  discover  that  I  had  been  guilty  of  a  lack 
of  memory  (a  very  possible  thing),  I  hope  he  will  be 
indulgent,  considering  that  the  years  of  which  I  write 
are  far  away.  It  would  be  wonderful,  indeed,  if  my 
memory  were  not  sometimes  at  fault. 

I  believe  that  in  writing  these  pages  I  shall  not  en- 
tirely waste  my  efforts.  Perhaps  they  will  interest  you, 

xxiv 


Letter  of  the  Author 


as  they  divert  me,  a  little;  for  it  is  always  a  pleasure  to 
recall  the  days  of  one's  youth,  which,  as  is  well  said, 
are  usually  the  most  beautiful  of  life. 

In  my  youth  there  were  days  that  were  truly  beauti- 
ful, and  there  were  days  that  were  truly  great.  To  be 
born  in  a  country  divided  and  enslaved,  to  have  in  one's 
heart  an  ideal  of  liberty,  and  to  see  one's  country  attain 
thereunto,  is  a  good  fortune  that  history  seldom  offers. 
•  And,  now,  it  should  be  the  ideal  of  the  young  to  make 
our  country  great  and  happy !  The  task  will  not  be  less 
glorious,  for  it  will  not  be  less  great  nor  less  arduous. 

YOUR  UNCLE  GINO. 


MEMOIRS  OF  YOUTH 


CHAPTER  I 

Early  years.  —  My  father  and  mother.  —  My  great-grandfather,  and  my  grand- 
father. —  Movements  in  Valtellina  at  the  end  of  the  eighteenth  century.  — 
The  annexation  of  the  Valtellina  to  Lombardy,  decreed  by  Napoleon.  —  The 
Austrian-Russian  invasion,  brigandage.  —  The  Napoleonic  Government.  — 
The  question  of  the  restoration  of  the  government  of  the  Canton  of  the 
Grisons  at  the  Congress  of  Vienna.  —  The  Valtellina  definitely  united  to 
Lombardy  in  1815.  —  Customs  at  Milan  in  1848.  —  The  cholera  of  1836  in 
Lombardy. — The  coming  into  Lombardo-Venetia  of  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand I.  —  Diversions  and  fetes  in  Casa  Trotti.  —  The  Boselli  Institute. — 
Maestro  Pozzi.  —  My  brother  Enrico.  —  My  school  companions  in  the 
Boselli  Institute  and  in  the  Public  Gymnasium.  —  Director  Boselli  and  an 
escapade  of  Emilio.  —  Death  of  Boselli.  —  The  lessons  given  us  by  our 
father.  —  Giuseppe  Revere.  —  Vacations  at  Tirano.  —  My  relatives  in  the 
Valtellina.  —  The  scientific  congress  of  Milan.  —  The  monograph  of  my 
father.  —  La  Societa  d'  Incoraggiamento.  —  Conte  Carlo  Porro.  —  Signora 
Anna  Tinelli.  —  My  father  has  an  unfortunate  accident.  —  He  takes  us 
from  the  Boselli  Institute.  —  We  go  to  the  Valtellina  for  our  vacation.  — 
My  father,  taken  ill,  dies  in  three  days.  —  We  go  to  the  house  of  my  cousin 
Don  Luigi  Quadrio.  —  All  the  people  of  Grosio  accompany  my  father's 
remains  to  the  grave. 

IN  beginning  these  pages  with  an  account  of  the  years 
of  my  boyhood,  let  me  say,  at  once,  that  they  were 
serene  and  happy  years ;  that  when  I  return  to  them  in 
thought  I  am  never  weary;  I  find  ever  living  within  me 
the  sweetest  memories. 

There  was  in  my  family  an  atmosphere  of  affection 
and  of  confidence  between  parents  and  children  which 
was  not  common  at  the  time. 

Within  the  domestic  walls  I  heard  only  virtuous 
maxims,  I  saw  only  good  examples,  which  were  made 
more  persuasive  and  attractive  as  they  were  accom- 
panied by  an  indulgent  and  serene  benevolence. 

I 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Certain  excellent  axioms,  that  I  heard  pronounced  by 
relatives  and  masters,  or  by  the  fathers  of  other  children, 
in  the  cross  and  severe  tone  with  which  some  people 
believe  they  make  an  impression  upon  the  young, 
seemed  to  me  to  be  disgusting  or  tiresome.  How  differ- 
ent were  they  from  the  precepts  and  counsels  of  my  good 
parents,  whose  admonitions,  pronounced  with  much 
kindness,  were  reasoned  and  persuasive ! 

Later  on,  when,  playing  with  my  companions  of  the 
gymnasium,  or  of  the  lyceum  (all  of  us  more  or  less 
scamps),  certain  severe  domestic  maxims  were  spoken 
of,  and  were  made  fun  of,  my  thoughts  returned  to  my 
own  parents,  and  I  felt  a  curb,  or,  at  the  least,  a  feeling 
of  remorse. 

In  the  last  great  judgment  cannot  the  lack  of  educa- 
tion be  alleged  as  an  extenuating  circumstance ! 

I  see  again  before  my  eyes,  after  so  many  years,  the 
figures  of  my  father  and  mother  in  the  flower  of  their 
youth,  and  I  seem  again  to  hear  their  conversations; 
both  the  conversations  they  had  with  grown-up  people 
and  with  us  boys. 

We  were  three  brothers;  Emilio,  who  was  three  years 
older  than  I,  and  Enrico  who  was  three  years  younger. 
A  brother  older  than  us  all,  Nicoletto,  had  died,  as  a 
child,  before  I  was  born. 

My  father  was  tall  and  elegant.  He  was  of  a  distin- 
guished presence,  and  reserved  in  manner.  On  his  face  a 
look  of  melancholy  often  cast  a  shadow,  as  if  it  were  the 
presage  of  an  immature  end.  It  changed  easily,  however, 
into  a  sweet  smile.  His  soul  was  just  and  calm.  He  had 
the  highest  sentiment  of  justice  and  equity.  His  intel- 

2 


My  Father  and  Mother 

ligence  was  strong  and  serene.  He  loved  to  study,  and 
pursued  especially  economics  and  juristic  and  literary 
studies.  He  knew  mathematics,  also,  very  well. 

My  mother,  Paola  Borgazzi,  was  a  beautiful,  pleasing, 
and  elegant  little  lady,  and  was  full  of  vivacity  and 
spirit.  She  was  profoundly  religious;  and  was  austere 
for  herself,  but  indulgent  to  others.  Among  all  the 
saints,  she  preferred  the  meek  and  indulgent  to  the  sad 
and  severe.  It  was  one  of  her  maxims  that,  when  any 
person  had  committed  a  fault,  we  ought  not  to  flee 
from  him,  but  to  seek  him  in  order  to  raise  up  his  spirits 
and  to  facilitate  his  redemption.  She  desired  goodness 
to  be  attractive;  and  said  that  charity  was  the  most 
beautiful  of  all  the  virtues. 

k  With  us  boys  she  was  most  affectionate,  as  the  only 
method  of  education  she  knew  was  meekness  and  in- 
dulgence. 

When  we  three  brothers  made  too  much  noise  (a 
thing  which  often  happened),  she  shut  herself  up  in  her 
room.  Upon  such  occasions  my  father  said  that,  when 
we  were  bad,  mamma,  instead  of  punishing  us,  pun- 
ished herself.  Yet  this  was  a  punishment  for  us,  too, 
because  we  would  then  place  ourselves  before  her  door, 
and  cry  and  supplicate  until  she  opened  it.  Emilio,  who 
was  soft-hearted,  outstripped  us  all  in  crying.  With  his 
curly  blond  hair,  that  fell  upon  his  shoulders,  and  with 
his  celestial  eyes,  he  seemed  an  angel  of  grief. 

Thus,  children,  you  may  imagine  your  father  when  he 
was  a  baby.  On  occasion,  however,  he  too  could  be  a 
little  devil. 

My  mother  had  a  prompt  and  witty  spirit,  and  a 

3 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


talent  of  imitation  that  I  have  never  seen  equaled  by 
any  other  person.  Occasionally  she  undertook  to  relate 
a  conversation,  when  she  repeated  a  dialogue,  or  a  dis- 
cussion, between  several  persons,  imitating  their  voices 
and  portraying  their  manners  with  such  keenness  of 
observation  that  she  gave  the  illusion  to  us  of  hearing 
these  persons  themselves. 

Alongside  of  these  brilliant  and  pleasing  qualities  of 
spirit,  there  were  in  my  mother  many  profound  and 
solid  virtues,  which  remained  concealed,  but  which,  in 
the  days  of  sorrow,  became  the  source  of  her  strength. 

In  our  house,  I  have  often  heard  our  old  peasants  and 
friends  talk  of  my  great-grandfather  and  of  my  grand- 
father, who  had  left  behind  them  long  and  grateful 
memories. 

I  can  see  my  great-grandfather  Francesco's  portrait 
in  a  salon  of  our  house  at  Tirano,  dressed  in  a  splendid 
red  surcoat,  with  papers  in  his  hand.  These  indicate  the 
time  of  the  government  of  the  Canton  of  the  Grisons  in 
Valtellina,  when  he  was  grand  chancellor  of  the  valley. 
His  fame  has  endured  as  that  of  a  man  of  great  rectitude 
and  authority. 

Of  my  grandfather,  Nicola,  the  memories,  naturally, 
are  more  recent.  They  are  of  a  personage  who  played 
an  important  part  in  Valtellina  during  the  tempestuous 
events  of  the  French  Revolution. 

My  grandfather  had  studied  in  Rome,  in  a  Jesuit  col- 
lege, and  had  remained  there  several  years,  returning  to 
his  family  for  his  yearly  vacation.  The  journey  from 
Valtellina  to  Rome  in  those  days,  that  is  before  1770, 
was  not  a  slight  affair.  One  traveled  along  the  Valtel- 

4 


My  Grandfather 


lina  on  horseback,  and  then  through  the  Lake  of  Como 
in  a  boat.  At  Milan  a  driver  was  obtained  at  the  hotel 
of  the  Three  Kings,  who,  with  a  carriage  and  four 
horses,  conducted  the  traveler  to  Rome,  in  a  journey  of 
about  two  weeks. 

My  grandfather,  during  the  years  he  spent  in  college, 
was  greatly  courted,  and  urged  to  enter  the  Company  of 
Jesus.  He  was  told  that  he  would  attain  unto  high  rank. 
At  the  beginning  it  appeared  that  he  was  not  averse  to 
this  course,  flattered  as  he  was  by  his  superiors,  who 
appreciated  his  strong  intelligence. 

He  was  a  great  lover  of  the  classics  and  of  archaeologi- 
cal studies,  which  made  his  sojourn  at  Rome  seductive. 
But  his  parents,  of  whom  he  was  the  only  son,  showed 
themselves  strongly  adverse  to  this  juvenile  idea;  and 
perhaps  he  set  it  aside  himself.  To  put  an  end  to  any 
uncertainty  came  the  bull  of  Clement  XIV,  which  sup- 
pressed the  Company  of  Jesus. 

So  he  left  Rome  and  returned  to  his  family.  The 
fathers  of  the  college,  scattered  over  Europe  with  other 
Jesuits,  continued  for  some  time  to  correspond  with  him. 
Several  spoke  of  the  firm  faith  they  had  that  the  Com- 
pany (some  of  them  called  it  the  Mother)  would  surely 
rise  again,  and  referred  to  pledges  they  had  received  from 
different  personages  and  governments. 

It  seems  that  my  grandfather  did  not  believe  very 
much  in  such  a  resurrection;  anyway,  he  abandoned  the 
thought  of  returning  to  Rome. 

After  ten  years  or  so,  the  correspondence  languished; 
then  my  grandfather  (in  1783)  married,  at  Milan,  Donna 
Francesca,  daughter  of  Conte  Fabio  Castiglioni,  who 

5 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


died  while  she  was  yet  young.  Some  of  the  fathers  who 
had  survived  lamented  the  marriage  of  my  grandfather; 
but  not  so  a  certain  Father  Mezzi,  of  Bergamo,  who 
wrote  him  a  joking  letter,  which  finished  with  telling 
him:  "If  the  vocation  has  not  come  to  you,  you  must 
recompense  the  Company  by  bringing  into  the  world 
many  little  Jesuits,  who  will  be  fathers  in  the  future." 

The  recommendation  of  Father  Mezzi  was  not  fol- 
lowed. My  grandfather,  as  soon  as  he  had  returned 
home,  took  up  his  historical  studies,  making  profound 
researches  in  the  Valtellina  and  in  the  Valle  Venosta 
in  trace  of  a  family-tree,  which  he  documented.  He 
gathered  together  innumerable  papers  and  parchments, 
which  we  keep,  illustrating  with  investigations,  never 
before  made,  many  points  of  the  Valtellinese  history, 
especially  regarding  the  twelfth  and  fourteenth  cen- 
turies. 

Afterward,  from  1786  to  1815,  he  turned  all  his  activ- 
ity to  the  political  events  of  which  our  native  valley  was 
the  theater. 

The  conspiracy  against  the  government  of  the  Gri- 
sons,1  the  French  invasion,2  the  annexation  of  the  Val- 
tellina to  Lombardy,  the  Austro-Russian  reaction,  the 
Italian  Kingdom,  the  Restoration  by  the  treaties  of 
1815  (events  of  great  consequence,  in  the  Valtellina), 
brought  him  into  active  service  in  behalf  of  his  country.3 

After  these  events,  of  which  I  will  give  you  a  sum- 
mary in  the  notes  I  will  add  to  my  memoirs,  my  grand- 
father retired  from  public  office.  Later  on  he  was  elected 
by  the  communes  Deputato  Nobile  to  the  Congrega- 
zione  Centrale  in  Milan. 

6 


Customs  at  Milan  in  1848 

Perusing  the  papers  and  the  documents  of  this  epoch, 
which  show  the  energy  and  the  integrity  of  his  character 
and  his  great  culture,  it  is  to  be  deplored  that  events  did 
not  lead  my  grandfather  to  display  his  many  talents  in 
a  wider  field. 

He  established  himself  in  Milan  in  1823,  when  his  son 
was  married:  he  died  in  1828. 

My  thought  goes  back  to  the  days  of  my  infancy,  to 
the  impressions  which  remain,  in  the  midst  of  vague 
memories,  of  the  difference  in  the  customs  and  life  of 
those  times  from  what  they  are  now.  The  greatest  line 
of  demarcation  between  those  days  and  our  own  was  the 
year  1848. 

From  that  year  everything  has  rapidly  changed,  in 
domestic  habits,  in  civic  life,  in  usages,  in  thought,  as  if 
a  century  had  passed,  and  not  a  brief  period  of  time. 
Thinking  of  these  former  years,  things  appear  to  have 
belonged  to  a  different  world,  a  world  more  simple,  more 
respectful;  and  as  tranquil  as  a  pond.  We  boys,  as  I 
have  said,  were  educated  with  great  gentleness;  but  in 
the  families  of  other  children  there  was  more  severity; 
there  was  very  little  reasoning,  but  much  obeying.  One 
never  heard  in  a  family  that  "such  a  thing  will,  or  will 
not,  be  done  because  our  son,  or  even  our  baby,  wishes  or 
does  not  wish  to  do  so."  Such  an  utterance  would  have 
made  people  laugh  as  being  incredibly  odd.  Toys  and 
diversions  were  few  and  simple.  In  the  noble  families 
dinner  was  between  four  and  five  o'clock  in  the  after- 
noon, and,  after  dinner,  one  drove  to  the  Corso,  or  to 
that  part  of  it  which  lay  between  the  Porta  Orientale 
(now  Porta  Venezia),  and  the  neighboring  ramparts, 

7 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


directed  by  a  mounted  police  officer  followed  by  two 
hussars.  A  lady  never  went  out  in  a  carriage  with  one 
horse,  and  never  went  afoot  unless  she  was  followed  by 
a  domestic  in  livery. 

There  were  no  public  carriages  as  there  are  to-day: 
there  were  some  fiacres,  with  two  horses,  in  some  squares 
of  the  city;  but  they  were  used  generally  by  foreigners. 
The  so-called  broughams  did  not  appear  until  after 
1850,  and  omnibuses  much  later. 

The  first  lady  in  Milan  who  had  an  elegant  Parisian 
brougham,  with  one  horse,  was  the  Marchesa  Ippolita 
d'  Adda  Salvaterra  Pallavicino.  Of  this  there  was  much 
talk  at  the  time. 

To  the  villas  in  the  country,  one  went  with  his  own 
horses,  for  there  were  no  railroads,  except  the  short  line 
of  twelve  kilometers,  between  Milan  and  Monza,  opened 
in  1842.  We  went  to  our  houses  in  the  Valtellina,  dis- 
tant from  one  hundred  and  sixty  to  one  hundred  and 
seventy  kilometers,  with  our  carriage  and  horses,  tak- 
ing three  days  for  the  journey.  The  lighting  of  the 
streets  of  Milan  by  gas  did  not  begin  until  1845. 

Occasionally  our  fathers  and  mothers  took  us  to  the 
Theater  alia  Scala,  where,  it  was  said,  there  were  two 
great  masters  and  singers:  but  that  which  interested 
me  above  all  was  the  comic  ballet,  which  closed  the 
spectacle,  after  the  grand  ballet.4 

Sometimes,  also,  our  father  took  us  to  hear  Modena, 
and  said  to  us:  "When  you  will  have  grown  up,  it  will 
give  you  pleasure  to  remember  this  actor." 

One  of  the  impressions  which  remained  most  vivid 
for  years  was  the  terror  that  the  first  invasion  of  cholera 

8 


*The  Cholera  of  1836 


brought  to  all.  My  father  retained  his  ordinary  calm- 
ness, but  my  mother  was  terrified,  and  wanted  to  leave 
town.  We  went  to  Turin,  but,  before  crossing  the 
Ticino,  we  had  to  pass  a  quarantine  of  several  days  in  a 
villa  which  Conte  Francesco  Annoni,  a  friend  and  rela- 
tive of  my  father,  placed  at  our  disposal.  Certain 
prints  of  the  time  represented  the  cholera  in  the  form  of  a 
devil,  uglier  even  than  usual,  who  ran  through  the  coun- 
try sprinkling  poison.  For  me,  therefore,  the  cholera 
was  a  devil ;  and  I  always  took  care,  in  going  about,  to 
shun  him  if  he  should  appear. 

After  the  cholera,  there  was,  in  1838,  the  solemn 
entry  of  Ferdinand  I,  the  new  Emperor  of  Austria,  who 
had  succeeded  his  father.  Even  I  was  taken  to  a  little 
terrace  on  the  Corso  di  Port  a  Orientale  to  see  the 
pompous  parade  of  richly  dressed  cavaliers,  of  heralds, 
and  of  gilded  coaches.  When  the  carriage,  all  gold  and 
crystal,  arrived,  in  which  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
were  seated,  several  persons  along  the  street  began 
to  applaud  and  to  wave  their  handkerchiefs.  I  looked 
intently,  and  I  must  say  that,  at  the  moment,  I  should 
also  have  taken  my  handkerchief  from  my  pocket 
were  it  not  that  I  suddenly  found  myself  taken  by 
the  arm  by  a  youth  much  taller  than  I,  who  said  to  me 
brusquely:  "Be  careful  not  to  applaud  when  the  Em- 
peror passes  below." 

I  looked  at  the  youth,  stupefied;  and,  without  under- 
standing anything,  abstained  from  applauding.  After  a 
little  I  asked  my  mother  for  an  explanation.  She  replied 
that  the  young  man  was  right,  but  that  there  were  cer- 
tain things  I  would  understand  later  on.  This  was  a 

9 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


reply  I  often  heard,  so  I  did  not  ask  anything  further. 
The  young  man  was  called  Guido  Susani,  whom  I  saw 
many  years  after,  and  with  whom  I  formed  a  friendship 
that  was  often  obscured  by  clouds  and  tempests,  be- 
cause of  the  arrogance  (under  the  auspices  of  which  I 
had  made  his  acquaintance)  which  possessed  him  always, 
whether  he  was  right  or  whether  he  was  wrong. 

But  as  children  often  ruminate  in  regard  to  things 
heard  but  not  understood,  above  all  when  they  are  told 
that  they  will  understand  by  and  by,  so  did  I  ruminate 
in  regard  to  the  words  of  Susani.  Little  by  little,  catch- 
ing on  the  wing,  here  and  there,  a  word,  and  hearing 
my  mother  tell  the  pitiful  story  of  Teresa  Confalonieri, 
and  my  father  that  of  Silvio  Pellico,  I  learned  that  the 
Austrians  were  detestable.  To  our  house  neither  offi- 
cers nor  high  functionaries  ever  came. 

I  must  tell  you,  also,  that  the  word  "diplomat"  had 
taken  the  fancy  of  my  brother  Emilio,  since  I  remem- 
ber that,  when  they  asked  him  (as  they  do  children), 
"What  are  you  going  to  be  when  you  shall  be  big?"  he 
answered,  "I  wish  to  be  a  diplomat!"  —  whereupon 
they  laughed.  Once,  however,  when  he  was  a  big  boy, 
my  father  said  to  him:  "So  be  it,  then,  if  you  say  this 
with  the  idea  of  studying  seriously;  but  remember  that 
in  our  country  there  is  a  government  that  we  ought  not 
to  serve." 

The  year  after  the  coming  of  the  Emperor,  I  was  sent 
to  school  to  begin  with  the  elementary  class,  but  an 
unfortunate  happening,  that  might  have  proved  fatal, 
made  me  interrupt  my  lessons  for  some  time.  One  day  I 
was  overcome  with  curiosity  to  know  what  there  was  in 

10 


Diversions  in  Casa  Trotti 

a  clothes-press,  in  a  sewing-room,  that  I  had  always  seen 
closed.  I  opened  it,  and  in  the  midst  of  many  bottles  I 
found  one  on  which  was  written  "Old  Malaga."  I  took 
a  swallow,  felt  as  if  I  had  a  flame  in  my  mouth,  and  fell 
to  the  floor.  It  was  sulphuric  acid. 

I  was  in  great  danger  and  suffering  for  several  days. 
I  got  well  slowly;  but  felt  some  bad  effects  for  a  while. 

My  brother  Emilio,  who  had  gone  to  school  for  three 
years,  had  his  especial  friends,  of  whom  the  three  most 
intimate  were  the  sons  of  the  Marchese  Antonio  Trotti, 
Lodovico  and  Lorenzo  (who  died  young),  and  Saule 
Mantegazza.  These  friendships  were  naturally  accom- 
panied by  those  of  their  respective  parents.  To  Casa 
Trotti,  other  boys  went  also;  and,  at  the  time  of  the 
carnival,  there  were  lessons  in  dancing,  pleasant  little 
festivals  in  costume  and  recitations.  It  was  a  great 
diversion,  and  my  parents  went  and  took  me  with  them. 
One  evening  Emilio  came  to  grief,  and  I,  too,  later  on. 
Emilio  danced  with  a  little  d'  Azeglio  girl,  dressed  alia 
Bernese,  with  a  great  cap.  Knocked  into  while  dancing, 
they  both  fell ;  and  though  they  tried  to  rise,  they  could 
not  because  of  the  big  cap  of  the  little  girl  and  of  the 
tight  suit  of  mail  that  Emilio  wore.  They  rolled  under  a 
table,  and  it  took  some  time  to  rescue  them. 

Emilio,  from  that  day,  did  not  wish  to  dance  any 
more. 

My  misfortune  happened  several  evenings  after.  My 
mother  had  arranged  with  the  Marchesa  Fanny  d'  Adda 
De  Capitanei  that  I  should  dance  a  quadrille  with  her 
little  girl,  Lauretta.  The  quadrille  went  off  disastrously; 
I  did  not  even  know  where  my  partner  had  gone  to  finish 

II 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


it.  For  some  time  after  this  evening,  I  kept  blaming  the 
little  girl,  while  she  continued  to  be  vexed  with  me. 
Who  would  have  said,  then,  that  this  little  girl  would 
one  day  become  my  wife  ?  And  yet  our  first  acquaintance 
is  dated  from  that  evening.  We  commenced  with  a  dis- 
agreement, which  was  to  be  the  first  and  the  last. 

From  infancy  we  three  brothers  were  thin,  nervous, 
and  vivacious.  Our  father,  therefore,  did  not  wish  to 
send  us  to  school,  nor  to  have  us  taught  the  alphabet, 
until  after  we  were  seven  years  of  age.  So,  until  that 
age,  we  did  nothing  but  walk  and  jump  and  play,  ac- 
companied by  our  father,  who  was  always  with  us,  and 
who  took  occasion  to  interest  us  in  everything  we  saw. 

At  that  time  there  were  no  schools  of  gymnastics,  and 
our  house  had  no  garden:  therefore  our  father  rented 
one.  He  took  us  to  it  every  day  to  frolic,  while  he  sta- 
tioned himself  under  a  tree  with  a  book. 

The  elementary  public  schools  were  few  and  poor.  In 
the  gymnasiums  and  lyceums  there  were  some  able, 
even  celebrated,  professors,  but  there  was  little  study, 
and  that  often  superficial.  At  Milan  there  were  several 
private  institutes  of  instruction,  of  which  the  Boselli 
and  the  Racheli  were  the  two  most  important.  They 
received  the  children  of  many  of  the  best  families. 

We  were  sent  to  the  Boselli  Institute,  where  there 
were  some  excellent  professors,  among  whom  was 
Achille  Mauri,  a  man  of  letters,  who  later  on,  in  the 
Piedmont  Parliament,  in  the  Italian  Senate,  and  in  the 
Ministry  of  Public  Instruction,  left  an  honored  name. 

In  the  Boselli  Institute  the  first  elementary  class  was 
taught  by  a  Maestro  Pozzi,  a  man  of  great  talent,  who, 

12 


Maestro  Pozzi 


after  having  been  professor  of  mathematics  in  a  lyceum, 
had  decided  to  dedicate  himself  to  the  instruction  of 
children  in  order  to  make  experiment  of  some  of  his 
methods,  which  would  help  them  to  learn  rapidly  read- 
ing, writing,  a  little  mathematics,  and  some  other  things. 

The  methods  of  Maestro  Pozzi  were  most  ingenious, 
and  consisted  in  a  continued  series  of  games,  during 
which  we  learned  without  fatigue.  Of  his  system  some 
things  have  remained  and  are  in  use,  without  any  one 
remembering  who  first  introduced  them.  From  among 
his  scholars  Pozzi  selected  certain  ones,  and  taught 
them,  in  the  midst  of  their  games,  things  which  amazed 
their  parents  when  he  presented  his  pupils  at  the  exam- 
inations, like  so  many  little  trained  dogs. 

But  there  were  not  only  games,  there  was  seriousness, 
too,  in  the  teaching  of  Pozzi,  so  that  his  instruction 
became  easy,  attractive,  and  rapid,  without  fatiguing 
the  minds  of  his  pupils,  and  without  raising  the  preco- 
cious repugnance  which  many  teachers  of  the  old  method 
inspired. 

Maestro  Pozzi  left  the  school  a  few  years  after,  and 
died  young.  Among  his  last  scholars  was  my  brother 
Enrico,  to  whom  he  manifested  an  affectionate  care  and 
patience  which  I  shall  never  forget. 

My  brother  Enrico,  because  of  a  cerebral  illness  that 
he  had  had  as  a  child,  was  scarcely  able  to  speak  a  word 
until  after  he  had  attained  his  eighth  year.  It  was  feared 
that  he  was  a  mute,  but  he  was  not  deaf,  and  he  gave 
signs  of  an  awakened  intellect.  My  father  had  an 
understanding  with  Pozzi,  who,  little  by  little,  in  a  cou- 
ple of  years  succeeded  in  untying  Enrico's  tongue  and 

13 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


in  making  him  speak.  This  he  did  by  means  of  a  suc- 
cession of  ingenious  and  admirable  experiments.  My 
brother  Enrico  became  a  man  of  a  clever  and  acute 
mind.  He  had  a  good  and  joyous  disposition,  a  prompt 
and  ready  spirit.  Animated  by  a  great  love  for  his 
brothers,  his  thoughts  were  always  turned  to  them,  with 
an  affection  that  was  almost  filial. 

As  long  as  he  lived,  his  ways  and  mine  were  alike;  we 
were  always  together,  in  the  house  and  out  of  doors,  in 
company  and  in  amusements.  His  open  and  loyal  char- 
acter and  the  great  goodness  of  his  soul  made  him  dear 
to  many  who  knew  him  and  who  sought  his  friendship. 
He  died  at  forty-six  years  of  age,  in  1881,  and  his  loss, 
which  I  mourn  every  day,  left  me  as  if  I  had  been 
deprived  of  a  part  of  myself. 

Maestro  Pozzi  had  for  his  assistant  a  divinity  student 
Who  seemed  to  be  started  on  the  road  to  the  priesthood, 
but  he  soon  abandoned  the  clerical  collar  and  the  in- 
struction of  the  alphabet.  Later  on,  when  I  was  at 
the  university,  I  found  him  again.  He  was  called  the 
Awocato  Antonio  Mosca,  and  was  my  professor  of  law. 
After  1859  he  became  a  deputy,  and  was  an  ornament  of 
the  Lombard  bar. 

The  director,  Antonio  Boselli,  secured  a  great  reputa- 
tion for  his  Institute,  because  he  surrounded  himself 
with  the  best  professors.  What  was  his  own  worth,  I  do 
not  know;  but  he  did  not  impress  his  pupils  as  sympa- 
thetically as  his  masters  and  professors  did.  We  were 
afraid  of  him,  as  he  was  hard  and  severe,  and  dis- 
tributed, with  much  readiness,  injuries  and  blows, — 
especially  to  those  who  boarded  with  him. 

H 


My  School  Companions 


The  earliest  knowledge  I  had  of  this  I  acquired  from 
some  fellow-pupils  of  the  first  gymnasium  class.  Three 
of  us  sat  upon  a  bench;  I  was  in  the  middle.  From  the 
first  I  was  on  terms  of  friendship  with  my  two  compan- 
ions; their  confidences  began  during  the  time  we  ate  the 
two  little  rolls,  which  were  given  us  in  the  half-hour  of 
our  recreation.  Two  little  rolls!  The  scholastic  rules 
of  that  day  did  not  permit  of  anything  more.  The 
concession  of  something  in  addition  was  not  an  easy 
matter.  My  companion  on  the  left  was  a  lean,  pale, 
timid  youth,  who  had  two  big  swollen  hands,  red  with 
chilblains.  He  was  a  boarder,  and  he  told  me  that 
Boselli  made  the  boarders  rise  before  school  with  the 
light  in  winter,  and  put  them  to  study  in  cold  little 
rooms,  distributing  the  choicest  cuffs  without  economy. 
And  he  told  me  that  when  the  boarders  were  restless, 
Boselli  said  they  were  morbid,  and  dosed  them  with 
purges. 

I  knew  nothing  of  purges,  but  of  blows  I  received 
several,  as  also  my  poor  companion.  Poor  fellow  1  he 
had  a  timid  and  melancholy  air.  But  he  was  not  thus  by 
nature,  since,  later  on,  when  I  became  a  friend  of  his 
family,  and  we  were  in  the  midst  of  his  brothers,  he  was 
lively  and  happy  enough.  Yet  at  this  time  I  had  for  him 
so  much  compassion!  Only  it  seemed  to  me  that  a  lad 
so  lean  and  so  timid  had  too  solemn  and  great  a  name. 
He  was  called  Malachia  De  Cristoforis. 

My  other  companion  was  very  different ;  he  was  twelve 
years  old,  and  was  strong-limbed  and  restless,  and  gave 
utterance  to  some  blasphemy,  especially  against  Latin. 
His  father  had  placed  him  in  the  Pensione  Boselli  for 

15 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


some  months  only,  that  is,  while  he  was  absent  with  a 
part  of  his  family,  in  Spain.  Therefore  my  companion 
said:  "If,  in  the  mean  time,  Boselli  should  administer  a 
blow  to  me,  I  would  make  a  conspiracidn  in  college,  and 
afterwards  a  pronunciamiento ;  and  a  revolucidn  would 
follow,  as  is  the  way  in  Spain." 

"Are  you  a  Spaniard?"  I  asked. 

"No,  I  am  of  Val  Seriana,  but  my  father  is  an  honor- 
ary citizen  of  Saragossa,  where  he  is  called  'the  king 
of  the  do  of  the  chest.'  " 

I  understood  nothing.  But  my  friend  told  me  that  his 
father,  in  three  places  in  Spain  where  he  had  passed 
three  seasons,  had  been  received  like  a  king;  that  at 
Toledo  the  students  detached  the  horses  and  drew  his 
carriage;  that  at  Valladolid  they  illuminated  the  city 
for  him;  that  when  it  was  his  soiree,  invitations  show- 
ered, as  also  poetry,  and  presents;  and  that  canary 
birds  were  let  loose  in  the  theater.  My  friend  never 
ceased  telling  us  marvelous  things  while  we  were  nibbling 
our  two  little  rolls.  My  other  companion  and  I  heard 
him,  full  of  wonder  and  almost  of  envy,  as  he  appeared 
to  be  really  the  son  of  a  king. 

Two  months  afterwards  there  came  to  take  him  away 
a  fine-looking  man,  without  a  beard,  who  sang  (but  not 
the  do  of  the  chest),  while  Signer  Boselli  showed  him  the 
Institute.  He  was  the  citizen  of  Saragossa,  who  came  to 
take  his  son  to  Spain.  We  parted  with  our  friend  affec- 
tionately, making  a  thousand  projects  for  the  following 
year.  But  my  friend  returned  no  more,  and  I  knew  no 
more  of  him. 

We  went,  at  the  end  of  every  month,  to  the  gymna- 

16 


My  School  Companions 


slum  of  S.  Alessandro  (now  Beccaria),  to  take  a  short 
examination,  called  esperimento,  in  some  of  our  studies, 
together  with  the  pupils  of  the  public  gymnasiums.  We 
found  ourselves  often  alongside  of  the  same  scholars, 
who  were  artful  and  insolent,  above  all,  with  us  of  the 
private  schools.  Several  asked  why  I  had  red  hair,  and 
they  uttered  popular  proverbs  not  very  nattering.  For  a 
while  I  made  believe  I  did  not  mind;  afterwards  I  caught 
hold  of  one  of  them  and  gave  him  a  drubbing.  They  said 
to  me  in  the  Milanese  dialect:  "Look  at  the  girl  with  the 
red  hair." 

Among  these  scholars  I  noted  two  especially  who  were 
prominent  because  of  their  brusque  ways  and  harsh 
faces.  One  I  learned,  afterwards,  was  the  son  of  a  com- 
missary of  police;  the  other,  who  was  the  more  haughty 
of  the  two,  perplexed  us  for  a  while.  Some  one  said  he 
must  be  the  son  of  a  general,  because  once  his  father 
came,  with  a  feather  in  his  hat,  to  take  him  away. 

One  day,  on  going  out  of  school  we  asked  him:  "What 
are  you?  Who  is  your  father?"  "My  father,"  he  re- 
plied in  a  proud  tone,  "  is  the  Municipal  Commissary  of 
Health." 

But  as  we  looked  as  if  we  did  not  understand,  the  boy 
replied,  with  an  air  of  importance  and  of  compassion  for 
our  ignorance,  "My  father  is  the  head  over  all  who 
catch  dogs." 

I  still  remember  an  escapade  of  my  brother  Emilio  in 
the  Boselli  school.  I  know  not  for  what  reason  his  whole 
class  was  punished  one  day  and  deprived  of  recreation. 
What  then  did  the  scholars  do?  There  was  on  a  stove, 
that  was  made  like  a  column,  a  bust,  in  plaster,  of  the 

17 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


Emperor  of  Austria,  and  the  scholars,  profiting  by  a 
momentary  absence  of  the  professor,  put  a  cord  about 
the  neck  of  the  bust  and  threw  it  to  the  floor,  breaking 
the  unfortunate  Emperor  into  fragments.5 

Great  heavens!  the  gravest  suspicion  fell  upon 
Emilio  as  the  inspirer  and  principal  executor  of  the 
crime.  Boselli,  according  to  the  tale,  gave  him  a  terrible 
scolding.  My  brother  thereupon  put  his  books  under  his 
arm  and  went  home.  The  day  after,  my  father  arranged 
the  matter  as  best  he  could. 

Boselli,  when  he  scolded  us,  was  accustomed  to  deduce 
from  our  escapades  the  direst  consequences:  "You  com- 
mence with  disobedience,  but  you  will  end  on  the 
gallows." 

Many  years  afterwards,  in  1853,  came  the  trials  at 
Mantua;  and  the  gallows  was  indeed  raised.  My 
brother  ran  a  great  danger.  "  It  is  Boselli  who  divined 
it,"  said  Emilio  to  me  one  day.  His  prophecy  lacked  but 
little  of  fulfillment. 

But  the  old  pupils  of  Signer  Boselli  ought  to  forgive 
his  scoldings,  and  blows,  and  purges,  as  well  as  his  prog- 
nostications since,  when  the  Five  Days  came,  he  was 
among  the  first  to  run  to  the  Broletto  (one  of  the 
points  of  rendezvous  of  the  insurrection),  and  there  he 
was  killed. 

I  ought  to  say  also  that  the  best  of  my  masters  was 
my  father.  He  made  us  repeat  our  lessons  after  school, 
and  with  great  tenderness  and  clearness  gave  us  more 
instruction  than  we  had  received,  and  sometimes  ex- 
plained things  we  had  not  understood. 

With  my  brother  Emilio,  who  was  older  than  I,  as  I 

IS 


Vacations  at  Tirana 


have  said,  and  who  was  gifted  with  a  precocious  talent 
and  with  a  strong  desire  to  study,  the  parental  lessons 
were  long,  and  were  often  followed  by  instructive  dis- 
courses during  our  promenades.  Oftentimes  the  poet 
Giuseppe  Revere  accompanied  us.  I  remember  that 
some  of  his  lovely  sonnets  were  written  in  our  house. 

One  of  the  ways  of  education  my  father  had  was  to  be 
with  his  sons  as  much  as  possible.  He  exacted  from  us 
an  illimitable  confidence,  exchanging  much,  therefore, 
and  considered  us  as  persons  a  little  older  than  we  were. 
Thus  he  inspired  us  with  sentiments  of  responsibility 
and  of  duty.  We  were  treated  as  little  men,  which  flat- 
tered us,  and  made  us  endeavor  to  keep  on  a  high  level. 

In  Valtellina,  where  we  passed  our  vacations,  my 
father  sometimes  interrupted  my  amusements  by  in- 
trusting to  me  some  rural  commission,  in  which  I  might 
show  attention  and  assiduity.  I  cannot  tell  you  how 
proud  I  was  and  with  what  delight  I  applied  myself. 
This  he  did  especially  in  the  time  of  the  vintage.  He  was 
a  good  agriculturist  and  vine-grower,  and  directed  his 
vintage  with  diligence.  He  introduced  new  methods, 
and  took  Emilio  and  me  with  him  as  his  adjutants. 

My  father  loved  our  peasants,  and  was  greatly  be- 
loved by  them  in  return.  He  willingly  conversed  about, 
and  occupied  himself  with,  their  affairs.  His  office  was 
always  frequented  by  those  who  came  to  ask  his  aid  and 
advice.  Especially  attached  to  him  was  the  whole  popu- 
lation of  Grosio,  with  which  our  family  had  had,  for 
several  centuries,  traditional  ties  of  interest  and  affection. 

These  sentiments  were  kindled  afresh  by  the  mem- 
ories of  my  ancestor  Don  Nicola,  who  never,  in  the 

'      19 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


midst  of  the  most  important  occupations  of  his  laborious 
life,  forgot  his  Grosini,  and  was,  on  all  occasions,  their 
defender  and  their  counselor,  in  both  their  private  and 
public  affairs. 

There  were  at  this  time  in  Tirano  several  good  and 
distinguished  families,  now  partly  scattered.  We  had 
relatives  among  these,  as  my  father  had  three  sisters 
married  in  Valtellina,  in  the  Cattani,  Quadrio,  and  Me- 
rizzi  families.  Among  our  relatives  I  desire  to  record 
especially  two  who  have  left  in  my  mind  dear  and  in- 
delible memories.  These  were  a  kinsman  of  my  father, 
Don  Antonio  Merizzi,  and  a  cousin-german,  Don  Luigi 
Quadrio,  the  parish  priest  of  the  little  district  of 
Bianzone. 

Don  Luigi  Quadrio  was  severe  in  conduct  and  digni- 
fied in  person.  He  had  talent,  culture,  and  large  and 
liberal  ideas,  as  had  many  of  the  Lombard  clergy  at  this 
time.  Modest,  and  an  enemy  to  all  worldly  renown,  he 
did  not  desire  cures  that  would  have  conducted  him  to 
the  episcopate.  He  passed  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in 
the  districts  of  Bianzone  and  of  Mazzo  in  Valtellina, 
beloved  by  the  people,  revered  by  the  clergy,  and 
devoted  to  his  studies  and  to  an  intelligent  and  watchful 
care  of  his  little  parish.  He  spent  all  that  he  had  in  good 
works.  Between  him  and  my  father  there  was  great 
unity  of  sentiment  and  of  thought,  and  a  feeling  of  affec- 
tion that  was  almost  fraternal ;  which  last  the  good  priest 
continued  to  show  us  as  long  as  he  lived. 

After  1840,  a  first  and  light  breeze  of  national  awak- 
ening commenced  to  blow  in  Italy  with  the  scientific 
congresses,  which  had  been  revived  in  certain  cities. 

20 


My  Father* s  Monograph 

There  was  a  design  to  give  the  congress  that  was  to  be 
held  in  Milan  in  1844  an  especial  importance;  therefore, 
the  preparations  were  commenced  the  year  before.  The 
most  notable  and  cultured  persons  in  Milan  took  part 
therein.  Essays  on  civic  and  patriotic  matters  were  pre- 
pared. An  awakening  of  patriotic  understanding  and  of 
vague  aspiration  began  to  take  place. 

Cattaneo,  who  was  preparing  his  book  on  the  "Condi- 
zioni  morali  e  civili  della  Lombardia,"  turned  to  several 
students  for  statistical  and  ethical  notes  regarding  the 
different  Lombard  provinces.  He  requested  my  father 
to  prepare  those  on  the  province  of  Sondrio. 

My  father  took  up  the  work,  and  made  a  complete 
monograph  on  the  Valtellina,  which  because  of  its 
importance  was  not  incorporated  in  Cattaneo's  book, 
but  was  published  in  its  entirety  in  the  "Annali  di 
Statistical'  Presented  to  the  congress,  it  was  greatly 
praised.  It  placed  in  view  my  father,  who  ordinarily 
lived  retired,  and  gave  him  much  notoriety.  It  was  at 
this  time  that  he  entered  into  intimate  relationship  with 
that  group  of  students  (among  whom  was  Cesare  Cor- 
renti),  which  a  little  while  after  became  one  of  the  most 
important  nuclei  of  action  and  of  political  strife. 

My  father  was  an  assiduous  frequenter  of  the  "So- 
cieta  d'  Incoraggiamento  delle  Scienze,  Lettere  ed  Arti," 
which  had  a  fine  library,  and  was  a  place  of  reunion  of 
students,  but  which,  because  of  the  times,  was  re- 
stricted to  being  little  more  than  a  reading-room.  At 
the  congress  there  was  an  endeavor  to  raise  it  up,  and  to 
make  it  a  center  of  activity  and  of  fecund  study.  A 
commission  was  nominated,  charged  with  extending  its 

21 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


programme.  My  father  was  made  the  president,  and 
read  a  report  on  the  subject.  I  was  then  only  a  big  boy, 
and  cannot  say  what  were  the  intentions  of  my  father 
and  of  the  commission.  I  remember  only  that  he  warmly 
debated  the  question  with  Correnti  and  Revere  and  with 
Conte  Carlo  Porro,  in  a  place  where  Porro  was  engaged 
in  laying  the  foundation  of  his  growing  museum  of 
natural  history.  There  were  several  present  whom  I  did 
not  know.  My  father,  who  had  us  always  with  him, 
took  Emilio  and  me.  Many  times  I  heard  mention  made 
of  the  Societa  Palatina,  as  an  honor  to  Milan  in  the 
past  and  as  an  augury  of  hope  for  the  future. 

Conte  Porro  was  to  die  suddenly  after  the  Five 
Days,  as  we  shall  see,  killed  by  a  soldier  while  he  was 
being  taken  away  as  a  prisoner  and  hostage.  My  father 
was  to  die  very  soon. 

My  father  was  among  the  frequenters  of  the  house  of 
Donna  Anna  Tinelli,  a  lady  known  for  her  artistic  talent 
and  her  beautiful  miniatures.  In  her  salon  a  little  polit- 
ical world,  compatible  with  the  times,  congregated.  It 
was  the  remnant  of  the  people  who  had  been  implicated 
in  the  movement  of  1831.  Her  husband  had  been  prose- 
cuted, condemned  in  contumacy,  and  had  fled  to  Amer- 
ica. Donna  Anna  herself  was  examined  by  Zaiotti,  and 
was  freed  only  by  her  firmness  and  promptness  of  spirit. 
During  the  process  Paride  Zaiotti  would  interrupt  him- 
self, and  then  take  up  the  thread  of  his  examination  in 
order  to  confuse  the  accused.  Once  having  received 
a  letter,  he  interrupted  himself  and  laughed,  saying: 
"Behold  one  who  writes  me:  Al  Signor  Adone  Zaiotti; 
does  it  appear  to  you  that  I  am  an  Adonis?"  Donna 

22 


Signora  Anna  Tinelli 


Anna  promptly  replied:  "You  are  not  an  Adonis,  neither 
are  you  a  Paris ! "  Zaiotti  resumed  his  brusque  manner. 

Donna  Anna  was  also  visited  often  by  Arese,  Bel- 
credi,  Marchese  Gaspare  Resales,  my  parents  and  those 
of  my  wife,  and  by  many  other  persons  belonging  to  the 
Liberal,  and  anti-Austrian,  party. 

On  the  first  day  of  September,  1846,  the  schools, 
which  continued  through  the  month  of  August,  having 
finished,  we  left  for  Tirano. 

The  vacation  of  that  year  began  under  auspices 
which  appeared  to  be  happier  than  usual.  My  father  had 
commenced  a  paper  on  religious  and  secular  beneficence, 
and  had  corrected  the  proofs  of  a  second  and  larger  edi- 
tion of  his  book  on  the  Valtellina.  These  occupations, 
his  new  friendships,  and  the  opening  of  a  new  field  of 
intellectual  activity  were  causes  of  a  keen  satisfaction 
to  him.  They  distracted  him  from  a  melancholy  pre- 
occupation that  had  disturbed  him  for  some  time,  in 
consequenceyof  an  unfortunate  accident. 

In  returning  from  the  Valtellina  one  night,  the  dili- 
gence in  which  he  was  was  thrown  from  a  high  bank, 
between  Sondrio  and  Morbegno.  A  man  named  Scala, 
of  Grosotto,  who  was  in  the  diligence,  was  killed.  My 
father,  in  consequence  of  the  shock,  had  little  by  little 
lost  the  use  of  one  eye,  until  it  had  become  entirely 
obscured.  This  had  made  him  pensive,  and  was  the 
cause  of  dubious  and  gloomy  presentiments. 

The  unforeseen  change  of  his  customary  habits  had 
come  opportunely  to  turn  him  aside  from  his  annoying 
thoughts.  It  restored  to  him  the  calmness  of  his  spirit 
and  the  activity  of  his  mind. 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


My  mother,  who  adored  him,  rejoiced,  and  was  in  a 
higher  vein  of  vivacity  than  usual. 

I,  too,  had  a  secret  joy  that  made  me  appear  the  hap- 
piest of  all.  My  father,  for  I  do  not  know  what  cause  of 
dislike  to  Director  Boselli,  had  determined  to  have  us 
pursue  our  studies  at  home  when  the  schools  should 
reopen.  In  the  mean  while  we  made  a  programme  of 
excursions  and  of  drives,  which  we  began  with  a  journey 
to  Poschiavo.  We  went  to  Poschiavo  on  horseback  or  in 
wagons  by  a  road  that  was  scarcely  fit  for  carriages. 
The  company  could  not  have  been  gayer.  My  mother  I 
remember  was  on  that  day  (it  was  for  the  last  time  of  her 
life)  in  the  most  joyful  of  spirits. 

In  returning,  toward  evening,  we  were  overtaken  by 
a  tempest  and  a  heavy  shower.  For  a  considerable  dis- 
tance we  did  not  know  where  we  could  find  shelter  from 
an  icy  wind  that  blew  from  the  gorges  of  the  Bernina. 

In  the  night  my  father  was  miserable.  He  soon  devel- 
oped a  violent  illness,  and  after  three  days  expired,  on 
the  24th  of  September,  1846. 

Conscious  unto  the  end,  he  desired  to  see  every  one 
who  called,  recommending  his  sons  to  many.  To  me  he 
said:  "Be  of  assistance  in  everything  to  your  mother, 
and  follow  her  counsels  always  ...  so  will  you  find  con- 
tentment all  your  life." 

The  memories  of  my  father  and  the  counsels  of  my 
mother  became  the  good  fortune  of  my  existence. 

My  mother  fell  to  the  floor  in  a  swoon,  and  was  deliri- 
ous for  several  days.  My  brothers  and  I  were  taken 
that  evening  to  the  house  of  our  uncle,  Merizzi.  The  day 
after,  our  cousin,  Don  Luigi  Quadrio,  came  to  take  us  to 

24 


My  Father's  Death 


his  house  in  his  parish  of  Bianzone;  whither  my  mother 
was  afterwards  conducted. 

As  soon  as  the  death  of  my  father  was  known  at 
Grosio,  the  whole  population  descended  to  Tirano  (dis- 
tant twelve  kilometers),  in  order  to  accompany  the  re- 
mains to  the  place  where  so  many  of  our  family  repose. 

My  father  had  scarcely  counted  forty-eight  years.  He 
had  the  misfortune  to  pass  the  greater  part  of  his  life  in 
that  stagnant  pool  in  which  Italy  lay  between  1815  and 
1848.  His  mind,  his  studies,  and  the  reputation  he  had 
acquired  would  certainly  have  given  him  an  important 
part  in  the  great  events  which  followed  his  death;  but 
an  untoward  mishap  took  him  prematurely  from  the 
hopes  of  the  country  and  from  the  affection  of  all  who 
knew  him.  Of  these  sentiments  Cesare  Correnti  became 
the  interpreter  in  a  Commemorazione  which  he  read  at  a 
meeting  of  the  Societa  d'  Incoraggiamento.  It  was  one 
of  his  most  inspired  and  graceful  writings. 


CHAPTER  II 

(1847) 

Return  to  Milan.  —  My  brothers  and  I  continue  our  studies  at  home.  —  Friend- 
ship of  Cesare  Correnti.  —  First  patriotic  authors.  —  The  rendezvous  in 
Correnti's  house.  —  The  Funeral  of  Federico  Confalonieri.  —  A  famine  in 
Lombardy,  and  a  collection  in  Milan  with  political  intent.  —  The  death  of 
Archbishop  Gaisruck,  and  the  election  of  Romilli.  —  Amnesty  granted  by 
Pius  IX,  and  the  first  demonstrations.  —  Demonstration  in  honor  of  the  new 
Archbishop.  —  First  uprisings  and  the  first  bloodshed.  —  The  autumn  of 
1847  in  Lombardy.  —  Hymns  to  Pius  IX.  —  Friends  at  Tirano;  Giacomo 
Merizzi.  —  Reunions  in  Casa  Correnti.  —  The  "Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde."  — 
Demonstrations  and  public  agitation.  —  The  demonstration  of  non-smoking. 
—  The  Austrian  Government  augments  its  garrisons.  —  Metternich  sends 
Ficquelmont,  then  Hiibner,  to  Milan  on  political  missions.  —  The  remon- 
strance of  Counsellor  Nazari,  of  Bergamo. 

THE  death  of  my  father  changed  entirely  the  aspect 
of  our  house.  We  had  left  for  the  country,  all  joy- 
ous and  happy,  and  now  we  returned  to  the  city  with 
hearts  and  minds  full  of  grief  and  anguish.  My  mother, 
crushed  by  an  inappeasable  sorrow,  which  brought  upon 
her,  from  time  to  time,  acute  spasmodic  nervous  crises, 
shut  herself  up  within  her  house,  and  withdrew  from  all 
her  acquaintances.  She  saw  no  one  but  her  brothers  and 
sisters,  an  occasional  relative,  or  some  old  friend.  Thus 
she  continued  as  long  as  she  lived.  Her  life  was  broken, 
and  her  joyous  nature  disappeared.  Seldom  did  anyone 
see  upon  her  lips  the  lovely  smile  of  the  times  that  had 
passed  away.  The  world  was  finished  for  her.  She  had 
no  other  care  but  her  sons;  and,  upheld  by  an  ardent 
faith,  yet  one  that  was  indulgent  and  kind,  she  had  no 
other  hope  than  that  of  seeing  her  husband  again  in  a 
life  without  end. 

26 


Cesar e  Correnti 


We  took  up  our  studies  with  professors  who  gave  us 
lessons  in  the  house;  and  Emilio,  so  as  not  to  detach 
himself  from  the  family  in  these  gloomy  days,  began  his 
university  course  of  the  study  of  law  at  home.  Our 
father,  when  he  died,  had  made  known  to  Cesare  Cor- 
renti that  he  confided  to  him  the  direction  of  the  literary 
studies  of  his  sons.  So  we  began  to  go  to  the  house  of 
Correnti;  and  soon  we  became  intimate  with  him. 

This  direction  of  studies  was  not  very  efficacious. 
Our  minds  were  distracted  and  preoccupied,  and  our 
spirits  had  begun  to  be  stirred  by  the  breath  of  those 
vague  aspirations  and  enthusiasms  which  were  the  pre- 
lude to  the  Quarantotto.*  But  if  in  Correnti  I  did  not 
find  a  director  of  my  studies,  I  received  in  his  house  my 
first  patriotic  instruction. 

1  Many  students  and  young  men  came  to  Casa  Cor- 
renti in  whom  the  sentiment  of  patriotism,  learned  from 
the  example  of  the  martyrs  of  1821  and  1831  and  from 
the  writings  of  the  universities,  had  begun  to  manifest  a 
new  activity. 

I  heard  them  talk  of  d'Azeglio,  Guerrazzi,  Giusti, 
Gioberti,  Pellico,  Berchet,  Balbo,  and  Mazzini;  and  I 
hastened  to  procure  the  books  of  these  authors.  I  read 
and  re-read  them,  warming  myself  more  and  more  at  this 
new  fire  of  patriotic  idealism. 

The  author  whom  I  preferred  above  all  was  Berchet. 
I  knew  his  poetry  by  heart.  I  recited  and  declaimed  it 
in  my  room,  I  repeated  it  to  my  companions;  and  we 
became  really  intoxicated  by  it.  The  young  men  were 
set  on  fire  by  these  verses.  Into  their  souls  descended 

*  Forty-eight. 
27 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


a  greater  love  for  Italy  and  hatred  of  foreign  rule.  In 
repeating  them  we  obtained  a  foretaste  of  the  pleasure 
of  self-sacrifice  for  our  country.  This  sentiment  re- 
mained until  the  day  when  we  were  actually  called  upon 
to  lay  down  our  lives.  Few  poets  have  had  the  glory  of 
having  so  profoundly  moved  the  hearts  of  their  readers 
and  of  having  had  so  great  a  patriotic  influence  upon 
their  lives. 

Nor  was  the  influence  of  the  writings  of  Giuseppe 
Mazzini  small.  Though  they  were  less  universally  ac- 
cepted, they  were  more  often  discussed.  The  Mazzinian 
ideas  were  received  with  enthusiasm  chiefly  by  the  stu- 
dents in  the  universities.  They  had  many  adherents 
in  the  house  of  Correnti.  His  assiduous  frequenters 
passed  stealthily  and  mysteriously,  from  time  to  time, 
one  to  another,  some  leaves  of  manuscript  or  of  printed 
matter,  which,  if  I  am  not  mistaken,  were  writings  of 
Mazzini.  I  did  not  yet  know  his  chief  works,  but  I  had 
for  him  a  vague  admiration  which  was  the  reflex  of  what 
was  manifested  in  the  broken  and  mysterious  words  of 
those  who  were  older  than  I. 

There  had  been  published,  at  this  time  or  a  little 
before,  an  edition  of  the  writings  of  Mazzini  in  three 
volumes:  "Scritti  Letterari  di  un  Italiano  vivente." 
This  edition,  from  what  I  learned  from  Correnti  and  his 
friends,  was  published  in  secret. 

It  was  said,  too,  that  there  was  a  preface  of  Correnti  to 
some  verses  of  Giusti,  which  was  passed  about  for  some 
time  in  manuscript. 

All  sorts  and  conditions  of  men  were  among  the  inti- 
mate friends  of  Correnti.  There  were  priests,  as  Lega, 

28 


Cesare  Correnti 


Mongeri,  and  Vignati;  young  patricians,  as  Porro,  Ce- 
sare Giulini,  Guerrieri,  Giovanni  and  Carlo  d'Adda, 
and  Giulio  Carcano;  then  there  were  artists,  engineers, 
physicians,  and  other  professional  people;  and  lastly 
there  were  some  boon  companions  of  the  university,  men 
full  of  good  will,  who  came  to  take  orders  and  to  load 
themselves  with  patriotic  contraband  books,  journals, 
and  even  guns. 

It  was  this  variety  of  acquaintance  that  made  it  pos- 
sible for  Correnti  to  exercise,  in  those  troublous  times,  a 
large  and  strong  influence.  His  culture,  his  quickness  of 
spirit,  and  the  imagination  that  enabled  him  to  find  for 
every  one  the  most  pleasing  language,  gave  him  great 
prestige  and  authority.  And  he  used  it  to  animate  all 
with  a  love  for  Italy,  and  to  induce  them  to  be  ready  for 
any  act  by  which  their  country  might  be  liberated  from 
foreign  rule.  His  many  friendships  made  possible  the 
influence  he  had  in  maintaining,  in  the  diversity  of 
opinion,  a  concord  for  a  great  common  aim.  Yet  in  him- 
self the  currents  of  ideas  were  diverse,  and  often  con- 
tradictory; for  his  was  one  of  those  large,  critical  minds 
that,  in  every  case,  sees  all  sides  and  knows  not  how  to 
apply  itself  firmly  to  one.  In  his  daily  life  he  was  sub- 
ject to  unforeseen  and  rapid  changes,  as  he  passed  from 
activity  to  inertia  and  from  enthusiasm  to  distrust. 

The  most  glorious  days  of  his  life  were  those  that 
preceded  the  Quarantotto.  At  that  time  he  had  a  clear 
intuition  of  the  first  and  immediate  end  to  which  the 
aspiration  and  work  of  all  should  be  directed.  This  was 
a  revolution  for  independence,  with  Piedmont  and  the 
House  of  Savoy. 

29 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


With  this  programme  he  conspired,  uniting  his  young 
Mazzinian  and  monarchical  friends  of  the  patriciate. 
In  Milan  there  were  several  other  groups  of  patriots,  but 
most  of  them,  either  directly  or  indirectly,  made  him 
their  head.  From  him  went  the  counsels,  instructions, 
and  commands  unto  the  great  day  of  the  revolution. 
The  revolution  was  made  by  all  the  citizens ;  but,  if  it  had 
no  general  head,  one  can  say  that,  in  its  preparation, 
there  was  a  chief-of-stafF,  and  that  that  chief  was  Cesare 
Correnti. 

The  election  of  Pius  IX,  which  took  place  in  the  sum- 
mer of  the  preceding  year,  and  the  first  acts  of  the  new 
pontificate  enkindled  a  new  sentiment  in  the  most  tran- 
quil and  ignorant  persons,  as  well  as  in  the  most,  and  the 
least,  religious.  This  was  a  sentiment  of  mystic  patriot- 
ism and  of  vague  ideality:  it  fascinated  all. 

My  brother  Emilio  and  I  went  to  the  house  of  Cor- 
renti in  the  evening  several  times  a  week.  There  was 
a  continual  going  and  coming  of  people.  Conversation 
was  now  animated,  and,  again,  it  was  carried  on  in  a  low 
tone  of  voice.  It  had  all  the  appearance  of  a  conspiracy. 
I  was  young,  and  did  not  understand  everything,  but  I 
kept  quiet  and  absorbed  every  word  with  religious  atten- 
tion. My  mind  and  spirit  became  furnished  with  the 
ideas  and  sentiments  which  formed  within  me  the  patri- 
otic ideality  that  has  animated  me  all  my  life. 

The  stagnant  waters  of  Milanese  life  arose  and  be- 
came more  and  more  agitated  every  day.  The  year 
1846  finished  with  a  demonstration  on  the  occasion  of 
the  funeral  of  Conte  Federico  Confalonieri.  He  died  in 
December  at  Hospenthal,  while  he  was  returning  to 

30 


The  Funeral  of  Confalonieri 

Italy.  The  police  desired  the  funeral  to  be  modest,  and 
that  on  the  door  of  the  church  there  should  be  posted 
only  the  words:  "A  Federico  Confalonieri  requiem." 
But  an  extraordinary  crowd  of  citizens  filled  the  church 
and  the  Piazza  di  S.  Fedele  at  the  time  of  the  service. 
In  this  crowd  the  most  select  people  of  the  city  were 
to  be  found.  They  had  come  to  render  homage  to  the 
illustrious  martyr.  Against  Confalonieri  tales  were  told, 
alleging  that  he  was  partly  responsible  for  the  death  of 
Prina.  Libels,  too,  were  scattered  about,  which  after- 
wards it  was  learned  were  the  work  of  the  Austrian 
police.  To  give  rise  to  suspicion  and  to  diminish  the 
prestige  of  the  men  who  had  upheld  the  ideals  of  Italian 
patriotism  was  a  business  against  which  public  senti- 
ment had  begun  vigorously  to  protest.  From  hence- 
forth these  police  tales  were  treated  with  contempt. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year  there  had  been  some 
tumults  of  the  peasants  in  the  districts  that  had  been 
afflicted  by  the  inundations  and  the  consequent  famine. 
The  proprietors,  therefore,  inaugurated  many  good 
works  with  the  double  aim  of  fraternity  and  of  patriot- 
ism. In  Milan,  also,  bread  had  become  dear  as  work 
had  diminished.  In  the  operative  class  there  was  much 
poverty  and  want.  So  there  was  formed  a  committee  of 
ladies  of  the  patriciate  and  of  the  upper  middle  class, 
which  planned  to  make  a  collection  and  to  carry  succor 
to  the  families  of  the  people.  This  committee  assembled 
in  the  house  of  Conte  Vitaliano  Borromeo,  and  was  pre- 
sided over  by  the  Contessa  Maria  Borromeo  d'  Adda. 

The  ladies  went  on  a  mission  to  all  the  houses  where 
there  were  poor  families  and  visited  their  habitations. 

31 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Thus  a  work  of  fraternity  was  done,  and  the  ties  of  affec- 
tion between  the  various  social  classes  were  drawn 
tighter.  The  incidents  of  their  visits  were  the  subject- 
matter  of  all  conversation  in  these  days. 

The  combined  work  of  patriotism  and  of  charity  made 
a  great  noise.  Every  one  understood  its  intention, 
which  was  to  create  a  current  of  living  sympathy  be- 
tween the  rich  and  the  poor,  and  thus  to  prepare  for  the 
great  events  which  we  began  vaguely  to  foresee. 

In  the  spring  Richard  Cobden  came  to  Milan  to  give 
some  addresses  upon  free  trade.  The  distinguished  part 
of  the  citizens  received  him  warmly  with  dinners  and 
speeches.  We  had  begun  to  awaken  from  our  long  sleep. 
At  the  receipt  of  the  news  of  the  amnesty  granted  by 
Pope  Pius  IX,  the  first  demonstration  was  made  in  the 
Theater  Canobbiana.  It  was  imposing  and  clamorous. 
We  sang  repeatedly  the  hymns  to  the  Pontiff  that  had 
been  sung  in  Rome. 

This  was  part  of  the  demonstration  that  was  made 
from  one  end  of  Italy  to  the  other.  It  speedily  provoked 
the  first  grave  measure  taken  by  Austria,  the  occupation 
of  Ferrara,  which  threatened  the  Pope.  In  the  Lom- 
bardo-Venetian  provinces  the  Government  began  to 
take  a  suspicious  and  angry  attitude. 

But  no  one,  as  yet,  stepped  outside  the  bounds  of 
legality;  and  the  Austrians  sent  us  always  some  one  who 
made  believe  either  not  to  see  things  or  to  take  them 
quietly.  Among  the  acts  obnoxious  to  them  was  the 
mission  of  Conte  Gabrio  Casati,  the  Podesta,  to  Turin. 
He  was  charged  by  the  Common  Council  to  take  an 

32 


Death  of  Archbishop  Gaisruck 

artistic  cup  to  the  wife  of  Vittorio  Emanuele,  daughter 
of  the  Archduke  Raineri,  Viceroy  of  Lombardo-Venetia. 
This  cup  had  been  ordered  for  her  wedding.  Carlo 
Alberto  and  Vittorio  Emanuele  received  Casati  with 
much  distinction.  This  gave  great  offense  to  Conte 
Buol,  the  Austrian  minister  at  Turin.  A  little  while 
after  Conte  Casati  placed  the  older  of  his  sons  in  the 
Turin  Military  Academy. 

But  the  event  that  excited  most  the  Austrian  Govern- 
ment, and  led  to  the  first  skirmish,  was  the  nomination 
of  the  new  archbishop.  In  November,  1846,  Archbishop 
Gaisruck  had  died.  He  was  born  at  Klagenfurt  in  1769, 
and  had  occupied  the  see  of  Milan  for  twenty-eight 
years.  Gaisruck  was  frank  and  gay  in  manner,  and  sim- 
ple and  stainless  in  his  life.  His  intellect  was  not  of  a 
high  order,  but  he  had  a  strong  character.  His  spirit  was 
large  and  liberal  enough,  and  he  was  somewhat  Giusep- 
pino,  that  is,  he  did  not  love  the  friars  and  the  monks;  so 
that  as  long  as  he  lived  there  were  none  of  them  in  his 
diocese.  He  did  not  wish  to  have  a  clergy  not  dependent 
upon  himself  but  upon  the  generals  at  Rome.  "  Cardinal 
and  Archbishop  of  Milan,  I  command  in  my  own  dio- 
cese," he  was  wont  to  say. 

He  knew  men  and  knew  very  well  how  to  choose 
them.  In  his  seminaries  there  were  several  priests  who 
emerged  from  the  mass  by  their  talent  and  learning.  To 
him  is  greatly  due  the  fact  that  there  was  formed  in 
Lombardy  a  cultivated  clergy  who  knew  how,  later  on, 
to  participate  in  the  life  of  the  people  and  to  share  in  the 
national  aspirations.  In  the  first  quarter  of  the  century 
the  diocese  of  Milan  had  been  weighed  down  by  miser- 

33 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


able  priests,  the  remnants  of  convents  laicized  and  of 
friars  unfrocked.  These  were  the  priests  and  friars  who 
were  the  butts  of  the  wit  of  Porta ;  so  that  it  was  said  that 
the  Milanese  clergy  had  been  purged  by  Carlo  Porta  and 
Archbishop  Gaisrack.  The  Archbishop  was  the  only 
high  functionary,  in  those  days,  who  knew  how  to  insist 
upon  a  matter,  or  to  defer  it  to  the  central  power  at 
Vienna.  There  was  a  rumor  that  he  was  a  son  of  the 
Emperor  Leopold,  and  that  his  authority  arose  from 
this  fact. 

He  died  while  he  was  going  to  the  Conclave  of  1846, 
whither  he  was  carrying  the  veto  of  Austria  against  the 
election  of  Cardinal  Mastai  Ferretti  (afterwards  Pius 
IX)  to  the  Papacy. 

After  the  death  of  Gaisruck,  the  times,  for  various 
reasons,  were  less  good,  and  the  clergy  in  the  diocese  of 
Milan  declined  little  by  little  in  culture  and  character, 
with  some  notable  exceptions  be  it  understood.  Gais- 
ruck was  an  excellent  archbishop,  but  his  character  and 
his  acts  were  not  appreciated  until  later  on.  When  he 
died,  public  sentiment  had  begun  to  turn  toward  na- 
tional aspirations.  In  him  the  Austrian  prelate  only  was 
seen,  and  he  was  not  mourned.  All  Milan  thought  of 
nothing  else  but  of  having  an  Italian  archbishop. 

Several  months,  however,  passed  before  this  desire  was 
realized,  although  the  municipality  and  many  leading 
citizens  spared  no  efforts  to  secure  it.  The  Austrian 
Government  wanted  to  send  one  of  its  prelates,  but  met 
with  such  opposition  it  could  make  no  headway.  Finally 
Vienna  and  Rome  came  together  in  the  nomination  of 
the  Bishop  of  Cremona,  Bartolomeo  Romilli,  of  Ber- 

34 


An  Italian  Archbishop 


gamo.  Rome  was  pleased  to  have  an  archbishop  who 
would  not  follow  the  ideas  of  Gaisruck,  and  Vienna 
resigned  itself  to  the  nomination  of  an  Italian  whom  it 
knew  to  be  meek  and  weak. 

But  the  public  did  not  so  reason;  because  the  arch- 
bishop-elect was  an  Italian  it  went  into  ecstasies. 

After  the  nomination  there  began  between  the  Gov- 
ernment and  the  municipality  (behind  which  stood  the 
citizens)  minute  negotiations  regarding  the  honors  that 
should  be  rendered  to  the  new  archbishop.  The  munic- 
ipality desired  to  conceal,  under  the  honors,  a  patriotic 
meaning,  and  feigned  that  there  was  none.  The  Govern- 
ment feigned  not  to  perceive  this  intention,  and  desired 
that  only  minor  honors  should  be  rendered,  pretending 
that  these  were  more  in  accord  with  the  customary 
ceremonials. 

With  such  hidden  meanings  and  intentions  it  was  easy 
to  foresee  that  the  affair  would  finish  badly,  as,  indeed, 
it  did. 

The  Archbishop  entered  Milan  the  4th  of  September, 
crossing  the  city  from  S.  Eustorgio  to  the  cathedral  with 
a  never-ending  pompous  procession.  Along  the  way 
three  arches  were  erected,  dedicated  to  S.  Ambrogio, 
S.  Carlo,  and  S.  Galdino  (the  bishop  of  the  Lombard 
League)  respectively.  On  them  were  inscriptions,  writ- 
ten by  Achille  Mauri,  which  had  given  cause  for  long 
negotiations  with  the  censor's  office.  San  Galdino,  above 
all,  met  with  strong  opposition;  but,  in  the  end,  the 
Governor,  Conte  Spaur,  and  the  Director  of  Police, 
Baron  Torresani,  had  to  swallow  even  this  saint. 

In  the  evening  the  whole  city  was  illuminated,  and 

35 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


there  was  a  great  demonstration  to  the  Archbishop  in 
front  of  his  palace  in  the  Piazza  Fontana.  The  intention 
of  the  demonstration  was  particularly  evident  at  one 
part  of  the  piazza  where  a  group  of  young  men,  among 
whom  was  my  brother  Emilio,  had  a  rendezvous.  They 
cried  repeatedly,  "Viva  Pio  Nono,"  and  again  "Viva 
P  Italia";  but  outside  of  some  collisions  with  the  police, 
nothing  serious  happened. 

The  population  hoped  that  the  illumination  would 
be  repeated.  The  Government  did  not  wish  it;  the 
municipality  insisted  upon  it.  In  the  end  the  illu- 
mination was  conceded,  but  with  a  bad  grace  that  mani- 
fested a  desire  to  have  done  with  the  matter.  The 
demonstration  was  more  noisy  the  second  evening.  Sud- 
denly a  column  of  young  men  broke  into  the  cathedral 
square  and  into  the  Piazza  Fontana,  singing  the  hymns 
to  Pius  IX;  whereupon  Bolza,  a  ferocious  and  hated 
commissary,  threw  himself  upon  the  crowd  at  the  head 
of  his  guards  with  drawn  swords.  A  crush  resulted,  in 
which  a  citizen,  a  man  named  Abate,  lost  his  life.  Nine 
or  ten  people  were  wounded. 

The  die  was  cast;  in  this  first  blood-shedding  com- 
menced the  open  struggle  between  the  Milanese  and  the 
Austrian  Government.  The  contest  was  long  and  ter- 
rible, and  much  blood  was  shed  before  the  victory  was 
won. 

We  were  not  in  town  the  second  evening  of  the  demon- 
stration. After  the  school  examination,  which  termin- 
ated at  the  end  of  August,  we  went  immediately  to  the 
country.  A  little  while  after  we  had  a  visit  from  Cesare 
Correnti  and  Romolo  Griffini,  a  young  physician  and  a 

36 


Hymns  to  Pius  IX 


friend  of  ours.  They  told  us  all  that  had  happened,  and 
what  they  had  done,  and  what  they  wanted  to  do  to 
enlarge  the  sphere  of  patriotic  agitation. 

We  made  several  trips  with  them,  among  which  was 
one  to  the  Stelvio.  We  stopped  in  all  the  districts,  big 
and  little,  that  we  traversed;  and  entered  into  the  cot- 
tages and  expounded  the  Italian  question  to  the  pea- 
sants. We  also  distributed  some  medals  stamped  with 
the  effigy  of  Pius  IX  and  with  the  motto  "Viva  1'  Italia." 
Then,  if  no  one  was  looking,  we  wrote  with  a  piece  of 
coal  on  the  walls:  "Viva  1'  Italia,  viva  Pio  Nono,"  very 
high  up,  where  the  words  could  not  be  effaced.  Indeed 
they  were  not,  since  I  can  yet  see  with  pleasure,  after  so 
many  years,  the  traces  of  my  calligraphy. 

The  autumn  of  1847  was  a  happy  and  festive  one  in  all 
Lombardy.  In  every  region  there  was  a  continual  sing- 
ing of  the  hymns  to  Pius  IX;  everywhere  arches  to  the 
Pope  were  raised;  and  on  every  wall  there  were  written 
the  words,  "Viva  Pio  IX."  There  was  in  us  all  a  great 
uplifting,  a  feeling  of  faith,  a  stirring  of  hope,  a  vague 
yet  sure  sentiment  of  great  events  to  come. 

My  brothers  and  I  sang  lustily  the  hymns  to  Pius  IX. 
My  brother  Emilio  and  our  companions  of  Tirano,  stu- 
dents older  than  I,  had  learned  them  in  the  schools,  and 
had  diffused  them  among  their  friends  throughout  the 
country. 

We  sang  the  hymns,  especially  in  the  evening,  out  of 
the  hearing  of  the  gendarmes.  Again  I  can  hear  those 
discordant  patriotic  songs;  again  I  can  hear  those  enthu- 
siastic friends,  vociferating  at  the  top  of  their  voices,  as 
they  walked,  arm  in  arm,  through  the  streets. 

37 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Among  those  whom  I  recall  best  are  the  brothers 
Ulisse  and  Giovanni  Salis,  a  Zanetti  and  a  Ricetti  (the 
latter  a  student  of  medicine  whom  we  shall  see  later  on), 
the  brothers  Delia  Croce  (of  whom  one,  Benedetto, 
became  afterwards  a  colonel  of  artillery),  Carlo  Vis- 
conti  Venosta,  a  relative  of  ours,  and  a  young  man  who 
had  lately  returned  to  his  native  land,  who  was  noted  for 
his  stiff  way  of  walking,  his  horsehair  cravat,  and  his 
Italian-Austrian  accent. 

This  youth,  of  a  Tiranese  family,  was  called  Giacomo 
Merizzi.  He  came  from  the  Teresiano  college  of  Vienna, 
where  he  had  passed  many  years.  The  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment gratuitously  gave  places  in  this  college  to  young 
men  of  noble  Italian  families.  Here  they  learned  the 
language  of  the  empire,  the  Austrian  statutes,  and  the 
administrative  law.  Persuaded  that  they  had  made  good 
and  faithful  functionaries,  the  Government  gave  them, 
when  scarcely  graduated,  excellent  offices. 

So  it  had  happened  to  Merizzi,  who  had  received, 
only  the  year  before,  employment  in  Milan.  He  had 
quite  the  air  of  an  Austrian,  but  he  had  come  out  of  the 
college  with  his  head  full  of  the  new  social  philosophy, 
and  was  a  revolutionary  democrat.  It  was  only  in  ex- 
pectation of  better  things  that  he  shouted  with  us  the 
hymns  to  Pius  IX. 

In  1848,  Merizzi  left  his  employment  and  enlisted  in 
the  volunteers.  He  afterwards  returned  to  Tirano  and 
took  up  the  practice  of  law.  He  lived  always  solitary  and 
retired,  and  loved  to  work  at  night  and  to  sleep  during 
the  day.  During  the  ten  years  of  resistance  and  con- 
spiracies he  did  not  accept  the  current  ideals;  perhaps 

38 


Giacomo  Merizzi 


because  his  aim  was  directed  elsewhere.  He  had  some 
admiration  for  Mazzini  and  Garibaldi,  but  none  for 
Cavour.  He  hated  the  other  men  of  the  Risorgimento, 
and  flew  into  a  passion  if  any  one  spoke  to  him  of  Sella. 
Yet  his  spirit  was  good,  and  he  talked  meekly.  In  after 
years  he  issued  occasionally  from  his  retreat,  and  at- 
tended public  meetings,  where  he  made  speeches  of 
incredible  violence. 

The  radicals  and  malcontents  made  him,  naturally, 
their  candidate  to  the  House  of  Deputies,  and  opposed 
him  to  my  brother,  Emilio,  until  the  Left  came  to  power 
with  Nicotera  in  1876. 

He  was  elected  a  couple  of  times  and  sat  on  the 
extreme  left.  He  made  one  or  two  violent  speeches  of 
republican  flavor,  but  he  did  not  find  much  favor  even 
from  his  neighbors.  The  Left  had  just  come  into  power, 
and  wished  to  remain  in  it.  It  did  not  care  for  com- 
promising friends.  He  retired  soon  after  from  public  life, 
and  returned  to  his  solitude. 

He  died  at  fifty  years  of  age.  Although  his  house  and 
ours  were  adjacent  at  Tirano,  we  did  not  see  one  another 
except  at  intervals  of  several  years.  Then  our  conversa- 
tion was,  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  limited.  We  recalled 
occasionally  the  days  in  which  we  had  sung  together  the 
hymns  to  Pius  IX. 

In  the  autumn  we  returned  to  Milan  to  take  up  our 
studies  again.  Our  visits  to  Correnti  became  more  fre- 
quent and  interesting.  We  went  in  the  evening  because, 
in  the  daytime,  he  was  occupied  in  the  office  of  the  Pub- 
lic Debt.  The  conversations  became  ever  warmer;  the 

39 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


principal  subject  being  the  demonstrations  which  we 
wished  to  promote  by  word  or  deed. 

Among  the  many  projects  proposed  by  Correnti  was 
that  of  publishing  a  popular  almanac  in  which  we  should 
speak  of  Italy,  but  in  ways  that  were  veiled,  so  that  the 
censor  could  not  object.  The  project  met  with  our  ap- 
proval, so  we  entered  into  it  with  good  will.  In  a  few 
weeks  the  almanac  was  ready;  even  its  name  was  found. 
There  was  an  old  almanac  which  foretold  the  seasons  and 
the  numbers  in  the  lottery.  It  was  called  the  "Vesta 
Verde,"  *  and  was  in  the  hands  of  all  the  people.  The  new 
almanac  was  called  the  "Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde";  its 
name  made  it  famous.  Its  writers  were  Correnti,  Pietro 
Maestri,  Romolo  Griffini,  Giovanni  Cantoni,  my  brother 
Emilio,  and  some  other  students.  Among  the  things 
written  by  Emilio  was  the  song  of  the  chimney  sweep, 
which  was  set  to  music  and  had  its  day  of  popularity. 

The  "Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde"  was  issued  at  the  end 
of  the  year,  and  met  with  extraordinary  success,  a  suc- 
cess which  would  not  now  be  understood;  for  all  read 
between  the  lines.  It  seemed  like  a  command,  a  cry  of 
war.  As  its  popularity  endured,  Correnti  continued  its 
publication  for  many  years.  In  the  terrible  interval 
from  1849  to  1859  the  same  writers  (though  some  had 
emigrated)  wrote  for  it.  The  "  Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde  " 
never  spoke  except  in  a  low  tone  of  voice,  which  was 
agreed  upon  because  of  the  hardness  of  the  times.  Its 
very  name  helped  to  keep  alive  the  memory  of  the  day 
in  which  it  was  born. 

The  great  preoccupation  of  us  all  this  winter  was  the 

*  Green  Robe. 
40 


Public  Agitation 


demonstrations,  which  gradually  increased  until  the  day 
of  the  revolution.  Then  no  one  thought  any  more  of 
them. 

Everything  served  as  a  pretext.  One  day  there  was  a 
command:  "All  at  the  Porta  Romana  in  homage  of  Pius 
IX  and  his  reforms  ";  and  the  corso  of  the  Porta  Romana 
became  (until  a  new  command  was  issued)  crowded  with 
the  elegants  of  the  city.  On  this  corso  there  was,  and 
there  is  still,  an  old  house,  on  the  door  of  which  were 
engraved  the  words,  in  antique  characters:  "tempo  e 
pacentia"  (Casa  Noseda,  9).  People  gathered  in  crowds 
before  it. 

When  the  news  arrived  of  the  revolutionary  move- 
ment in  Calabria  an  order  came:  "Wear  your  hats  alia 
Calabrese"  We  all  so  wore  them  with  the  proper  plume. 
But  this  was  prohibited  by  the  police;  so  we  sought  an 
imitation  for  it.  We  wore  tall  silk  hats  with  the  brims 
turned  up  on  the  sides  and  with  little  buckles  in  front. 

Afterwards  came  the  time  of  velvet  clothes  of  Lom- 
bard fabrication  in  hatred  of  Austrian  cloth.  Demon- 
stration followed  demonstration  continually,  and  the 
police  became  furious.  They  were  always  looking  for  a 
committee,  since  they  were  convinced  that  everything 
emanated  mysteriously  from  a  secret  committee. 

The  demonstration  that  surpassed  the  expectation  of 
its  projectors,  and  which  led  to  doleful  consequences, 
was  that  of  not  smoking.  Let  us  abstain,  we  said,  from 
voluntary  contributions  to  the  revenue;  so  let  no  one 
smoke  from  the  beginning  of  the  year.  On  the  ist  of 
January  no  one  smoked  any  more,  neither  on  the  street 
nor  in  the  house,  though  the  sacrifice  for  many  was 

41 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


severe.  Our  enemies  laughed  at  first,  as  the  abstention 
seemed  puerile;  but  the  demonstration  showed  so 
strong  a  spirit  of  discipline  that  it  made  them  pause, 
and,  as  we  shall  see,  made  them  lose  their  heads. 

In  the  mean  while  more  troops  were  sent  from  Vienna 
into  Lombardo-Venetia,  and  the  garrisons  were  strength- 
ened in  the  cities.  But  the  Government  did  not  under- 
stand that  the  air  had  changed,  and  that  the  skies  had 
begun  to  be  threatening.  With  its  habitual  pedantry  it 
did  not  know  how  to  detach  itself  from  the  antiquated 
methods  that  it  had  systematized  into  political  dogmas. 

The  Podesta  had  courageously  remonstrated,  but  he 
was  answered  by  sermons  and  bitter-sweet  counsels.  In 
October,  Metternich  had  sent  the  Conte  di  Ficquelmont, 
a  diplomat,  with  a  mission  to  persuade  the  Lombards 
that  they  were  wrong  to  complain.  He  was  to  divert 
them,  and  observe,  and  report.  Afterwards  Metternich 
nominated  an  especial  commission,  called  "Conferenza," 
with  the  intention  of  maintaining  a  unity  of  action  be- 
tween the  political  and  the  military  authorities.  There 
belonged  to  this  Conferenza  the  Viceroy  Raineri;  the 
Governor  of  Lombardy,  Conte  Spaur;  the  supreme  com- 
mander of  the  troops  in  Lombardo-Venetia,  Marshal 
Radetzky;  and  the  diplomat,  Conte  di  Ficquelmont. 
Ficquelmont  was  especially  charged  with  the  diplomatic 
relations  between  the  various  Italian  states,  nearly  all  of 
which  were  in  fermentation. 

The  Conte  di  Ficquelmont  remained  in  Milan  only  a 
short  time.  Recalled  to  Vienna  at  the  end  of  February, 
he  was  soon  succeeded  by  Baron  Hiibner,  who  became  a 
prisoner  during  the  Cinque  Giornate.  It  was  this  Baron 

42 


Ficquelmont  and  Hubner 

Hiibner,  who  was  in  Paris  in  1859  as  Austrian  ambassa- 
dor, to  whom  Napoleon  III  uttered  the  words  which 
sounded  the  first  note  of  war.  The  Conte  di  Ficquelmont, 
in  the  short  time  he  was  at  Milan,  had  had  a  beautiful 
apartment  arranged  in  the  Palazzo  Marino  (where  is 
now  the  Municipio),  and  had  made  preparation  to  give 
receptions  and  dinners  to  try  to  solve  the  Italian  ques- 
tion. He  had  with  him  his  wife  and  his  daughter,  the 
Contessa  Clary,  a  charming  lady,  who  became,  twenty 
years  after,  the  mother-in-law  of  the  Conte  di  Robilant, 
the  Italian  ambassador  at  Vienna.  In  the  intervening 
years  how  many  changes  had  taken  place ! 

The  Conte  di  Ficquelmont  and  his  family  showered 
kindnesses  upon  all  whom  they  succeeded  in  knowing; 
but  they  were  few.  They  called  upon  many  ladies  of  the 
Milanese  aristocracy,  but  these  last  were  never  at  home. 
The  receptions  and  the  dinners  brought  together  but  a 
limited  number  of  families  of  Austrians  and  of  em- 
ployees :  so  this  part  of  the  mission  failed.  In  the  mean 
time  the  waters  of  revolt  increased,  and  rose  higher  every 
day. 

In  1815,  when  the  Lombardo-Venetian  Kingdom  was 
created,  an  administrative  body  was  instituted,  called 
the  "  Congregazione  Centrale,"  in  which  all  the  prov- 
inces were  represented.  It  was  a  simulacrum  of  auton- 
omy which  never  existed.  This  Congregation  should 
have  been  the  interpreter  of  the  needs  of  the  country, 
but  it  was  never  held  to  be  of  any  account;  so  it  was  per- 
mitted to  slumber.  But  in  these  days  the  representative 
of  Bergamo,  the  AwocatoG.  B.  Nazari,  suddenly  arose 
and  proposed  that  the  Congregation  should  make  itself 

43 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


the  interpreter  of  the  national  discontent,  i.e.,  that  it 
should  study  its  causes  and  propose  remedies  therefor. 

Such  a  proposal,  issuing  from  a  body  hitherto  humble 
and  silent,  put  the  Austrian  camp  in  an  uproar.  The 
provincial  councils  echoed,  and  followed  it  up.  Certain 
ones  even  put  forward  the  idea  of  an  autonomous  ad- 
ministration. Nazari  was  applauded  and  congratulated 
upon  every  side;  while  the  Viceroy,  Raineri;  the  Gov- 
ernor, Conte  Spaur;  the  Envoy,  Conte  di  Ficquelmont; 
the  Marshal  Radetzky,  and  all  the  Austrians,  great  and 
small,  were  furious.  They  cried  out,  and  sought  dili- 
gently, but  in  vain,  the  knot  of  the  skein  which  every 
day  became  more  entangled  in  their  hands.  They  tried 
to  find  the  Comitato  Secreto,  which,  they  had  deter- 
mined, directed  everything.  So  the  year  1847  ended. 

The  Government,  faithful  to  its  traditions,  did  not 
know  how  to  take  any  measures  which  could  have 
changed  the  course  of  events.  Its  Lombardo-Venetian 
subjects  had  begun  to  run  down  the  declivity,  at  the 
bottom  of  which  destruction  or  salvation  was  to  be 
found.  It  was  our  good  fortune  that  our  enemies  should 
understand  nothing,  and  should  provide  for  nothing. 


CHAPTER  III 

(1848) 

The  demonstration  of  non-smoking.  —  The  evening  of  the  1st  of  January.  —  In 
the  house  of  my  grandmother.  —  Military  provocations.  —  Wounded  and 
dead.  —  Casa  Correnti.  —  Cafes  of  the  Peppina  and  of  the  Cecchina.  — 
Carlo  Cattaneo.  —  The  aristocracy.  —  The  revolution,  at  Paris,  of  February 
24.  —  Reforms  demanded  at  Milan.  —  The  revolution  begins.  —  In  Via 
Monforte  and  near  the  column  of  S.  Babila.  —  The  young  men  in  arms.  — 
Luciano  Manara.  —  Angelo  Fava.  —  The  position  of  Cattaneo. 

THE  Government,  the  military  authorities,  and  the 
police  began  to  lose  their  reckoning  and  their  pa- 
tience. From  Vienna  strict  orders  came  enjoining  resist- 
ance and  force;  and  the  army  and  the  police  longed  to 
put  forth  their  hands.  The  first  pretext  they  had  arose 
out  of  the  demonstration  of  non-smoking.  The  first  day 
of  January  passed  off  joyously.  People  went  into  the 
street  to  see  the  effect  of  the  demonstration,  and  they 
congratulated  one  another,  even  when  they  were  not  ac- 
quainted. No  one  had  a  cigar  or  a  pipe  in  his  mouth. 
In  all  the  houses  and  cafes,  in  the  evening,  no  one 
talked  of  anything  else;  and  no  one  smoked. 

The  day  after,  which  was  Sunday,  the  affair  com- 
menced to  look  serious.  The  streets  were  paraded  by 
officers  and  soldiers  who  had  often  two  cigars  in  their 
mouths,  so  as  to  have  a  provoking  air.  A  crowd,  which 
constantly  increased,  followed,  and  from  time  to  time 
hissed  them. 

An  officer,  Conte  Neipperg,  son  of  Maria  Luigia, 
Duchessa  di  Parma,  who,  in  a  provoking  way,  stood 
smoking  at  the  door  of  the  Cafe  Martini,  in  front  of  the 

45 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Scala,  was  jostled  and  received  a  blow.  The  Podesta 
Casati,  who  went  about  preaching  prudence  to  the  citi- 
zens and  moderation  to  the  police,  became  involved  in 
a  quarrel,  and  was  himself  arrested.  These  skirmishes 
were  the  prelude  to  the  contest  which  was  to  follow. 

The  evening  of  the  3d,  I  went  with  my  mother  to  my 
grandmother's.  Neither  my  uncles  nor  any  one  else  had 
ever  smoked  in  the  house  of  my  grandmother.  She  was 
approaching  ninety  years  of  age,  and  she  said  that  she 
believed  that  two  of  her  sons  had  smoked  when  they 
were  officers  in  the  army  of  Napoleon;  but  spoke  of  their 
acts  as  of  juvenile  escapades  that  were  excusable  in  the 
hardships  of  the  Russian  campaign.  She  approved, 
therefore,  of  the  demonstration  of  non-smoking,  but  did 
not  understand  why  the  Government  did  not.  Suddenly 
my  brother  Emilio  entered  the  room,  bringing  grave 
news.  He  had  come  from  the  center  of  the  city  in  order 
to  warn  our  mother;  and  to  pacify  her,  too,  on  his  own 
account. 

Bands  of  drunken  soldiers,  it  seems,  had  gone  through 
the  town,  smoking  and  insulting  whomever  they  met. 
Occasionally,  when  a  crowd  had  surrounded  them,  they 
had  drawn  their  swords  and  attacked  the  unarmed  citi- 
zens. Several  had  been  wounded,  and,  near  the  Galleria 
De  Cristoforis,  Manganini,  a  Counselor  of  Appeal,  had 
been  killed.  In  every  part  of  the  city  bloody  assaults 
had  been  committed  by  the  soldiers.  A  rumor  was  afloat 
that  several  citizens  had  been  killed  and  a  hundred 
wounded. 

The  following  day  it  was  known  that  a  group  of  citi- 
zens, among  whom  were  Carlo  d'  Adda,  Cesare  Giulini, 


Military  Provocations 


Enrico  Besana,  Manfredo  Camperio,  and  the  Podesta, 
Casati,  had  gone  to  the  Marino  Palace  to  lay  the  state  of 
affairs  before  Ficquelmont,  and  to  protest  against  the 
killings  which  were  taking  place.  The  Governor  laid  the 
blame  upon  the  provocation  of  the  citizens;  thereupon 
d'Adda  replied:  "Perhaps  the  cook  of  the  Conte  di 
Ficquelmont,  who  is  among  the  slain,  was  in  agreement 
with  us  to  provoke  the  Austrians." 

The  citizens  were  disdainful  but  not  terrified.  Pro- 
tests and  demonstrations  followed,  one  after  the  other, 
with  greater  insistence,  until  the  22d  of  February,  when 
Conte  Spaur  proclaimed  martial  law.  This  measure  in- 
stituted a  period  of  stern  repression  and  of  legalized  mili- 
tary violence. 

Boy  as  I  was,  and  ordinarily  not  going  out  of  the 
house  alone,  I  had  yet  seen  some  of  these  demonstra- 
tions, and  I  had  also  been  in  the  midst  of  some  tumults; 
but  I  always  returned  home  so  as  not  to  keep  my  mother 
in  suspense.  My  brother  Emilio,  however,  took  an 
active  part  in  affairs.  He  was  pursuing,  as  I  have  said, 
the  study  of  the  law.  His  professors  were  accustomed  to 
say  to  my  mother  and  to  our  guardian  that  their  stu- 
dent was  a  young  man  of  talent,  but  that  he  did  not  keep 
to  his  task;  that  he  thought  more  of  revolutions  than  of 
the  principles  of  law. 

The  events  of  the  day,  the  proposals  for  the  day  fol- 
lowing, the  value  of  the  ideas  which  were  unfolding,  —  I 
heard  them  all  discussed  in  Casa  Correnti.  I  can  yet 
recall  those  interesting  evenings  in  my  first  school  of 
politics  and  patriotism. 

In  the  study  of  Correnti,  on  Via  della  Spiga,  amid  a 

47 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


great  disorder  of  books  and  papers,  there  was  a  continual 
coming  and  going  of  people.  Some  came  to  bring  news, 
others  to  hear  it;  all  to  discuss,  to  plan,  to  receive  the 
word  of  command  for  the  members  of  other  circles  that 
had  gathered  together  in  other  houses.  In  the  midst  of 
all  Cesare  Correnti  was,  as  I  have  said,  the  chief-of- 
stafF.  His  was  the  directing  mind,  as  he  had  an  abso- 
lute predominance  over  his  friends.  This  he  used  in 
maintaining  concord  between  the  different  currents  of 
opinion.  He  did  it  by  inciting  us  all  to  an  idealistic  con- 
ception of  patriotism.  In  this  work,  which  was  revo- 
lutionary in  character,  he  had  an  adversary  in  Carlo 
Cattaneo. 

Cattaneo  was  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  citizens  of 
Milan.  His  studies  in  economics  (subjects  which  were 
not  then  pursued  by  the  Milanese)  and  his  "Politec- 
nico"  gave  him  great  authority.  His  house  was  a  center 
for  students  of  philosophy,  jurisprudence,  and  political 
economy.  His  character  was  haughty  and  disdainful. 
His  pride  of  intellect  led  him  to  withdraw  from  the  criti- 
cism of  the  many.  Besought  often  to  take  part  in  the 
preparation  for  the  demonstrations,  he  refused,  and  con- 
demned them  as  puerile.  His  opinions  led  him  an  en- 
tirely different  way,  in  which,  to  speak  truly,  he  was 
almost  alone. 

He  was  a  federal  republican,  and  dreamed  of  an  Italy 
divided  into  various  republics.  To  arrive  at  this  end  he 
was  inclined  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  the 
Italian,  and  even  with  the  foreign,  princes;  provided 
that,  one  by  one,  all  civil  liberties  could  be  wrested  from 
them.  He  believed  that  we  could  arrange  in  this  way 


Carlo  Cattaneo 


with  Austria  for  Lombardo-Venetia,  and  dreamed  of  an 
administrative  and  military  autonomy,  such  as  exists 
now  in  Hungary.  He  abhorred,  above  all,  the  calling-in 
of  Carlo  Alberto  to  lead  the  war  for  Italian  independence, 
the  consequence  of  which  he  thought  would  be  the 
formation  of  a  strong  monarchical  state  in  the  north  of 
Italy.  As  a  republican  and  democrat,  he  saw  in  such  a 
course  only  a  conspiracy  of  nobles  and  conservatives. 

When  Alessandro  Manzoni  was  interrogated  upon 
this  difference  of  opinion  between  Correnti  and  Cat- 
taneo, he  replied:  "Every  end  we  desire  is  an  Utopia,  but 
in  the  choice  between  the  beautiful  Utopia  of  unity  and 
that  of  federation,  I  stand  for  the  beautiful  Utopia." 

Correnti  and  his  friends  had  many  times  sought  to 
gain  Cattaneo,  but  in  vain.  He  looked  haughtily  at  the 
young  conspirators;  and  these  naturally  complained. 
Many,  too,  criticized  him  sharply;  whereupon  Cattaneo 
called  them  boys. 

Correnti  cultivated  an  understanding  with  the  aristo- 
cratic party  by  means  of  Cesare  Giulini,  Carlo  Porro, 
Carlo  d'Adda,  and  Anselmo  Guerrieri.  He  saw,  also, 
the  Podesta  Casati,  frequently,  as  he  was  the  teacher  of 
one  of  his  sons.  He  thus  gained  many  recruits.  The 
aristocratic  Milanese  families  which,  after  1815,  had 
received  the  Austrians  with  some  favor,  whether  because 
of  antipathy  to  the  Napoleonic  regime,  or  because  of  the 
pleasant  memories  of  the  rule  of  Maria  Teresa,  had 
become  disillusioned  and  irritated.  They  banded  them- 
selves together  resolutely  in  opposition  to  Austria,  and 
looked  toward  Piedmont.  The  revolution  in  Paris  of 
February,  and  the  Liberal  movement  which  manifested 

49 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


itself  everywhere  in  Europe,  pushed  Milan,  also,  into  a 
revolt. 

The  first  to  depart  were  the  Envoy  and  the  Viceroy 
with  their  families.  They  went  to  Bolzano  at  the  begin- 
ning of  March.  Ficquelmont,  who  had  been  sent  as 
a  diplomat,  discovered  that  the  Milanese  were  bored. 
This  was  true,  but  it  was  not  the  whole  truth. 

The  Viceroy,  Raineri,  uncle  of  the  Emperor  Ferdi- 
nand, had  two  daughters  (one  of  whom  was  the  wife  of 
Vittorio  Emanuele,  Prince  of  Piedmont)  and  five  sons. 
When  we  boys  met  the  five  Archdukes,  who  looked  so 
stiff  and  severe,  with  their  high  silk  hats,  all  in  the  care 
of  a  big  tutor,  we  used  to  laugh;  they  seemed  to  us 
so  ugly.  On  the  other  hand,  their  mother,  the  Arch- 
duchess Elizabeth,  the  sister  of  Carlo  Alberto,  was  very 
beautiful.  There  was  much  gossip  regarding  the  ugly 
Viceroy  and  the  beautiful  Vice-Queen,  an  echo  of  which 
reached  even  to  us  boys. 

The  Governor,  Conte  Spaur,  also  went  away,  after 
having  declared  martial  law.  "They  pack  off;  they  pack 
off,"  the  people  said,  rubbing  their  hands  with  joy.  But 
Radetzky,  Hiibner,  O'Donnel  (the  Vice-Governor),  and 
Torresani  remained.  The  most  important  persons,  there- 
fore, refused  to  pack  off.  To  Radetzky,  who  had  given 
the  alarm  at  Vienna,  reinforcements,  to  the  number  of 
80,000  men,  were  sent.  With  him  were  Generals  Wal- 
moden,  Schwarzenberg,  Gallas,  Wohlgemuth,  Wocher, 
and  Schonhals.  The  garrison  of  Milan  was  increased  to 
18,000  men. 

There  was  room  for  reflection,  but  no  one  reflected;  no 
one  except  Carlo  Cattaneo,  who  refused  to  join  the 

50 


Revolution  in  the  Air 


revolution.6  He  proposed,  instead,  to  publish  a  journal, 
the  "Cisalpino,"  the  programme  of  which  was  in  its 
name. 

There  was  in  us  all  a  presentiment  of  coming  events. 
No  one  could  say  just  what  they  were  to  be;  but  every 
one  talked  of  them.  Suddenly  there  came  a  report  that 
a  revolution  had  broken  out  at  Vienna,  the  I3th  of 
March.  Although  no  one  knew  anything  about  it,  all  be- 
came agitated  and  exclaimed:  "And  what  are  we  doing?" 
A  little  while  after  a  command  came:  "Make  a  great 
demonstration,  ask  for  reforms,  and  maintain  your 
demands,  if  need  be,  with  arms." 

Several  evenings  before  the  i8th,  I  perceived  that 
something  unusual  was  going  on  at  Correnti's.  Many 
occasional  visitors  were  present,  and  all  had  a  mysteri- 
ous air  and  looked  resolute.  They  exchanged  a  fewwords, 
then  went  their  respective  ways  without  stopping  to  talk. 
Each  one  was  in  a  hurry  to  go  to  some  other  meeting.  I 
heard  two  cafes  especially  spoken  of,  the  Peppina  and 
the  Cecchina.  I  knew  that  the  cafe  of  the  Peppina 
(situated  on  Via  del  Cappello)  was  a  rendezvous  of  men 
of  democratic  tendencies,  and  I  heard  the  names  of  De 
Luigi,  Gerli,  Maestri,  Cantoni,  Tagliaferri,  Lazzati, 
Gadda,  Brioschi,  and  Finzi  mentioned  in  connection 
therewith.  I  knew  also  that  the  cafe  of  the  Cecchina 
was  a  sort  of  club  (situated  on  the  mezzanine  floor  of  the 
Cafe  Martini),  and  that  it  was  frequented  by  many  of 
the  young  swells  of  the  aristocracy,  among  whom  the 
most  noted  were  the  brothers  Giovanni  and  Carlo 
d'Adda,  Guido  Borromeo,  Cesare  Giulini,  Giovanni 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Curioni,  Carlo  Taverna,  Alessandro  Porro,  the  brothers 
Guy,  the  brothers  Prinetti,  the  brothers  Jacini,  Simo- 
netta,  Camperio,  Manara,  Besana,  and  the  Mainoni. 
These  two  cafes  were  the  general  quarters  for  the  de- 
monstrations, especially  since  the  Casino  dei  Nobili 
was  closed  by  order  of  the  police. 

I  saw  nothing  of  Correnti  for  some  time  after  the 
1 8th.  Emilio,  who  went  to  his  house  the  evening  preced- 
ing, returned  with  an  air  a  little  mysterious.  The  next 
morning  I  met  the  young  engineer,  Angelo  Tagliaferri, 
a  faithful  friend  of  Correnti,  and  asked  him,  what  was 
going  on?  He  replied:  "We  expect  a  great  event  on 
Saturday." 7 

In  the  mean  time  we  learned  that  dispatches  had  been 
received  from  Vienna  containing  decrees  abolishing  the 
censorship,  promulgating  a  law  on  the  liberty  of  the 
press,  and  convoking  the  States  and  the  Provincial 
Congregations  for  the  3d  of  July  next.  We  heard,  also, 
that  the  Podesta  and  the  Delegate  had  urgently  called 
a  meeting  of  the  Common  and  the  Provincial  Councils. 

We  have  seen  the  dispositions  of  many  persons  of  the 
directing  class;  but  what  did  the  people  think?  The 
people,  at  this  epoch,  had  no  way  of  expressing  them- 
selves. As  there  were  no  journals  and  no  meetings,  their 
opinions  could  not  be  made  known  even  partially. 
Nevertheless  it  was  evident  that  the  national  sentiment 
had  been  awakened.  The  blood-shedding  in  the  demon- 
strations of  September  for  the  Archbishop,  and  in  those 
of  January  3d,  and  the  more  recent  high-handed  acts  of 
the  Government,  had  caused  the  agitation  that  had 
begun  with  the  higher  classes  to  extend  to  the  lower.  The 

52 


The  Revolution  begins 


ground  was  good,  as  the  harsh  ways  of  the  police  and  the 
difference  in  language  tended  to  cause  a  breach  between 
the  people  and  their  rulers. 

After  1815  the  vaunted  affability,  of  which  there  had 
been  a  tradition  from  the  time  of  Maria  Teresa,  disap- 
peared. In  contrast  to  Spanish  haughtiness  and  French 
arrogance  the  Austrians  were  less  odious  to  our  great- 
grandfathers than  to  us.  But  they  were  now  detested  by 
all,  and  were  the  objects  of  popular  raillery.  Our  op- 
pressors, from  the  simple  soldier  to  Radetzky,  from  the 
policeman  to  the  Emperor,  were  called  "Tedeschi." 
"Abbasso  i  tedeschi"  meant  so  many  things.  Yet  with 
the  Germans  themselves  we  did  not  have  much  to  do. 
The  distinction  between  them  and  the  Austrians  came 
later  on.  "Fuori  i  tedeschi"  meant  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment; it  was  the  cry  for  liberty  and  independence. 
It  was  a  certain  cry,  accepted  by  us  all  without  discus- 
sion. In  it  was  a  bond  of  fraternity  and  of  unanimity. 
Therefore,  with  "Fuori  i  tedeschi"  we  descended  into 
the  street. 

The  morning  of  the  i8th,  between  ten  and  eleven 
o'clock,  a  crowd  that  had  gathered  in  the  Piazza  del 
Duomo  started  to  go  to  the  Broletto,  the  seat  of  the 
municipality,  to  request  the  Podesta  and  the  authorities 
to  proceed  with  them  to  the  palace  of  the  Governor,  and 
to  demand  reforms.  The  mass  moved  forward  and  filled 
the  streets,  making  a  noise  as  of  a  strong  sea. 

With  this  procession  began  the  revolution  of  the 
Cinque  Giornate,  a  revolution  which  had  various  epi- 
sodes that  have  been  narrated  and  described  by  many 
witnesses,  and  by  others  who  have  written  of  the  events. 

S3 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


It  is  not  a  history  of  the  Five  Days  that  I  will  write.  I 
propose  only  to  describe  some  episodes  that  were  seen 
by  me,  or  which  I  heard  spoken  of  at  the  time  by  people 
whom  I  knew  well. 

At  an  early  hour  my  brother,  who  had  just  returned 
from  Casa  Correnti,  told  my  mother  and  me  that  there 
would  probably  be  a  great  demonstration  that  day  which 
might  end  in  a  revolution.  Our  mother's  eyes  filled  with 
tears  as  she  recommended  prudence  to  Emilio.  There 
began  that  day  in  her  heart  a  struggle  between  her  love 
for  her  country  and  her  love  for  her  sons,  a  long  strug- 
gle which  was  full  of  sorrowful  contrasts  and  that  caused 
her  great  anxiety  and  many  tears.  Poor  mother! 

At  Emilio's  announcement  I  determined  to  prepare 
for  war,  so  I  went  stealthily  out  of  the  house,  as,  up  to 
this  time,  according  to  the  custom  of  those  days,  I  had 
had  only  a  limited  liberty.  I  purchased  two  innocuous 
pistols  and  a  hat  alia  Calabrese.  When  I  returned  I  took 
from  a  box  a  tricolored  cockade,  that  a  little  cousin  had 
given  me  a  few  days  previously,  and  sewed  it  on  the 
front  of  my  hat. 

It  was  midday.  A  noise,  at  first  dull  and  distant,  but 
which  soon  seemed  like  that  of  a  crowd  of  people  clap- 
ping their  hands  and  crying  "Ewiva,"  called  every  one 
to  the  balconies  and  windows,  which  were  thrown  open 
wide.  It  was  the  demonstration  that  was  arriving.  The 
crowd  was  preceded  by  the  carriages  of  the  Archbishop, 
the  Podesta,  and  the  municipal  officers  on  their  way  to 
the  palace  of  the  Governor. 

We  lived  on  Via  della  Cerva,  on  the  first  floor  of  the 
house,  at  the  angle  of  that  part  of  the  Via  Monforte 

54 


In  fia  Monforte 


which  leads  to  the  church  of  S.  Babila.  Pushed  by  a 
desire  to  do  something,  I  descended  into  the  street  and 
went  toward  the  crowd,  which  was  marching  in  a  ser- 
ried column.  Upon  the  landing  of  the  stairs  I  met  Dr. 
Restelli,  who  lived  on  the  second  story  of  the  house,  and 
a  young  physician  by  the  name  of  Angelo  Tizzoni.  They 
both  had  guns  on  their  shoulders.  These  were  the  first 
armed  men  I  saw  going  to  join  the  (so-called)  pacific 
demonstration. 

I  had  scarcely  joined  the  moving  crowd  when  some 
one,  seeing  a  youth  with  so  large  a  tricolored  cockade 
(no  one  wore  it  as  yet  in  his  hat),  began  to  draw  atten- 
tion to  me,  saying  "Bravo,  ragazzo!*  Ewiva  la  coc- 
carda!"  No  sooner  had  he  said  this  than  several  per- 
sons took  me  in  their  arms  and  raised  me  up  on  high, 
making  a  demonstration  in  my  honor.  But  when  I  was 
raised  up,  I  wanted  to  get  down,  and  begged  them  to  let 
me  go;  but  it  was  in  vain.  I  was  carried  in  triumph  for  a 
hundred  steps  or  so.  Only  one  single  face  did  I  recognize 
among  the  many;  it  was  that  of  Carlo  Tenca,  who 
laughed  and  nodded  and  greeted  me  pleasantly. 

All  at  once  there  came  a  report  of  a  gun  which  de- 
livered me.  I  was  let  fall  and  rolled  upon  the  ground. 
My  triumph  was  short-lived.  I  had  been  raised  up,  and 
let  fall,  precipitously,  as  so  often  happens  in  revolutions. 

The  crowd  halted,  and  we  heard  a  deafening  noise  of 
cries  and  yells  that  came  from  the  vicinity  of  the  palace 
of  the  Governor.  Then  the  crowd  began  to  run  as  if 
seized  by  a  panic.  Then  the  voices  became  distinct,  as 
we  heard  only  the  cry:  "To  arms!  to  arms!" 

•Boy. 
55 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


I  drew  behind  the  door  of  a  house  so  as  not  to  be  over- 
thrown. A  little  after,  near  the  bridge  of  S.  Damiano,  I 
saw  an  overturned  cart  of  empty  barrels.  It  was  the  be- 
ginning of  the  first  barricade.  Then  I  heard  the  bells  of 
the  neighboring  church  of  S.  Damiano  ring  discordantly, 
then  the  sharp  noise  of  some  fusillades,  then  a  cry: 
"Ewiva  i  morti!"  It  was  so  high,  so  terrible,  it  seems 
to  me  I  can  hear  it  again  to-day,  as  I  write,  after  so 
many  years  have  passed  away. 

In  a  short  time  the  Via  Monforte  was  deserted;  so, 
pressing  close  to  the  wall,  I  ran  to  the  church  of  S. 
Babila,  to  the  column  where  the  Corso  Venezia,  called 
then  Porta  Orientale,  begins.  I  stopped  awhile  to  look 
at  the  spectacle  which  made  us  all  rejoice,  that  of  the 
tricolored  flags  which  waved  from  every  window.  The 
flags,  improvised  that  morning,  were  made  of  coverlets, 
shawls,  rags,  anything,  provided  only  they  were  white, 
red,  and  green.  From  the  windows  the  ladies  threw  tri- 
colored cockades  and  bouquets  to  the  applauding  people. 
In  the  crowd  I  saw  some  men  armed  with  fowling- 
pieces,  or  carbines,  that  had  been  brought  from  Pied- 
mont. Among  them  I  recognized  some  friends  and 
acquaintances,  Lodovico  Trotti,  the  Mancini  brothers, 
Emilio  Morosini,  the  Dandolo  brothers,  Luciano  Ma- 
nara,  Carlo  de  Cristoforis,  and  my  cousin,  Minonzio,  who 
afterwards  became  chief-of-staff  of  General  Cialdini. 

These  young  men,  in  union  with  some  others,  under 
the  leadership  of  Manara,  had  secretly  imported  arms 
from  Piedmont,  had  drilled  together,  and  had  prepared 
ammunition.8  About  twenty  of  them,  filled  with  mystic 
and  religious  ideas,  had  gone  to  a  church  to  receive 

56 


Angela  Fava 


absolution  from  the  coadjutor  Sacchi,  as  if  "  morituri." 
The  Barnabite  father,  Piantoni,  and  Professor  Angelo 
Fava,  the  preceptor  of  the  Dandolo  brothers,  had  led 
them.  From  the  church  they  ran  to  the  barricades,  and 
were  ever  in  the  front  of  the  battle  during  the  Five  Days. 

Fava  was  the  instructor  of  several  of  these  young  men, 
especially  of  the  Dandolo  brothers  and  Morosini.  He  be- 
came during  the  regime  of  the  Provisional  Government 
the  head  of  Public  Security,  and,  later  on,  the  Secretary- 
General  of  Public  Instruction  in  Turin.  When  I  de- 
scended this  morning  into  the  street,  I  had  a  glimpse  of 
him  from  the  Piazza  di  S.  Babila,  as  he  came  quickly,  in 
the  midst  of  a  crowd,  from  the  Via  Bagutta.  This  crowd 
had  just  come  from  the  Via  Monte  Napoleone,  and  was 
pursued  by  some  troops  that,  a  moment  before,  had 
fired  upon  it. 

Many  years  afterwards,  when  talking  of  the  Five 
Days  with  Fava,  and  telling  him  that  I  had  seen  him 
coming  from  the  Via  Bagutta,  after  the  firing  in  Via 
Monte  Napoleone,  he  said:  "I  had  just  met  Carlo  Cat- 
taneo.  I  had  been  one  of  those  who  had  tried  to  per- 
suade him  to  unite  with  us,  but  he  had  refused.  We  had 
discussed  the  matter  a  long  time,  but  each  of  us  was 
fixed  in  his  own  opinion.  He  thought  that  the  revolution 
was  an  erroneous  and  impossible  enterprise.  "Now  that 
the  revolution  has  broken  out,"  I  said,  "there  is  nothing 
further  to  discuss.  Where  are  you  going,  Cattaneo? 
Come  with  me."  "Where  am  I  going?"  he  replied; 
"when  boys  have  the  upper  hand,  men  go  home."  And 
he  turned  his  shoulder. 

But  upon  this  outburst  reflection  followed.  Cattaneo 

57 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


had  too  exalted  a  nature  to  maintain  a  disdainful  atti- 
tude. Three  days  afterwards  I  saw  him  at  the  Municipio 
at  the  head  of  the  Committee  of  Defense,  with  Enrico 
Cernuschi,  Giorgio  Clerici,  and  Giulio  Terzaghi,  taking 
a  resolute  part  in  the  movement  of  revolt.9 

In  the  mean  time  the  revolution  had  begun.  Barri- 
cades were  rising  everywhere.  From  the  courtyards  car- 
riages were  brought  and  overturned;  from  the  windows 
tables,  chairs,  mattresses,  and  utensils  of  every  kind 
were  thrown;  and  upon  the  top  of  all  were  piled  the 
stones  of  the  pavements  and  sidewalks.  Every  street 
was  barred. 

I  had  been  away  for  several  hours  before  I  returned 
home  to  reassure  my  mother.  Emilio  did  not  return 
until  late,  and  we  were  greatly  worried  about  him.  He 
had  been  detained  with  Lodovico  Trotti  in  one  of  the 
streets  that  flanked  the  Piazza  del  Duomo  by  the  Tyro- 
lese  cacciatori*  who,  stationed  on  the  cathedral,  fired 
upon  all  who  passed.  Emilio  told  us  of  the  events  in 
which  he  had  taken  part  and  of  others  of  which  he  had 
knowledge.  He  said  that  the  Austrians  had  assaulted 
and  taken  the  Broletto,  and  had  made  prisoners  of  some 
of  our  friends,  whom  they  had  taken  as  hostages  to  the 
castle.  He  told  us  the  names  of  some  of  them  and  also 
of  the  first  who  had  fallen.  Among  these  was  that  of  the 
director  of  our  former  school,  Boselli.  He  had  been 
killed  by  a  thrust  of  a  bayonet  at  the  door  of  the 
Broletto. 

*  Hunters,  sharpshooters. 


CHAPTER  IV 

(1848) 

The  second  day  of  the  revolution.  —  The  streets.  —  Broggi.  —  Engineer  Alfieri 
takes  command  of  our  quarter,  and  stations  me  on  guard.  —  Hospitality.* — 
Monday  morning.  —  Attack  upon  the  house  of  the  Duca  Visconti.  —  The 
son  of  our  doorkeeper.  —  An  officer  wounded.  —  Don  Cesare  Ajroldi,  and  the 
barricade  of  S.  Babila.  —  The  third  day.  —  We  go  to  the  Gamier  College.  — 
The  papal  consul.  —  Engineer  Alfieri  insane.  —  The  barricade  and  the  bal- 
loons of  the  seminarians.  —  The  Provisional  Government.  —  An  armistice 
proposed.  —  The  Austrian  garrison.  —  The  capture  of  the  barracks  of  the 
engineers. 

AT  sunrise  the  following  morning  Emilio  went  out 
very  early,  and  I  followed  him,  but  stopped  at  the 
door  of  the  house,  which  had  been  left  ajar,  as  were  the 
doors  of  all  the  other  houses.  In  the  Via  della  Cerva  no 
one  was  to  be  seen.  It  rained,  and  there  was  silence  ex- 
cept for  the  ringing  of  the  bells  and  the  firing  of  an  oc- 
casional cannon.  All  the  Venetian  blinds  were  closed  or 
ajar.  I  ran  softly  to  the  end  of  the  street,  and  saw  that 
the  Via  Monforte  was,  also,  silent  and  deserted.  The 
barricade  at  the  bridge  had  been  destroyed  by  the  Aus- 
trians,  and  part  of  it  had  been  thrown  into  the  Naviglio 
Canal.  On  the  other  side  of  the  bridge,  near  the  Palazzo 
del  Governo,  some  soldiers  could  be  seen  going  forth  to 
mount  guard,  and,  returning,  keeping  close  to  the  houses. 
They  kept  their  guns  pointing  at  the  windows,  ready  to 
shoot  as  soon  as  they  should  see  a  half-opened  blind. 

All  at  once  I  saw,  coming  from  the  Piazza  di  S.  Babila, 
a  young  man  with  a  carbine,  hugging  the  walls.  He 
stopped  at  the  Alley  Rasini,  and  stationed  himself 
behind  a  corner.  This  man,  who  was  to  die  a  few  hours 

59 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


after,  was  Giuseppe  Broggi.  From  his  station  he  began 
to  fire  upon  the  soldiers  who  were  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
bridge.  Every  one  of  his  shots  brought  some  one  down. 
Thus,  alone,  for  at  least  half  an  hour,  he  drove  the 
soldiers  to  the  bastions.  They  had  been  slowly  advanc- 
ing, and  were  preparing  to  occupy  Via  Monforte. 
Broggi,  when  he  saw  that  the  street  was  empty,  ad- 
vanced to  the  bridge,  taking  the  street  of  the  Naviglio. 
Here  he  posted  himself  again,  and  fired  from  the  corner 
of  the  corso.  He  had,  at  first,  the  same  success  until  a 
ball,  bounding  from  the  jamb  of  a  door  (which  yet  pre- 
serves the  trace),  rent  his  breast. 

For  some  hours  all  remained  quiet  in  the  Vie  Cerva 
and  Monforte.  Occasionally  some  one  came  to  a  win- 
dow or  went  out  of  doors,  and  asked  for  or  gave  infor- 
mation; but  all,  naturally,  were  not  heroic.  Some  had 
a  frightened  air;  some  uttered  words  of  reproof  or  of 
prudence;  some  boasted,  and  some,  again,  made  plans 
and  proposals.  All,  even  the  wisest,  were  exalted,  and 
appeared  to  be  changed  from  their  usual  manner  and 
deportment. 

Among  the  persons  the  most  excited,  I  observed  an 
engineer  by  the  name  of  Alfieri,  who  lived  in  our  house. 
A  man  usually  reserved  and  quiet,  he  became  more 
talkative.  The  day  preceding  he  had  been  in  Via  Monte 
Napoleone  when  the  crowd,  that  was  returning  from  the 
Palazzo  del  Governo,  had  been  fired  upon  by  the  sol- 
diers. Impressed  by  this  outrage,  he  had  had  a  high 
fever  the  whole  night,  his  servants  afterwards  told  me, 
and  had  become  insane. 

Alfieri  immediately  called  all  the  neighbors  to  a  meet- 

60 


Engineer  Alfieri  takes  Command 

ing  in  a  courtyard.  He  said  that  he  took  command  of 
the  quarter,  and  that  every  one  must  obey  him  under 
penalty  for  a  refusal  to  do  so.  This  seemed  to  all  of  us 
natural  enough,  and  he  commenced  to  give  his  orders. 
He  commanded  us  to  prepare  wet  linen  cloths  for  extin- 
guishing the  bombs,  and  to  put  boilers  on  the  fires  to 
heat  oil  and  water  to  throw  upon  the  soldiers.  Then  he 
sent  some  of  us  to  the  cellars,  and  some  to  the  roofs,  to 
look  for  enemies  and  spies.  And  in  this,  too,  there 
seemed  to  be  no  cause  for  laughing.  To  me,  who  was 
provided  with  pistols,  he  gave  an  order  to  conceal  my- 
self behind  a  dormer  window  of  a  roof  whither  he  con- 
ducted me,  so  that  I  might  surprise  a  dwarf,  wh^  he 
said,  made  signals  to  the  enemy.  Not  one  of  us  sus- 
pected that  Alfieri  had  lost  his  head,  so  eager  and 
exalted  were  we  all.  The  more  mysterious  a  command 
was,  the  more  did  we  approve  it.  We  lived  outside 
of  reality;  reality  was  the  sum  total  of  our  hopes;  it  was 
an  infinite  love  for  Italy;  it  was  assurance  of  victory.  I 
remained  several  hours  on  the  roof,  waiting  for  the 
dwarf,  looking  at  the  soldiers  defiling  upon  the  bastions, 
and  watching  the  bell-ringers  as  they  hammered  the 
bells  in  the  towers  of  the  city  and  of  the  churches.  Dur- 
ing the  whole  time  cries  and  fusillades  and  cannonades 
and  hissings  of  bombs  and  rockets  assaulted  the  air. 

In  looking  down  the  street  I  saw,  near  the  bridge  over 
the  Naviglio  of  S.  Damiano,  stretched  upon  the  pave- 
ment, two  bodies  of  persons  who  had  probably  been 
slain  the  day  before.  Indeed,  I  heard  afterwards  that 
the  soldiers,  advancing  from  the  bastions  to  occupy  the 
Palazzo  del  Gbverno  (after  O'Donnel  and  the  authorities 

61 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


had  left  it),  had  pushed  the  crowd  beyond  the  bridge, 
and  had  entered  several  houses,  in  one  of  which  they  had 
found  these  two  unfortunates  upon  the  roof  and  had 
thrown  them  down. 

At  this  moment  there  resounded  in  my  soul  the  pite- 
ous cry,  "Ewiva  i  morti,"*  even  as  I  had  heard  the 
crowd  salute  the  first  victims  of  the  revolt.  The  dead 
were  there.  I  could  not  cease  to  look  at  them,  held  by 
the  fascination  which  binds  us  to  the  things  that  make 
us  think.  Who  were  the  dead? 

The  evening  came,  but  not  the  dwarf,  and  I  became 
hungry.  This  helped  to  persuade  me  that  my  mission 
was,  perhaps,  ended.  I  sought  the  ladder  by  which  I  had 
ascended,  but,  to  my  dismay,  found  that  the  exit  had 
been  locked.  My  commander  had,  perhaps,  closed  the 
door  with  a  key  in  order  to  assure  himself  that  I  would 
follow  his  commands.  What  was  to  be  done?  There  was 
nothing  but  to  prowl  on  the  roofs  from  chimney  to 
chimney,  like  a  cat,  in  search  of  an  open  attic  with  a 
ladder. 

I  found  one,  and  descended,  when,  behold !  I  was  in 
a  house  and  in  the  midst  of  people  I  did  not  know.  On 
other  days  I  should  have  been  taken  for  a  thief,  but  on 
this  I  was  welcomed  as  a  friend.  I  told  my  adventure, 
and  we  discussed  the  dwarf.  They  would  have  made  a 
fete  for  me  and  detained  me  to  supper;  but  I  excused 
myself  as  I  was  in  haste  to  join  my  mother. 

It  is  not  easy  to  describe  the  hospitality  that  reigned 
everywhere  in  these  days.  The  dangers  of  the  struggle 
often  made  people  seek  refuge  in  the  nearest  house,  in 

*  Hurrah  for  the  dead! 
62 


Hospitality 


which  they  were  sure  to  find  a  fraternal  and  joyous 
welcome.  It  seemed  as  if  Milan  were  one  single  family. 
All  were  friends  and  brothers;  all  assisted  all  recipro- 
cally; all  embraced  all;  and  all  addressed  all  in  the  second 
person  singular.  From  the  streets  we  ascended  directly 
into  people's  apartments,  where  we  found  a  glass  of 
wine,  or  something  to  eat,  and  sometimes  a  bed  to 
repose  upon.  This  often  was  necessary,  as  communica- 
tion throughout  the  city  became  difficult  and,  in  some  of 
the  streets,  the  shops  were  shut.  An  occasional  servant, 
who  had  hazarded  going  in  search  of  eatables,  had  been 
killed  or  wounded.  The  wide-open  hospitality,  there- 
fore, that  placed  in  common  the  provisions  of  those  who 
possessed  them  was  providential.  The  rich  and  the  well- 
to-do  distributed  supplies  in  their  houses  and  in  the 
streets.  They  gave  generously  to  the  populace  and  to 
the  operatives  who  were  without  employment.  They 
helped  the  necessitous,  courageously  took  part  in  every 
action,  and  willingly  obeyed  those  who  commanded 
them.  No  theft  took  place  in  these  days,  though  all  the 
houses  were  left  open  and  unguarded.  Milan  was  a 
single  family.  Such  was  the  moral  physiognomy  of  the 
revolution. 

Early  Monday  morning  some  one  informed  us  that 
the  soldiers  were  advancing,  and  that  they  had  passed 
the  bridge  and  were  about  to  occupy  our  street.  This 
would  have  been  an  excellent  move  on  their  part,  as  it 
would  have  enabled  them  to  take  the  barricades  in  the 
Corso  Orientale  in  the  rear.  The  alarm  in  our  neighbor- 
hood was  great,  and  we  all  closed  our  doors  for  fear  of 
an  invasion.  The  son  of  our  porter,  a  tall  and  strong  lad, 

63 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Cecco  Migliavacca  by  name,  began  to  tear  up  the  pave- 
ment of  the  courtyard  and  to  carry  the  stones  to  the 
balcony  of  a  house  which  dominated  the  street.  I  helped 
him,  and  in  a  short  time  we  had  an  arsenal  of  stones. 
Then,  suddenly,  we  saw  the  soldiers  advancing  rapidly 
with  their  guns  pointing  at  the  windows.  Four  sappers 
were  in  front,  who  with  their  axes  began  to  deliver 
vigorous  blows  upon  the  great  door  of  the  house  of  the 
DucaVisconti  di  Modrone,  which  is  situated  on  the  cor- 
ner, between  the  Via  Monforte  and  the  Via  della  Cerva. 
The  house  was  full  of  people  who  had  taken  refuge  from 
houses,  more  menaced,  in  Via  Monforte.  They  had  been 
received  by  the  Duke  with  gracious  hospitality. 

My  young  friend  began  to  throw  stones,  and  I  as- 
sisted him  as  well  as  I  could.  The  soldiers  receded  here 
and  there  without  noticing  the  place  from  which  the 
hail  of  stones  came.  This  happened  in  a  moment.  In  the 
mean  time  the  door  of  the  Casa  Visconti  was  about  to 
yield,  and  misfortune  was  imminent,  when,  behold !  the 
window  of  a  house  that  stood  at  the  corner  of  Rasini 
Alley  was  opened  (in  it  lived  some  of  the  canons  of  S. 
Babila),  and  a  priest  stationed  himself  in  it,  in  spite  of 
the  firing  of  the  soldiers.  He  seized  a  gun,  and,  taking 
aim  at  the  officer  in  command  of  the  sappers,  knocked 
him  over.  This  unforeseen  act  terrified  the  soldiers,  and 
they  hurriedly  fled  across  the  bridge,  carrying  the 
wounded  man  with  them.  The  Visconti  house  was 
saved. 

Who  was  this  priest?  The  neighbors  said  it  was  Don 
Cesare  Ajroldi.  I  saw  the  priest  while  I  was  throwing 
stones,  but,  in  the  excitement,  I  could  not  bring  his  face 


Don  Cesare  Ajroldi 


to  mind.  Regarding  his  name  many  rumors  were  after- 
wards started  in  order  not  to  draw  especial  attention  to 
any  one.  Several  people  were  indiscreet  enough  to  ask 
Ajroldi  himself  if  he  were  not  the  hero  of  this  episode, 
but  he  always  parried  the  question.  A  man  of  genius 
and  a  distinguished  preacher,  he  was,  after  the  return  of 
the  Austrians,  kept  in  a  sort  of  exile  for  years.  They 
sent  him  to  a  little  rural  parish  of  a  few  hundred  souls. 
After  1859,  he  returned  to  Milan,  became  Monsignore 
del  Duomo,  and  filled  various  civic  and  eleemosynary 
posts  with  the  esteem  of  all. 

After  this  episode  there  came  an  order,  I  do  not  know 
from  whom,  to  erect  a  barricade  by  the  side  of  S.  Babila, 
in  order  to  defend  the  corso,  and  to  follow  it  with  others 
as  far  as  the  bridge.  Behold,  then,  all  of  us  making  a 
barricade  of  the  household  and  other  goods,  that  were 
generously  furnished  from  the  neighboring  houses.  Don 
Cesare  Ajroldi  descended  into  the  street  and  undertook 
to  direct  its  construction.  The  barricade  was  finished, 
and  we  contemplated  building  another,  when  the  Aus- 
trians advanced  as  far  as  the  bridge  with  two  pieces  of 
artillery  and  fired  upon  us.  Our  barricade  soon  lay  in 
heaps,  turned  upside  down.  We  began  in  haste  to  recon- 
struct it,  but,  while  we  were  calling  for  sacks  and  mat- 
tresses, a  cannon  ball  came  which  cut  off  the  head  of  a 
man  by  the  name  of  Perelli  who  stood  in  our  midst.  Don 
Cesare  and  Migliavacca  carried  him  to  the  church  of  S. 
Babila,  while  we  witnessed,  distracted,  the  destruction 
of  our  barricade.  We  did  not  dare  to  raise  it  again,  and, 
a  little  while  afterwards,  the  Austrians  withdrew  their 
cannon  and  made  no  other  attempt  to  advance. 

65 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  events  of  the  evening  put  the  whole  quarter  in 
alarm.  The  Duca  Visconti  began  to  enlist  a  company  of 
men  to  defend  his  house,  which  became  the  nucleus  of 
the  regiment  which  he  afterwards  equipped,  at  his  own 
expense,  and  led  to  the  field.  The  Duke  was  ever  in  the 
street  with  a  bag  of  zvanziche*  [Austrian  coins],  distrib- 
uting assistance  to  those  who  had  need.  In  the  mean 
time  the  houses  in  the  neighborhood  were  partly  aban- 
doned by  their  inmates,  who  sought  refuge  in  the 
streets  and  in  places  less  exposed.  There  was  a  rumor 
that  the  Austrians  were  preparing  for  a  new  attack  by 
way  of  Via  Monforte. 

The  morning  of  the  third  day  Emilio  returned  home 
and  persuaded  our  mother  to  leave  the  house  and  take 
Enrico  and  me  elsewhere  with  her.  My  mother  thought 
she  would  go  to  a  house  on  Via  Durini,  to  Madam  Gar- 
nier,  whom  she  knew,  who  was  the  directoress  of  a  college 
for  girls,  in  the  Palazzo  Durini.  I  cannot  describe  the 
joy  with  which  this  good  lady  received  us.  She  had 
already  placed  her  premises  at  the  disposal  of  some 
other  friends  who  had  come  to  ask  for  hospitality.  So 
there  was,  in  this  girls'  college,  a  continual  coming  and 
going  of  armed  youths  and  other  combatants,  who  came 
to  see  their  mothers  and  sisters,  to  give  or  to  receive 
information,  to  be  refreshed,  if  exhausted,  and  nursed,  if 
wounded.  But  no  one  paid  any  attention  to  the  fact 
that  these  things  were  going  on  in  a  girls'  school.  All 
were  brothers;  all  were  preoccupied  with  matters 
utterly  diverse. 

After  we  were  settled  in  our  new  home,  the  desire 

•Twenties. 

66 


Engineer  Alfieri  Insane 


came  to  me  to  return  to  Via  Cerva  to  see  if  the  Austrians 
really  were  advancing  up  Via  Monforte.  In  Via  Cerva  I 
found  a  crowd  of  people  that  seemed  to  have  gathered 
precisely  before  the  house  in  which  we  had  been  living. 
In  this  house  a  man  by  the  name  of  De  Simoni,  the 
papal  consul,  lived.  A  messenger,  escorted  by  some 
citizens,  had  come  to  invite  him  to  a  meeting  of  the 
consuls,  who,  as  we  learned  subsequently,  desired  to  ask 
for  an  interview  with  Marshal  Radetzky.  But  the  mes- 
senger had  been  stopped  by  the  engineer  Alfieri,  who 
proclaimed  that  the  consul  could  not  leave  the  house 
without  his  permission. 

The  consul,  in  the  mean  time,  had  stationed  himself 
at  a  window,  and  a  curious  conversation  ensued  between 
him,  Alfieri,  the  messenger,  and  the  people  in  the  street. 
Finally  the  consul,  in  uniform,  descended  into  the 
street,  and  Alfieri  began  to  cry:  "You  see  that  man!  He 
is  the  spy  that  we  have  all  been  looking  for  ...  kill  him 
for  me ! "  The  poor  consul,  who  understood  nothing,  was 
greatly  shocked  and  alarmed ;  but  fortunately  the  frenzy 
of  Alfieri  had  become  so  violent  that  all  perceived  it,  a 
thing  not  easy  when  reason  was  so  bewildered.  After  a 
great  hubbub,  Alfieri  fell  struggling  to  the  ground.  He 
was  taken  up  by  some  pitiful  people  and  carried  to  the 
hospital,  where  he  died  a  few  days  after.  This  was  not 
the  only  case,  in  these  days,  of  sudden  and  violent 
dementia. 

The  following  morning  very  early,  after  several  hours 
of  heavy  sleep  in  a  hammock  in  an  anteroom  of  the 
Gamier  College,  I  descended  into  the  street,  and  ran 
into  some  people  who,  with  tricolored  shawls  worn 

6? 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


across  their  shoulders,  were  giving  orders  in  the  name  of 
the  Committee  of  Defense.  They  were  trying  to  disci- 
pline the  revolution.  Falling  into  their  hands,  I  was 
stationed  as  a  sentinel  at  a  useless  barricade  which  shut 
off  Via  Durini  from  the  Verziere.  The  commander,  hav- 
ing inspected  my  pistols  and  perhaps  not  having  found 
them  murderous  enough,  placed  in  my  hands  a  fencing- 
foil.  Then  he  gave  me  the  countersign:  "Papa  Pio." 

A  little  while  after,  another  chief  came  along  who 
reinforced  the  post,  and  gave  me  as  a  companion  a  good 
old  man  who  was  armed  with  an  antique  lance.  I  told 
him  the  countersign,  and  we  soon  became  friends. 

A  patrol  appeared.  "Halt! "  cried  the  old  man.  "The 
countersign?" 

"Concordia,  coraggio,"  replied  the  captain  of  the 
patrol. 

"Truly,"  replied  my  companion,  "the  countersign  is 
something  else  .  .  .  however,  we  are  all  Italians,  so  pass 


on." 


We  remained  leaning  against  the  barricade  talking  for 
a  couple  of  hours.  The  old  man  told  me  that  the  Podesta 
had  been  promoted  to  the  post  of  Provincial  Governor. 
He  confided  to  me  also  the  injustices  he  had  suffered 
during  his  career  (he  was  a  retired  employee),  and  he 
said,  if  ever  we  should  become  German  .  .  . 

At  the  end  we  asked  ourselves  what  we  were  doing 
there.  We  saw  no  enemies;  but  there  was  fighting  in 
other  parts  of  the  city,  so  we  saluted  one  another,  and 
each  went  his  own  way.  I  went  to  the  Corsia  dei  Servi 
(now  Corso  Vittorio  Emanuele),  and  then  ran  toward 
the  corso  of  the  Porta  Orientale. 

68 


The  Provisional  Government 

I  saw,  with  admiration,  the  barricade  of  the  seminari- 
ans, the  most  formidable  of  all.  It  was  made  entirely  of 
the  granite  slabs  of  the  sidewalk,  and  was  several  meters 
high.  I  also  saw,  waving  from  the  topmost  pinnacle  of  the 
Duomo,  the  tricolored  flag,  which,  I  heard  afterwards, 
had  been  placed  there  by  Torelli,  a  friend  of  my  father. 
Then  I  saw  arise  the  little  balloons,  made  by  the  sem- 
inarians. They  were  to  send  the  proclamations  and 
bulletins  of  the  Government  beyond  the  city.10  Many 
serious  things,  and  some  comic  ones  also,  struck  my 
eyes.  I  saw  the  litters  upon  which  the  dead  and  wounded 
were  transported,  and  the  dandies  who  (decked  out  in 
shining  cuirasses  and  gay  shawls,  with  plumed  hats  and 
ancient  swords)  were  passing  by.  I  even  admired  them. 

I  returned  home  late,  and  heard  the  news  of  the  things 
that  had  happened  elsewhere.  I  heard  how  the  Provi- 
sional Government  had  been  constituted,  and  how 
Conte  Martini  had  been  able  to  enter  the  city  and  bring 
assurance  from  Carlo  Alberto  that  the  Piedmontese 
troops  would  cross  the  Ticino.  I  heard,  too,  that  the 
consuls  had  gone  to  the  Marshal,  and  that,  the  day 
before,  an  Austrian  major  had  proposed  an  armistice. 
At  this  news  the  face  of  Madam  Gamier  (whose  heart 
had  become  troubled  by  reason  of  the  continual  coming 
and  going  of  her  guests)  was  illumined  by  a  ray  of  hope. 
But  her  eyes  immediately  fell  when  it  was  heard  that  the 
Provisional  Government  had  refused  the  request.  This 
news  was  joyously  repeated  by  all  who  came,  who 
of  it  in  a  way  that  convinced  us  of  its  truth.  The  Gov 
ment  called  together  the  committees  and  the  prr 
commanders  of  the  barricades  for  consultatic 

69 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


discussion  was  short.  Conte  Durini  and  Conte  Pompeo 
Litta  observed  that  the  armistice  would  be  useful  to 
allow  Carlo  Alberto  to  come  to  Milan;  but  the  others 
put  forward  the  popular  reasons  for  rejecting  the  pro- 
posal. It  was  also  opposed  by  the  committees.  Cattaneo 
had  accepted  a  place  upon  the  Committee  of  War  which 
had  been  constituted  on  the  third  day  of  the  revolt.11 

The  success  of  the  fourth  day,  the  capture  of  the 
barracks  of  the  engineers  (now  the  palace  of  the  Savings 
Bank),  and  of  other  barracks  in  which  prisoners  had 
been  made,  had  increased  the  faith  of  the  many  and  had 
silenced  the  fears  of  the  few.  After  the  taking  of  the 
barracks  and  of  other  posts,  the  number  of  armed  citi- 
zens increased,  the  fusillades  became  clearer,  and  the 
reports  of  arms  resounded  throughout  the  city.  There 
was  a  presentiment  of  victory,  and  all  seemed  to  be 
crazed  with  joy.  No  faces  were  seen  that  were  not  lined 
with  sleeplessness,  fatigue,  and  the  excitement  of  the 
struggle.  The  voices  of  all  were  hoarse  from  shouting; 
and  all  were  hungry  and  sought  for  something  to  eat. 

The  Austrians,  whether  from  indecision  or  design, 
allowed  themselves  to  be  surprised  the  first  day,  and 
afterwards  they  did  not  seem  to  be  able  to  recover  by  an 
offensive  attack.  On  the  fourth  day  this  had  become 
difficult,  but  on  the  first  two  days,  before  the  interven- 
tion of  Carlo  Alberto  had  been  proclaimed,  they  could 
easily  have  suffocated  the  revolution.  Radetzky  after- 
Otards  justified  his  retreat  by  some  reasons  which  seemed 
cache  good,  but  which  had  but  little  relation  to  the 
(now  -i  facts.  At  the  end,  the  barricades,  the  tiles  thrown 
the  corse  roofs,  and  the  incessant  clamor  of  the  bells 

70 


"The  Capture  of  the  Barracks 

bewildered  and  discouraged  the  soldiers.  The  generals, 
alarmed  by  the  news  from  Vienna,  from  Turin,  and  from 
the  Lombard  cities  (nearly  all  of  which  were  in  revolt), 
were  dubious  and  inert.  The  troops  remained  on  the 
defensive,  and  were  valorous  enough;  but  their  attacks 
on  the  barricades  were  few  and  fitful.  The  evening  of 
the  fourth  day  the  Austrians  had  lost  nearly  all  their 
posts  and  all  their  barracks;  but  they  were  still  the  mas- 
ters of  the  castle,  of  the  bastions,  and  of  the  gates. 

Among  the  posts  captured  within  the  city  was,  as  I 
have  said,  the  barracks  of  the  engineers.  Augusto 
Anfossi  (who  had  had  experience  abroad)  took  command 
of  the  attack  upon  it.  He  directed  it  from  the  balcony  of 
a  house  opposite,  when  a  ball  struck  him  in  the  forehead. 
But  the  assault  was  continued  by  a  band  of  volunteers 
led  by  Manara,  among  whom  were  Dandolo,  Morosini, 
Camperio,  the  Mancini,  Minonzi,  and  others,  until  a 
lame  cobbler,  by  name  Pasquale  Sottocornola,  set  fire 
to  the  gates.  Then  it  succumbed. 

"Attack  a  city  gate"  was  the  command  of  the  Govern- 
ment and  of  the  committees,  the  night  between  the 
fourth  and  fifth  days.  With  its  capture  the  ring  around 
the  city  would  be  broken,  and  recruits  and  provisions 
(which  had  begun  to  be  scarce)  could  come  in.  The 
undertaking  was  difficult,  but,  in  the  intoxication  of  our 
first  success,  everything  seemed  possible.12 


CHAPTER  V 


The  fifth  day.  —  Porta  Tosa.  —  The  priest  who  blessed  the  combatants  at  the 
bridge.  —  In  Piazza  del  Verziere.  —  The  wounded.  —  The  "Martinitt"  of 
the  Asylum.  —  The  flag  of  the  Madonnina  on  the  cathedral.  —  Capture  of 
Porta  Tosa.  —  On  guard  on  a  roof.  —  De  Albertis.  —  The  appearance  of  the 
city  the  night  of  the  22d.  —  The  retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  Public  enthusi- 
asm at  the  announcement.  —  Clothes  alia  Lombarda.  —  In  the  castle.  —  The 
departure  of  the  volunteers  with  Manara.  —  The  hostages.  —  News  from 
the  districts  in  insurrection. 

I  HEARD  it  said  that  the  plan  was  to  make  an  attack 
upon  Porta  Comasina,  but  that,  owing  to  the  death 
of  Borgazzi,  the  undertaking  had  failed.  That,  after- 
wards, Porta  Ticinese  had  been  substituted,  but  that 
this  had  been  abandoned  because  of  the  vigorous  resist- 
ance that  had  been  encountered,  and  that,  in  the  end, 
an  assault  upon  Porta  Tosa  was  proposed. 

The  assault  upon  Porta  Tosa  was  certainly  one  of  the 
most  important  events  of  the  revolution.  It  was  planned 
and  directed  with  order  and  caution.  There  was  a  right 
and  a  left  wing  to  the  forces  of  the  combatants,  on  either 
side  of  the  corso,  which  advanced  and  attacked  the 
troops  on  the  bastions  to  distract  them  from  the  central 
point.  Against  this,  moving  barricades  were  directed, 
along  the  corso,  under  cover  of  which  the  gate  was 
eventually  won.  The  most  resolute  and  the  best  armed 
of  the  citizens  were  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the 
various  bands  of  combatants. 

The  moving  barricades  were  large  rollers,  made  of 
fagots,  tied  with  ropes,  which  were  slowly  pushed  ahead. 
Antonio  Carnevali,  formerly  a  professor  in  the  military 

72 


Porta  Tosa 

school  of  Pavia  during  the  Napoleonic  regime,  planned 
these  rollers  and  superintended  their  construction. 
These  barricades  made  possible  the  advance  of  our  men, 
in  spite  of  the  firing  of  a  regiment  of  infantry  and  the 
discharge  of  a  battery  of  artillery  which  defended  the 
gate. 

I  assisted  in  the  construction  of  one  of  these  barri- 
cades in  the  Piazza  del  Verziere;  and  later  on,  toward 
midday,  pushed  by  curiosity,  I  went  toward  the  bridge 
of  Porta  Tosa,  hoping  to  go  as  far  as  the  entrance  to  the 
corso.  From  afar,  from  the  bastions  and  the  gate,  the 
continuous  sound  of  the  fusillades  of  the  soldiers  and  of 
our  men  could  be  heard.  At  intervals  grapeshot  came 
bounding  along  the  pavement  as  far  as  the  Naviglio. 

The  bridge,  between  the  Verziere  and  the  street  that 
leads  to  the  corso  of  Porta  Tosa,  was  barred  by  a  barri- 
cade protected  by  some  troops.  When  I  arrived  (I  was  a 
slender  youth),  they  did  not  even  ask  me  where  I  was 
going.  One  of  them,  seeing  the  foil  with  which  I  was 
armed,  smiled  and  made  a  gesture  which  seemed  to  say, 
"Leave  the  way  to  others,  and  go  back."  They  did  not 
permit  any  one  to  pass  except  those  who  possessed  arms 
or  who  had  come  with  fagots  and  ropes  to  reinforce  the 
rollers.  To  pass  the  bridge  meant  to  come  within  the 
range  of  the  grapeshot,  to  throw  one's  self  into  a  terrible 
conflict,  to  brave  death. 

While  I  remained  a  little  mortified  to  have  been 
tacitly  called  incapable,  I  saw  a  priest  standing  erect 
beyond  the  barricade.  He  had  a  crucifix  in  his  hand,  and 
gave  absolution  to  the  combatants  kneeling  before  him 
in  articulo  mortis.  This  spectacle,  so  solemn  in  its 

73 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


simplicity,  which  was  so  characteristic  of  those  days, 
will  never  fade  from  my  memory. 

I  passed  nearly  all  the  day  in  the  Piazza  del  Verziere 
and  in  the  neighboring  streets,  doing  a  little  of  every- 
thing. I  helped  to  carry  beams  and  props  and  sacks  and 
utensils  to  strengthen  the  barricades.  I  assisted  in 
casting  balls,  or  in  making  cartridges,  in  some  tavern 
or  cafe.  I  carried  notices  and  orders.  In  the  interim,  as 
the  wounded  were  taken  into  the  houses  or  to  the  hospi- 
tals, I  saw  borne  on  a  litter  the  engineer  Stelzi,  torn  by 
a  grapeshot.  In  the  midst  of  all  the  bustle  an  occasional 
rocket  fell  into  the  piazza :  rockets  were  still  used  by  the 
Austrian  artillery.  They  were  generally  harmless,  but 
occasionally  they  wounded  some  citizen. 

Little  courageous  messengers,  who  had  free  passage, 
went  to,  and  came  from,  the  bridge.  They  were  the  pu- 
pils of  the  orphan  asylum,  and  were  called  by  the  people 
the  "Martinitt."  By  their  aid  the  combatants  of  the 
corso  communicated  with  various  parts  of  the  city  and 
with  the  Committee  of  Defense.  These  brave  children 
were  the  objects  of  universal  admiration. 

And  all  of  us,  every  little  while,  raised  our  eyes  to  the 
highest  pinnacle  of  the  cathedral,  on  which  stands  the 
statue  of  the  Virgin  in  which  the  Milanese  have  great 
confidence,  as  in  a  tutelary  genius.  They  call  her  the 
Madonnina.  She  had  seen  from  on  high,  for  so  many 
years,  our  joys  and  sorrows;  she  seemed  so  near  to 
heaven,  surely  we  could  have  hope  that  she  would  say  a 
good  word  for  us.  When,  on  the  third  day,  a  tricolored 
flag  was  seen  in  the  hand  of  the  Madonnina,  waving  in 
the  wind,  there  could  be  no  more  doubts  of  victory. 

74 


Capture  of  Port  a  Tosa 


From  the  whole  city  there  arose  a  cry  of  joyous  triumph, 
as  if  the  Madonnina  had  made  common  cause  with  us, 
and  had  taken  Milan  under  her  protection.13  Again  and 
again  we  looked  on  high  to  assure  ourselves  that  the  flag 
of  the  Madonnina  was  still  given  to  the  breeze. 

Toward  the  evening  of  the  fifth  day  the  cry  of  victory 
made  all  who  were  in  the  piazza  run  toward  the  bridge; 
the  barricade  was  no  longer  able  to  hold  us  back.  Even 
I  could  advance  to  the  entrance  of  the  corso.  The  com- 
bat had  been  reduced  to  the  gate  itself.  It  was  taken 
and  fired;  then  it  was  retaken  by  the  Austrians;  then 
again  by  our  people,  and  burned.  But  the  Austrians 
retired  laterally,  and  fired  from  the  bastions  upon  the 
crowd.  The  first  houses  in  the  vicinity  of  the  bastions 
were  set  on  fire  and  the  flames  crackled  and  shot  up  high 
in  the  darkening  sky.  The  terror  of  the  spectacle  was 
intensified  by  the  shouts  of  victory,  the  yells  of  defiance, 
the  lamentations  of  the  wounded,  and  the  cries  of  the 
women.  Every  once  in  a  while  a  panic  seized  upon  the 
crowd,  which  dispersed  and  then  came  together  again 
with  renewed  fury. 

When  I  ran  home  to  tell  my  mother  the  great  news  of 
the  taking  of  Porta  Tosa,  called  from  that  moment 
Porta  Vittoria  (decree  of  April  6, 1848),  I  found  her  most 
agitated  because  Emilio  had  not  been  seen  for  twenty- 
four  hours.  We  did  not  see  him  until  the  morning  after, 
when  he  arrived  and  told  us  of  the  vicissitudes  which 
had  prevented  his  coming  before. 

After  the  night  had  fallen,  the  fires  at  Porta  Tosa 
ceased.  Then  we  heard  a  cannonade  which  seemed  to 
come  from  the  direction  of  the  castle ;  whereupon  an  order 

75 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


was  issued  that  we  must  watch  our  roofs  and  attics,  as 
it  was  evident  that  our  enemies  were  beginning  a  more 
vigorous  bombardment.  Behold  me,  then,  again  on  a 
roof,  this  time  in  Via  Durini.  I  passed  there  a  cold,  wet 
night,  wrapped  up  in  a  blanket,  leaning  against  a  chim- 
ney. Neither  sleep  nor  fatigue  could  conquer  me  in  face 
of  the  fearful  spectacle  before  me.  From  parts  of  the 
castle  and  along  portions  of  the  bastions,  I  could  see  long 
trails  of  fire;  and  in  various  points  of  the  city,  high  and 
sinister  flames  mounting  to  the  sky,  all  in  the  blackest 
night. 

The  firing  of  the  Austrian  battalions  and  artillery 
was  directed  against  the  city.  Many  houses  were  burn- 
ing, from  which  columns  of  fire  and  smoke  arose.  A 
fiendish  noise  shook  the  earth  and  sky.  It  was  a  grand 
spectacle,  which  the  night  made  mysterious. 

Every  one  remained  on  foot  that  night,  overcome  by 
a  sort  of  dumb  terror.  Every  one  asked  his  neighbor 
whether  a  corps  of  rebels  or  of  Piedmontese  had  attacked 
the  walls ;  or  whether  the  incineration  and  sacking  of  the 
city  were  in  preparation.  All  trembled,  and  were  silent. 
Even  the  bell-ringers  were  still  in  certain  districts. 

"Halt!  Who  are  you?"  I  demanded  suddenly  of  a 
white-robed  figure  that  slowly  advanced,  making  the 
tiles  squeak. 

"I  am  a  sentinel;  viva  Pio  Nono." 

"What 's  the  countersign?" 

"Augusto  Anfossi." 

He  who  thus  spoke  came  and  sat  beside  me.  He  was 
wrapped  in  a  white  coverlet,  and  had  a  huge  two-han- 
dled antique  sword  strapped  across  his  back.  I  recog- 


De  Albertis 

nized  him  as  a  warrior  I  had  seen  many  times  at  Porta 
Tosa,  who  ran  toward  the  firing  lines  giving  his  coverlet 
(which  he  had  folded  in  a  bizarre  fashion)  a  certain 
artistic  turn. 

We  began  to  speculate  upon  the  causes  of  the  fires  and 
of  the  diabolical  noises.  My  companion  knew  no  more 
than  I ;  but  he  admired  greatly  the  incandescent  tints  in 
the  sky.  Then  he  told  me,  in  a  hoarse  whisper,  and  in 
language  free  and  fantastic,  the  episode  of  the  capture  of 
Porta  Tosa,  and  of  some  other  actions  in  which  he  had 
taken  part,  first  with  a  gun,  which  he  had  broken,  then 
with  the  antique  sword  which  he  said  was  a  beauty.  I 
asked  him :  — 

"Are  you  a  student?" 

"Never,"  he  replied.  "I  am  an  artist,  a  painter." 

"And  have  you  painted  many  pictures?" 

"No,  but  I  have  three  in  my  mind,  and  now  I  am 
thinking  of  a  fourth  . . .  the  panorama  of  this  night,  seen 
from  a  roof.  The  light  of  the  coming  day  and  that  of  the 
bombardment,  what  a  contrast!  what  magnificence!" 

"What 's  your  name?" 

"  Sebastiano  De  Albertis." 

The  friendship,  commenced  upon  the  roof,  continued. 
He  painted  several  pictures  (not  the  scene  from  a  roof) 
which  gave  him  some  fame.  He  was  a  Garibaldian  in 
1859,  and  painted  some  military  pictures.  Many  times 
did  we  recall  the  night  we  passed  together,  leaning 
against  a  chimney.  We  recalled  it  even  a  few  days  before 
he  died.  We  were  members  of  a  committee  that  was  pre- 
paring for  celebrating  the  fiftieth  anniversary  of  the 
Five  Days  —  festivities  which  he  was  not  to  see. 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


At  three  o'clock  in  the  morning  the  commotion 
ceased.  Then  there  followed  for  a  couple  of  hours  a  pe- 
riod of  profound  and  anxious  silence.  Then  we  heard 
cries  afar  off  that  sounded  like  ewiva ;  then  some  bells 
began  to  ring  as  in  a  fete;  then  a  new  noise,  as  of  a  joyful 
people,  broke  out  from  every  side,  and  increased. 

But  "What  is  it?  What  can  it  be  ? "  we  both  exclaimed 
as  we  ran  rapidly  to  the  street.  People  were  descending 
from  all  the  houses.  We  could  hear  no  other  cry  than 
"They  have  gone,  they  have  gone!"  All  repeated  the 
news;  all  embraced  and  kissed  one  another;  all  wept. 
The  doors  and  windows  were  thrown  open  wide;  many 
windows  were  illuminated;  and  from  all  waved  the  tri- 
colored  flag:  "They  have  gone,  they  have  gone!" 

How  can  I  describe  the  joy  and  the  frenzy  of  that 
hour?  We,  who  had  endured  the  shame  of  servitude, 
tasted  now  the  delight  of  freedom,  the  confidence  begot- 
ten of  strength,  the  faith  that  gives  assurance  for  the 
future.  We  made  no  analysis  of  our  feelings,  yet  there 
were  all  these  things  in  our  joy  and  gladness.  "They 
have  gone,  they  have  gone!"  broke  forth  as  from  a  single 
voice. 

After  having  exchanged  embraces  and  kisses,  not  only 
with  my  mother  but  with  all  who  were  at  the  Gamier 
College,  I  visited  all  the  points  where  I  had  learned  that 
the  principal  combats  had  taken  place.  Everywhere  I 
saw  the  same  things;  everywhere  were  tricolored  flags 
waving  in  the  breeze.  The  people  continued  to  inebriate 
themselves  with  looking  at  them.  All  wore  large  cock- 
ades in  their  hats  or  on  their  clothes;  and  from  many, 
medals  hung.  They  were  stamped  with  the  portrait  of 

78 


The  Retreat  of  the  Austrian* 

Pius  IX,  and  with  the  motto:  "Italia  libera,  Dio  lo 
vuole."* 

In  the  streets  there  was  a  continual  exchange  of 
salutes  and  embraces  between  acquaintances  and  non- 
acquaintances.  At  every  step  I  saw  gatherings  of  peo- 
ple, discussing  the  events  and  episodes  of  the  preceding 
days.  I  soon  learned  the  reason  why  the  Austrians  had 
made  such  an  uproar  the  night  before:  it  was  to  protect 
their  retreat. 

"They  have  gone,  they  have  gone!"  Many  seemed  to 
be  delirious.  All  were  seized  by  a  mania  to  hurry,  to 
expand,  to  do  something.  Some  continued  to  work 
upon  the  barricades,  those  especially  who  had  remained 
away.  They  reinforced  and  even  embellished  them, 
glorying  in  this  palladium  (as  it  seemed)  of  our  common 
liberty. 

,The  comic  types  did  not  lack;  indeed,  they  abounded. 
They  were  afterwards  called  the  heroes  of  the  sixth  day. 
They  marched  pompously  about  in  the  strangest  cos- 
tumes, in  plumed  hats,  yellow  boots  and  dresses  of  the 
theater,  with  antique  cuirasses  and  arms.  These  bizarre 
fashions  of  patriotic  habiliments  were  in  vogue  for  a  long 
time.  There  appeared  also  a  mode  of  dressing,  called 
"alia  Lombarda."  It  consisted  of  a  shirt  or  blouse  of 
homemade  black  velvet.  The  blouse  had  a  broad  white 
collar,  and  was  girded  by  a  leather  belt,  from  which 
hung  a  sword  or  dagger.  The  hat  was  plumed  and  was 
alia  Calabrese.  And  from  the  neck  descended  a  long 
chain  with  a  pendent  medallion,  commonly  the  effigy  of 
Pius  IX. 

*  Italy  is  free,  God  wills  it. 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


Even  serious  men,  in  these  days,  wore  clothes  some- 
what after  this  absurd  fashion;  and  it  did  not  seem 
strange;  nor  did  it  seem  queer  that  Cesare  Correnti,  the 
Secretary-General  of  the  Provisional  Government,  should 
be  seen  clothed  alia  Lombarda,  with  a  tricolored  girdle 
or  sash,  from  which  hung  a  sword.  Some  elegant  ladies 
also  adopted  this  fantastic  costume,  and  wore,  as  orna- 
ments of  the  toilet,  tricolored  girdles,  hats  alia  Calabrese, 
pistols,  and,  may  God  forgive  them!  swords  and  sabers. 

The  festivities,  half  serious  and  half  comic,  were  pro- 
longed for  several  days.  No  extravagance  surprised 
after  the  great  event,  which  surpassed  so  much  our  im- 
agination. There  were  actions,  however,  that  were  much 
more  serious.  On  the  24th  a  company  of  the  most  valor- 
ous young  men,  under  the  command  of  Manara,  issued 
from  the  city  and  followed  the  Austrian  rear  guard. 
These  youths  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  Lombard  bat- 
talion of  eight  hundred  which,  after  having  fought  by 
the  side  of  the  Piedmontese  army  on  the  fields  of  Lom- 
bardy  and  Piedmont,  closed  its  brief  yet  glorious  career, 
decimated,  on  the  glacis  of  Rome. 

Another  group  of  Milanese  citizens,  in  another  band, 
advanced  painfully,  in  the  Austrian  train,  toward 
Vienna;  these  were  the  hostages.  Following  the  taking 
of  the  Broletto  (the  evening  of  the  i8th  of  March)  about 
fifty  prisoners  were  made  and  conducted  to  the  castle. 
Among  them  twenty  were  chosen  as  hostages  when  the 
army  retired  the  night  of  the  22d.14  The  troops  arrived 
the  evening  of  the  23d  at  Melegnano,  and  left  the 
hostages  in  charge  of  a  commissary  of  the  police  by  the 
name  of  De  Betta.  They  were  shut  up  in  an  obscure 

80 


The  Hostages 


room,  from  which,  a  little  while  after,  they  saw  a  sinister 
light.  It  was  followed  by  a  report  and  a  cry.  One  of  the 
hostages  had  been  shot  and  fell  mortally  wounded.  It 
was  Conte  Carlo  Porro.  The  commissary  was  accused, 
but  he  exculpated  himself,  attributing  the  shot  to  a 
soldier,  and  alleging  that  it  was  a  casualty.  Conte  Porro 
died  the  following  day.  His  death  was  a  great  loss. 
Learned  in  the  sciences,  he  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the 
Museum  of  Milan.  He  was  a  man  of  authority,  and  was 
one  of  the  leaders  in  the  movement  for  the  freedom  of  his 
country,  of  which  he  was  an  ornament  and  a  hope.15  The 
hostages  were  taken  to  Klagenfurt,  and  were  afterwards 
exchanged  for  Austrian  prisoners. 

The  cry  of  triumph  after  the  departure  of  the  Aus- 
trians  smothered  many  groans  and  tears;  but  the  joy 
was  so  great,  even  the  afflicted  rejoiced,  and,  at  heart, 
were  resigned  in  their  grief. 

In  the  mean  time  news  came  from  every  part  of  Lom- 
bardy  and  of  Venetia.  Everywhere  the  same  things  had 
happened,  as  if  a  powder  magazine  had  exploded.  In 
every  city  and  town  and  village  every  one,  in  his  own 
way,  had  begun  a  revolution,  almost  as  if  by  agreement. 
And  everywhere  the  same  characteristics  of  concord,  of 
enthusiasm,  and  even  of  ingenuous  improvidence  had 
been  manifested.  The  hard  and  inexorable  experiences 
came  afterwards ;  but  nothing  troubled  us  in  these  happy 
days. 


CHAPTER  VI 

(1848) 

After  the  retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  Public  opinion.  —  The  arrival  of  the  vol- 
unteers. —  The  National  Guard.  —  Cartridges.  —  The  Palestra  Parliament. 
—  My  watch  is  stolen.  —  The  National  Italian  Association.  —  The  proces- 
sion of  Corpus  Domini. — Mazzini. — The  newspapers. — Weakness  of  the 
Government.  —  Cattaneo,  Cernuschi.  —  Demonstrations  and  agitations.  — 
The  battalion  of  the  students  and  seminarians.  —  My  uncles  and  cousins. 

WHEN  I  return  in  memory  to  the  short  time  in  which 
Milan  was  free  and  think  of  it  with  mature  judg- 
ment, I  do  not  find  that  which  I  so  much  admired  and 
which  so  exalted  me  during  the  revolution.  I  do  not  find 
the  energy,  the  self-abnegation,  and  the  concord  which 
then  seemed  to  me  to  be  so  prevalent  and  so  admirable. 
After  the  victory  many  people  thought  that  everything 
was  ended:  heroism  reposed. 

The  things  that  came  after  did  not  have  the  same  seri- 
ousness, if  I  may  so  speak.  They  have  need  of  all  the 
justification  that  can  be  alleged  in  their  favor  by  reason 
of  our  inexperience.  We  passed  the  greater  part  of  our 
days  in  the  streets,  going  from  coterie  to  coterie,  asking 
for  news  from  foreign  lands,  from  the  Lombard  prov- 
inces, and  from  Venetia;  or  we  listened  to  the  obscure 
and  naive  discussions  of  the  embryonic  politicians.  Then 
there  was  a  demonstration  or  a  celebration  for  the  living 
or  the  dead.  Then  a  reception  of  a  troop  of  volunteers. 
These  troops  were  invariably  poorly  or  strangely  clad; 
and  they  uttered  still  stranger  cries,  extolling  concord 
with  discordant  voices.  Among  these  arrivals  I  recall 
that  of  a  band  of  Neapolitan  volunteers,  led  by  the 

82 


The  National  Guard 


Principessa  Cristina  Belgiojoso  Trivulzio,  who  had  en- 
rolled them.  She  paid  their  expenses. 

'  These  troops  were  assigned  to  various  corps  of  volun- 
teers which  left,  from  time  to  time,  for  the  front.  The 
corps,  in  which  were  many  excellent  young  men,  were 
badly  commanded.  They  demonstrated  the  inefficiency 
of  the  methods  with  which,  it  was  then  believed,  the  war 
could  be  brought  to  a  successful  termination.  There 
were  some  then  who  thought  that  the  support  of  Carlo 
Alberto  and  of  the  Piedmontese  was  superfluous. 

The  streets  were  suddenly  filled  with  agitators,  who 
always  indicate  (like  worms)  a  body  in  dissolution. 
Great  importance  was  given  to  the  National  Guard 
which  was  called  the  "Palladio  della  Liberta."  The 
guard  had  been  one  of  the  dogmas  of  the  Liberalism  of 
1830,  and  had  become  a  part  of  the  faith  of  the  times. 
Many  who  would  have  preferred  disorder  passed  to  the 
side  of  order  because  they  had  donned  the  uniform  of 
the  National  Guard. 

On  the  26th  of  March,  Generals  Passalacqua  and  Bes, 
at  the  head  of  a  splendid  corps  of  Piedmontese  troops 
(five  thousand  infantry  and  a  thousand  lancers),  passed 
through  the  Porta  Sempione.  They  made  less  commo- 
tion than  fifty  Genovese  or  twenty  Pavese,  or  other  vol- 
unteers, dressed  alia  Lombarda.  The  official  journal,  "II 
22  Marzo,"  the  day  before  the  arrival  of  the  Pied- 
montese, exhorted  the  people  to  give  them  a  good  recep- 
tion, and  not  to  heed  the  report  of  political  differences, 
because  their  coming  was  in  the  nature  of  a  fraternal  co- 
operation; and  they  were  glad  to  have  the  opportunity 
of  ranging  themselves  on  our  side.  The  Milanese,  in  their 

83 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


honeymoon  of  victory,  were  jealous  lest  others  should 
gather  their  laurels.  They  were  blinded  by,  and  intoxi- 
cated with,  their  success.  What  hard  experiences 
awaited  them! 

It  was  a  great  affair,  even  to  organize  the  infantry  and 
cavalry  of  the  National  Guard,  to  elect  its  petty  officers, 
to  choose  its  uniforms,  to  establish  its  prerogatives,  and 
to  assign  to  it  its  duties.  Everything  was  the  subject  of 
discussion.  There  was  a  strife  even  among  those  who 
had  beards,  who  aspired  to  leather  aprons  and  axes.  How 
many  good  fathers  of  families  have  I  seen  in  the  parades 
(thanks  to  their  beards)  with  ferocious  faces,  in  the  uni- 
form of  the  pioneers ! 

More  serious  was  the  business  of  preparing  linen  and 
cartridges.  I  recall  my  mother  and  other  ladies  attend- 
ing to  these  matters  with  scrupulous  care.  The  cart- 
ridges, when  made  in  the  families,  were  taken  to  the  bar- 
racks of  the  engineers,  where  there  was  a  continual 
coming  and  going  of  ladies  (married  and  single)  who 
brought  cartridges,  and  received  ammunition  for  their 
daily  task.  The  manufacture  was  under  the  supervision 
of  Dr.  Giuseppe  Terzaghi,  who,  eleven  years  after,  was 
my  colleague  in  the  first  municipal  junta  of  emancipated 
Milan. 

In  this,  as  in  many  other  matters,  we  proceeded  with 
small  and  inadequate  means,  which  were  respectable 
only  because  of  the  sentiment  which  animated  us. 
Devotion  to  the  country  was  the  motive  of  every  act  in 
the  first  hours  of  liberty. 

The  rights  of  property  were  universally  respected,  and 
generosity  was  everywhere  exhibited.  Many  soldiers 


The  Palestra  Parliament 

and  police  agents  were  taken  prisoners.  These  last 
recalled  unhallowed  days  and  private  griefs;  yet  were 
they  all  pardoned.  "Offer  them  to  Pius  IX,"  a  proclama- 
tion announced.  No  vendetta  was  exacted,  no  blood  was 
shed,  no  reprisals  were  made,  for  the  many  ferocious  acts 
the  Austrian  soldiers  and  police  had  committed. 

Among  the  little  things  I  recall  is  a  club,  the  Palestra 
Parlamentare.  It  was  formed,  as  its  name  indicates,  to 
prepare,  by  vocal  gymnastics,  the  future  orators  of  the 
Chamber.  In  it  they  were  to  treat,  in  the  abstract,  the 
problems  of  political  and  administrative  reforms,  and  to 
make  plans  for  the  war  and  for  the  future  of  Italy. 

The  Palestra  was  the  meeting-place  of  all  the  idle 
braggarts,  who  gathered  there  to  display  their  empty 
and  comic  rhetoric.  I  must  confess  I  did  not  think  so 
then;  young  and  inexperienced,  I  took  this  nonsense 
seriously.  I  envied  the  fecundity  of  the  orators.  If  I  had 
been  alone  in  my  approval  there  would  have  been  no 
harm;  the  harm  arose  out  of  the  fact  that  many  people 
applauded  these  talkers  and  believed  in  them.  Thus  the 
strangest  and  most  deplorable  conceits  were  engendered 
and  disseminated  in  a  time  of  great  gravity.  We  had 
been  free  but  a  few  days  when  the  Palestra  demanded 
institutions  which  the  most  civilized  peoples  had  ob- 
tained only  after  many  years  and  through  hard  vicissi- 
tudes. 

One  of  the  things  demanded  was  a  costituente.  The  con- 
stitution of  Carlo  Alberto  was  to  be  abolished  as  soon  as 
the  war  was  ended,  and  a  constituent  assembly  was  to 
present  a  new  constitution  to  the  Kingdom  of  Upper 
Italy.  Think  what  kind  of  a  constitution  an  assembly, 

8s 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


elected  in  the  midst  of  such  confusion,  would  have 
given !  History  has  shown  us  constituent  assemblies  and 
the  kinds  of  constitutions  they  have  put  forth;  many  of 
them  so  impracticable  that  no  government  was  able 
to  live  under  them.  However,  the  idea  of  a  costituente 
gained  headway,  and  entered  into  the  plans  of  the  most 
influential  politicians  and  of  the  Government  itself.  It  is 
useless  to  say  that  I,  too,  was  in  favor  of  this  proposal, 
without  understanding  anything  about  it. 

An  episode,  in  which  I  was  concerned,  showed  me  how 
the  rights  of  a  free  citizen  (as  interpreted  by  the  Pales- 
tra) were  now  regarded.  One  afternoon  I  stood  reading 
a  proclamation  fixed  to  a  wall  when  I  saw  a  hand  snatch 
my  watch.  I  turned  immediately  and  caught  the  thief. 
He  protested  and  called  upon  the  public.  I  cried  out, 
too,  and  demanded  my  watch.  The  people  who  stood 
about  heard  now  one,  now  the  other,  and  did  not  know 
whom  to  believe.  Finally  a  citizen  came  forward  and  de- 
cided that  we  should  go  to  a  neighboring  post  of  the 
National  Guard;  but  not  to  the  police,  as  "the  act  was 
supposititious,  and  not  proved."  Every  one  said  he  was 
right;  so  we  all  three  went  to  the  post  of  the  guard. 

The  commander  and  the  soldiers  formed  a  circle  and 
stood  to  hear  the  case.  I  asked  that  the  contents  of  the 
pockets  of  my  opponent  should  be  produced.  This  course 
the  fellow  objected  to,  saying  that  it  was  contrary  to  the 
rights  of  a  free  citizen,  as  expounded  by  the  Palestra. 
Then  I  proposed  that  they  should  conduct  us  to  the 
police,  but  this  did  not  prove  acceptable  to  the  thief 
either.  He  said  that  if  it  did  not  displease  me,  it  dis- 
pleased him  to  cross  the  city  escorted  by  the  guards. 

86 


The  National  Italian  Association 

Then  the  worthy  citizen  gave  sentence  a  second  time. 
We  could  go  to  the  police,  but  alone  and  unaccompanied 
by  the  guards.  It  was  evening  when  we  two  set  forth 
from  the  post  of  S.  Babila  to  go  to  the  station  in  Via  S. 
Margherita.  We  had  to  traverse  the  long  and  deserted 
Alley  Bagutta.  I  was  not  very  tranquil,  and  asked 
myself  how  the  matter  would  end.  It  ended  suddenly. 
When  we  reached  the  middle  of  our  route,  my  compan- 
ion looked  about,  and,  seeing  no  one,  gave  me  a  great 
push.  I  fell  behind  a  barricade  that  had  not  yet  been 
taken  down  and  he  took  to  his  heels.  He  was  gone,  and 
so  was  my  watch.  A  little  after,  I  was  at  home,  relating 
my  adventure  to  my  mother.  I  cried  as  I  put  my  arms 
about  her;  the  watch  was  the  last  gift  I  had  received 
from  my  father. 

A  club,  more  serious  yet  not  less  dangerous  than  the 
Palestra,  was  founded  in  April  by  Mazzini.  It  was 
called  the  Associazione  Nazionale  Italiana,  and  had  for 
its  organ  the  "  Italia  del  Popolo."  I  had  read  various 
writings  of  Mazzini  and  had  become  enthusiastic  about 
him.  His  faith  in  God  and  in  Italy  and  his  mystical  and 
humanitarian  language  found  their  way  to  my  boyish 
heart  and  mind.  My  brother  Emilio  knew  Mazzini 
personally.  I  was  too  young  to  attain  to  this  honor;  but 
I  had  a  great  desire  to  know  him,  at  least,  by  sight.  My 
curiosity  was  satisfied  under  circumstances  which,  to- 
day, his  co-religionists  would  scarcely  credit;  I  saw  him 
in  the  procession  of  Corpus  Domini. 

As  everything  was  still  done  in  the  name  of  Pius  IX, 
and  of  the  marriage  between  the  country  and  the  church, 
every  order  of  citizens  took  part  in  this  procession.  The 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Archbishop  was  followed  by  the  clergy  of  the  city,  the 
members  of  the  Provisional  Government,  the  municipal 
authorities,  and  by  all  the  societies,  including  the  Asso- 
ciazione  Nazionale  Italiana,  which  was  preceded  by  the 
editors  of  the  "  Italia  del  Popolo,"  of  which  Mazzini  was 
the  chief. 

The  procession  made  a  long  tour  through  the  city, 
which  was  adorned  with  flags,  festoons,  and  tapestries. 
The  legions  of  the  National  Guard  formed  the  two 
wings.  But  as  soon  as  this  manifestation  of  concord 
and  fraternity  had  ended,  the  honeymoon  between  the 
classes  became  disturbed.  A  divergence  of  ideas  and 
opinions  arose.  Men  began  to  group  themselves  about 
the  old  political  parties,  or  the  parties  that  were  now  in 
process  of  formation. 

The  subject  which  raised  the  first  tempestuous  discus- 
sion was  whether  the  Lombard  provinces  should  be 
fused  with  Piedmont.  Some  desired  the  fusion  to  take 
place  immediately;  some  wished  it  to  be  deferred  to  the 
termination  of  the  war;  while  others  did  not  want  it  at 
all.  The  party  for  immediate  fusion  was  the  most  numer- 
ous, as  the  vote  showed;  but  the  other  two  parties  were 
the  noisiest.  To  the  first  party  the  merchants,  as  was 
natural,  belonged;  to  the  other  two  the  republicans 
and  the  unsophisticated.  The  republicans,  again,  were 
divided.  One  part  were  Unitarians,  and  were  led  by 
Mazzini;  and  the  other  part  were  federalists,  and  were 
led  by  Cattaneo.  Cattaneo  had  unexpectedly  become 
belligerent  in  behalf  of  his  future  federated  republics, 
and  a  bitter  enemy  of  the  Government  and  of  Carlo 
Alberto,  of  the  monarchists  and  of  the  Unitarians. 


The  Newspapers 


The  Provisional  Government,  though  composed  of 
dignified  persons,  was  weak,  and  this  weakness  was 
increased  by  the  demonstrations  of  the  people  and  the 
attacks  of  the  newspapers ;  so  much  so  that,  toward  the 
end  of  May,  a  man  named  Urbino,  at  the  head  of  a  little 
band  of  enthusiasts,  invaded  the  Palazzo  Marino  and 
attempted  to  overthrow  it.  It  was  a  senseless  act  and 
was  quickly  suppressed;  but  it  showed  that  the  power- 
lessness  of  the  Government  had  impressed  itself  upon 
the  people. 

The  most  militant  journals  were  the  "Italia  del 
Popolo,"  the  organ  of  Mazzini;  the  "  Voce  del  Popolo," 
directed  by  Maestri  and  Griffini;  and  the  "Operaio," 
edited  by  Pietro  Perego,  who,  after  the  return  of  the 
Austrians,  offered  his  services  to  Radetzky.  He  there- 
upon conducted  an  official  journal  of  the  military  gov- 
ernment at  Verona.  The  "Operaio"  was  violent,  and 
sometimes  libelous.  It  is  sad  to  say  that,  occasionally, 
Cattaneo  and  Cernuschi  gave  vent  therein  to  their 
partisan  wrath  against  the  Government.  The  Govern- 
ment was  defended  by  "II  22  Marzo."  Carcano,  Sala, 
and  Broglio  wrote  for  it. 

Cernuschi  came  from  a  modest  family  of  Monza,  and 
finished  his  career  as  a  French  millionaire.  He  was  one 
of  the  original  types  of  the  revolution.  However  devoted 
he  was  to  Cattaneo,  he  was  among  those  who  furthered 
it,  and  he  showed  his  bravery  therein.  He  was  a 
youth  of  talent,  of  some  culture,  and  of  much  cour- 
age. Of  republican  opinions  but  of  aristocratic  tastes, 
he  frequented  the  noble  families  of  Milan  while  agi- 
tating against  Carlo  Alberto.  A  democrat,  so  far  as  to 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


collaborate  in  a  plebeian  journal,  he  loved  to  show  him- 
self in  the  best  society.  He  dressed  differently  from 
others,  with  a  certain  affected  elegance.  He  was  clean- 
shaven, and  wore  a  low  hat  with  wide  brims,  a  black 
coat,  an  ample  white  cravat,  and  a  waistcoat  with 
lapels  alia  Robespierre.  His  shoes  were  always  of  patent 
leather.  During  the  period  of  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment, Cernuschi  was  only  an  agitator.  The  year  after, 
in  Rome,  he  closed  with  valor  his  career  as  an  Italian 
revolutionary. 

The  demonstrations,  the  agitations,  and  the  fetes  of 
an  impressionable  people,  unconscious  of  the  seriousness 
of  affairs,  exercised  a  very  bad  influence  upon  the  march 
of  events.  The  National  Guard  was  beaten  to  quarters 
continually,  for  a  demonstration,  for  a  victory,  for  the 
departure  or  the  arrival  of  some  volunteers,  or  for 
honoring  some  distinguished  foreigner.  Among  those 
so  honored  was  the  Polish  poet  Mickiewicz.  He  turned 
half  of  Milan  upside  down.  In  the  mean  time  the  organ- 
ization of  the  army,  of  the  defenses,  and  of  the  finances 
proceeded  very  slowly. 

I  can  still  recall  the  wretchedly  dressed  volunteers 
and  the  fantastic  students  and  seminarians.  They  were 
decked  out  in  some  ridiculous  jackets  that  had  been 
found  in  the  Austrian  magazines.  The  yellow  (Austrian) 
trimmings  had  simply  been  changed  to  red.  We  laughed, 
but  we  ought  to  have  cried.  These  studious  young  men, 
the  hopes  of  so  many,  departed  for  the  war  in  one  corps. 
What  a  grave  misfortune  it  would  have  been  if  this 
corps  had  met  with  disaster!  I  went  to  see  them  depart. 
They  left  amid  the  tears  and  the  embraces  of  their 

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"The  Students  and  Seminarians 

families :  it  was  a  pathetic  spectacle.  Among  the  semi- 
narians I  recall  my  cousin  Ignazio  Borgazzi  (who  after- 
wards died  as  a  missionary  in  Borneo)  and  some  others 
who  became  members  of  the  Lombard  clergy  who  knew 
how  to  unite  religion  with  a  love  for  their  country. 

I  was  a  student  of  the  gymnasium,  studying  at  home. 
It  is  easy  to  imagine  what  kind  of  scholastic  year  it  was. 
The  call  of  "news"  by  some  raucous  voice,  or  the  roll 
of  the  drums,  was  enough  to  make  both  student  and 
professor  descend  into  the  street.  In  July  we  took  an 
examination  in  haste,  and  were  passed,  without  much 
questioning,  with  a  sort  of  absolution. 

My  brother  Emilio  was  a  student  in  the  university, 
but  I  do  not  believe  that  the  "Pandects"  took  much  of 
his  time;  rather  was  he  occupied  with  clubs  and  meet- 
ings. He  had  made  the  acquaintance  of  Mazzini,  who 
manifested  for  him  much  predilection.  Mazzini  liked  to 
surround  himself  with  intelligent  young  men,  whom  he 
easily  made  his  obedient  followers,  because  of  his  pres- 
tige, which  he  knew  how  to  impress  upon  them. 

My  brother  was,  also,  closely  allied  with  Carlo  Tenca, 
the  editor  of  the  "Rivista  Europea,"  around  whom,  as 
around  Correnti,  many  youths  had  gathered.  Though 
very  young,  Tenca  asked  him  to  write  some  articles 
that  I  heard  praised. 

I  was  too  young  to  belong  to  similar  circles,  and,  as 
there  were  no  more  reunions  in  Casa  Correnti  (he  was 
absorbed  by  the  work  of  the  Government),  I  had  to 
content  myself  with  the  receptions  in  the  houses  of 
my  relatives.  My  mother  and  I  went  to  the  houses 
of  my  grandmother  (Donna  Rosa  Borgazzi  Caimi)  and 

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of  my  uncle  Luigi  Borgazzi.  My  grandmother  received 
her  sons  and  daughters  in  the  evening.  They  were  all 
mature  and  serious  persons,  a  little  heavy,  with  the 
exception  of  my  mother,  who  was  the  youngest. 

My  uncle  Giovanni  (who  was  our  guardian),  excelled 
all  the  rest.  He  had  occupied  some  high  post  (I  do  not 
know  what)  in  the  administration  of  the  first  Kingdom 
of  Italy.  His  wife  was  a  sister  of  Conte  Paolo  Taverna, 
who  founded  the  institution  for  poor  deaf-mutes.  The 
other  brothers  were  Don  Luigi,  an  intimate  friend  of 
Conte  Mellerio  and  of  the  older  Conservative  clericals; 
Don  Gaetano,  who  in  his  youth,  with  his  brother  Carlo 
(since  deceased),  had  been  an  officer  in  the  Grande 
Armee  of  Napoleon;  and  lastly,  Don  Giacomo,  who  had 
done  none  of  the  things  his  brothers  had,  yet  who  gave 
himself  the  air  of  having  done  more.  He  was  on  horse- 
back from  morning  to  night. 

The  sisters  of  my  mother,  with  the  exception  of  Donna 
Giuseppina  Campeggi,  did  not  have  the  grave  manners 
of  their  brothers.  They  were  all  distinguished  by  great 
goodness  and  playfulness  of  spirit.  Donna  Giuseppina, 
who,  in  her  youth,  must  have  been  beautiful,  had  a 
maternal  air.  It  came,  perhaps,  from  long  association 
with  her  deceased  husband,  who  had  been  President  of 
a  Court  of  Appeal  during  the  Napoleonic  regime.  I  can 
recall  my  uncle  still,  dressed  in  black,  with  a  white 
cravat,  twice  folded,  about  his  neck,  in  a  powdered 
peruke.  When  I  was  little,  my  uncle  and  aunt  Cam- 
peggi occasionally  asked  me  to  dinner.  My  constraint 
was  so  great  I  never  talked  while  I  was  with  them. 
When  the  dinner  was  finished  my  uncle  would  solemnly 

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My  Uncles  and  Cousins 


say:  "Boys,  after  dinner,  should  amuse  themselves." 
For  my  amusement  he  assigned  me  to  a  mean  room 
where  I  was  made  to  play  at  gioco  deW  oca* 

Nearly  all  these  uncles  and  aunts  had  many  sons, 
several  of  whom  were  young  men  of  talent  and  energy 
who  took  active  parts  in  the  events  of  the  revolution. 
The  conversations  in  the  salon  of  my  grandmother 
developed  gravely,  and  the  discussions  were  nearly 
always  the  same.  The  revolution  against  the  Austrians 
was  mentioned  with  indulgence  because  it  was  made 
with  the  cry  of  "Viva  Pio  IX";  but  it  was  viewed  with 
indifference.  We  talked  of  it  in  a  low  tone  of  voice 
because  no  one  dared  to  tell  Donna  Rosa  that  there  had 
been  a  revolution.  This  would  have  revived  memories 
of  the  Jacobin  regime,  and  have  caused  her  to  swoon. 

During  the  Five  Days  we  had  succeeded  in  making 
her  believe  that  a  dreadful  storm  had  prevented  our 
coming  to  her  salon.  We  told  her  that  the  cannonading 
was  thunder.  Her  deafness  and  great  age  had  made 
possible  the  deception  we  practiced  upon  her.  In  the 
two  or  three  years  she  survived  the  year  1848,  she  occa- 
sionally recalled  the  great  tempest  that  had  interrupted 
her  conversazione  for  five  days,  obliging  her  to  keep  her 
windows  closed. 

Much  brighter  was  the  other  reception  to  which  my 
mother  took  Enrico  and  me.  It  was  in  the  house  of  Don 
Luigi,  where  we  went  every  Sunday.  It  was  a  joyous 
circle  of  young  men  and  beautiful  girls,  children  of 
relatives  and  friends.  My  uncle,  who  must  have  been  a 
veritable  wet  blanket,  left  the  house  immediately  after 
*  Literally,  game  of  the  goose. 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


dinner,  and  did  not  return  until  midnight.  In  the 
mean  time,  under  the  auspices  of  my  kind  and  sympa- 
thetic aunt  (who  loved  to  make  her  numerous  family 
happy),  we  had  great  fun.  We  were  all  very  young;  so 
we  played  and  danced,  and  we  sang  the  patriotic  hymns 
merrily.*  My  beautiful  little  cousins !  I  loved  them  all 
a  little  fraternally,  so  as  to  do  no  one  any  wrong. 


CHAPTER  VII 

(1848) 

Apprehensions  and  fears.  —  Peace  offered  as  far  as  the  Mincio. —  Refusal  of  the 
Government.  —  Carlo  Alberto  and  his  generals.  —  Hurried  armaments.  — 
Gifts  of  the  Milanese,  and  other  Lombard  families.  —  Bad  news  and 
anxieties.  —  Public  distress.  —  The  Committee  of  Defense.  —  Fanti, 
Maestri,  Restelli.  —  Mobilization  of  the  National  Guard. — Emilio  en- 
lists in  the  Garibaldian  volunteers.  —  My  mother,  Enrico,  and  I  leave 
Milan. 

THE  halcyon  days  of  public  happiness  began  to  be 
clouded.  Toward  the  end  of  May,  however,  the 
combat  of  Goito  and  the  surrender  of  Peschiera  were 
like  rays  of  light  to  the  people,  who  rejoiced  as  they  did 
on  the  22d  of  March.  But  the  sad  news  of  the  rout  of 
Curtatone  and  of  Montanara,  of  the  dubious  fights  at 
Rivoli,  of  the  defection  of  the  King  of  Naples,  and  of 
the  withdrawal  of  the  papal  troops  soon  obscured  our 
sky,  which  was  further  darkened  by  the  fall  of  Vicenza. 
Victory  is  a  great  talisman;  woe  to  him  who  lets  it 
escape!  We  had  in  these  days  our  first  sorrowful 
experience  of  this  truth. 

The  indications  that  fortune  had  commenced  to 
abandon  us  produced  an  anxiety  that  weakened  our 
spirits.  A  vague  feeling  of  discontent  arose,  and  in- 
creased every  day.  Accusations  were  made  against 
everybody,  and  suspicions  were  cast  upon  all.  Political 
discussions  became  more  and  more  bitter  every  day. 
Our  imaginations,  which  had  become  inebriated  by  so 
many  successes,  recalled  to  reality,  sought  for  explana- 
tions of  our  reverses  in  the  strangest  notions.  People 

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began  to  speak  of  treason,  and  to  seek  for  traitors  and 
spies. 

Then  there  arose  a  disposition  to  deny  the  facts  and 
to  accept  the  suggestions  of  fancy.  The  consequence 
was  an  excitement  which  aggravated  our  disasters,  and 
left  a  sorrowful  heritage  of  disorder.  A  principal  cause 
of  suspicion  arose  out  of  the  rumor  that  the  Govern- 
ment and  Carlo  Alberto  had  entered  upon  negotiations 
for  terms  of  peace,  which,  if  accepted,  would  limit  our 
demands  to  the  Mincio.  The  facts  were  different,  but 
the  suspicion  continued. 

The  truth  of  the  matter  was,  as  is  now  well  known, 
that,  in  the  latter  part  of  June,  the  Austrians,  at  the 
suggestion  of  England,  offered  to  treat  for  peace  with 
Carlo  Alberto  and  the  Provisional  Government  on  the 
basis  of  the  cession  of  Lombardy.  Baron  Wessemberg, 
the  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  made  such  a  proposal  in 
an  official  dispatch,  directed  to  the  Provisional  Govern- 
ment. The  Government,  in  a  remarkable  Note,  was, 
perhaps,  more  generous  than  it  intended  to  be;  it  re- 
fused the  offer,  saying  that  it  did  not  want  to  make  a 
Lombard  cause  of  an  Italian  one.  Afterwards  it  charged 
Antonio  Beretta,  one  of  its  members,  to  inform  Carlo 
Alberto  of  this  decision.  The  enemies  of  the  Govern- 
ment denied  that  such  an  offer  and  refusal  were  made; 
but  the  truth  is  as  I  have  stated  it. 

The  King,  who  knew  of  the  initiative  of  England, 
heard  in  silence  the  communication  of  the  Provisional 
Government,  meditating  upon  the  reasons  which 
inspired  its  action.  As  Beretta  explained  them,  he  re- 
marked with  much  finesse:  "The  reply  of  the  Govern- 

96 


Carlo  Alberto  and  his  Generals 

ment  is  worthy  of  the  city  of  the  Five  Days."  Then  he 
invited  Beretta  to  pass  into  an  adjoining  room,  where 
some  generals  and  his  staff  were  conversing.  The  gen- 
erals were  more  explicit  and  less  regardful  than  the 
King.  They  said  that  the  Government  showed  that 
it  did  not  understand  the  state  of  affairs,  that  Marshal 
Radetzky  had  doubled  the  number  of  his  troops,  and 
that  the  Piedmontese  army  was  fatigued,  and  was  with- 
out the  hope  of  reinforcements.  They  complained,  too, 
that  the  recruits  from  the  various  Italian  States  had 
begun  to  lag;  and  said  that  Lombardy,  itself,  had  not 
done  all  that  had  been  expected  of  it;  and  concluded 
by  saying  that,  if  Radetzky  should  make  an  energetic 
offensive  movement,  the  Piedmontese  army  would  not 
be  able  to  resist  him.  Beretta  immediately  communi- 
cated these  things  to  his  Government.  His  letters  are 
preserved  in  the  Milanese  archives  of  the  Museo  del 
Risorgimento. 

Since  the  Provisional  Government  did  not  favor  the 
negotiations  for  peace,  Radetzky  (who  had  been  ordered 
to  conclude  an  armistice)  now  took  the  offensive.  He 
sent  General  Schwarzenberg  to  Vienna  to  show  the  Em- 
peror that  he  could  repulse  the  Piedmontese  army  and 
recover  Milan  in  a  short  time.  So  the  plan  of  peace  to 
the  Mincio  had  but  a  few  days  of  life,  because  of  the 
disdainful  refusal  of  the  exalted  patriots.  It  was  this 
project  that  we  were  destined  to  see  brought  about  after 
eleven  years  of  misfortune  and  sorrow  for  Italy. 

The  reinforcements,  which  would  have  been  most 
valuable  a  month  before,  were  now  hurried  forward; 
but  they  left  their  camp  too  late.  Among  them  was  a 

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regiment  of  infantry  that  had  been  enlisted  by  the  Duca 
Uberto  Visconti  di  Modrone,  of  which  he  was  the  colo- 
nel. This  regiment  was  well  equipped,  but  it  was 
composed  of  persons  hastily  gathered  together,  and  was 
poorly  drilled  and  disciplined.  Other  families  of  the 
aristocracy  contributed  generously  to  the  expenses  of 
the  war.  Among  them  I  recall  the  ducal  family  of  Litta, 
which  equipped  a  battery  of  artillery.  But  none  of  these 
efforts  were  seconded  by  the  vigorous  measures  that 
the  circumstances  demanded.  They  were  not  compre- 
hended, either  by  the  Government  or  by  the  country 
at  large. 

A  new  feeling  of  dismay  now  possessed  the  minds  of 
all  as  the  sick  and  wounded  soldiers  arrived  at  the  city 
hospitals.  They  were  so  numerous  that  they  filled  them. 
All  were  depressed,  and  they  diffused  such  discouraging 
reports  that  they  shook  even  the  morale  of  the  Pied- 
montese  troops. 

In  the  last  days  of  July  a  report  came  of  the  winning 
of  a  great  battle.  Then  it  was  said  that  the  battle  had 
been  renewed  the  next  day,  to  our  discomfiture.  But 
no  one  believed  this  last  report,  though  it  alarmed  us 
greatly.  There  were  no  telegraphs,  and  the  news  was 
tardy  and  rarely  exact.  Our  anxiety  grew  as  the  reports 
of  increasing  misfortunes  came  to  us.  Some  of  us  were 
troubled  and  sorrowful,  others  despaired,  and  raged. 
From  this  time  there  ensued  a  succession  of  accusations, 
and  of  foolish  projects.  The  only  people  who  were 
heeded  were  those  who  spoke  of  mysterious  treasons. 

Every  time  a  carriage  stopped  at  the  Palazzo  Marino, 
or  an  officer  or  a  messenger  descended,  the  crowd  gath- 


The  Committee  of  Defense 

ered  in  the  Piazza  di  S.  Fedele,  and  cried  that  the  mem- 
bers of  the  Government  should  come  to  the  balcony 
and  tell  the  news.  The  Government,  whose  authority 
became  weaker  every  day,  yielded  to  these  demands. 
Every  moment  one  of  its  members,  or  a  secretary,  could 
be  seen  reading  letters  or  dispatches  aloud.  In  the  midst 
of  so  many  serious  affairs  comic  incidents  did  not  lack. 
Between  the  balcony  and  the  piazza  occasional  dialogues, 
and  even  quarrels,  arose.  One  day  Conte  Cesare  Giu- 
lini,  tired  of  having  to  go  out  so  often,  exclaimed:  "In 
this  way  no  one  can  govern."  "Do  not  govern,  then, 
you  simpleton,"  replied  a  voice.  This  episode  Giulini, 
afterwards,  often  related. 

The  peril  increased  so  fast  that  the  Government  de- 
termined to  nominate  a  Committee  of  Public  Defense 
that  should  provide  for  all  the  extraordinary  measures 
that  had  become  necessary.  On  the  28th  of  July, 
General  Manfredo  Fanti,  Pietro  Maestri,  and  Fran- 
cesco Restelli  were  appointed  on  this  committee.  They 
were  all  honest  and  intelligent  men,  and  all  were  repub- 
licans. But  this  measure  was  not  sufficient  to  strengthen 
our  confidence  in  the  crisis  that  confronted  us. 

The  Committee  of  Public  Defense  published  decree 
after  decree,  —  of  finance,  of  order,  of  defense;  but  it 
was  not  by  belated  decrees  that  the  outcome  of  so  many 
errors  could  be  changed.  Their  multitudinous  provisions 
were  without  effect.  The  committee  decreed,  among 
other  things,  that  those  who  spread  false  or  exaggerated 
reports  should  be  arrested  and  brought  to  trial ;  but  the 
public  believed  more  in  such  reports  than  in  the  threats 
of  the  committee. 

99 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


The  Provisional  Government  has  often  been  accused 
of  incapacity,  especially  by  those  who  helped  to  upset 
it.  Composed  of  eminent  persons,  of  the  greatest  re- 
spectability, if  it  was  not  always  equal  to  its  tasks,  we 
must  admit  that  the  entire  country  fell  below  what 
was  required  of  it.  The  members  of  the  Government 
had  the  good  qualities,  and  the  defects,  of  their  fellow- 
townsmen.  To  steer  a  vigorous  course  against  the  cur- 
rent of  illusions  of  the  day  was  impossible.  What  was 
needed  was  a  single  directing  mind,  dominating  the 
others,  but  no  such  mind  was  forthcoming.  The  events 
did  not  produce  the  man. 

Among  the  patriotic  acts  that  honor  the  members  of 
the  Government  I  recall  one  that  manifests  their  good 
qualities  and  their  defects.  Pinched  by  financial  diffi- 
culties, and  not  knowing  how  to  establish  a  proper  sys- 
tem of  finances,  they  resorted  to  a  quixotic  project.  Not 
succeeding  in  raising  even  a  small  sum  for  the  pressing 
needs  of  the  day,  they  determined  to  start  a  subscription 
among  the  principal  landowners  of  Lombardy,  and  asked 
them  to  offer  their  possessions  as  a  guaranty  for  a  loan 
of  twelve  millions.  The  subscription,  headed  by  Casati, 
Borromeo,  and  other  members  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, soon  reached  the  sum  demanded;  so  that 
the  Government  confided  to  the  banker,  Carlo  Brot 
(a  German  established  in  Milan,  and  a  friend  of  the 
Rothschilds),  the  charge  of  procuring  the  amount  upon 
the  hypothecated  lands.  Signer  Brot  was  about  to  ac- 
complish his  mission  in  Paris,  when  the  misfortune  of 
war  cut  it  short.  Some  letters  of  Signor  Brot,  now  pre- 
served in  the  Museo  del  Risorgimento,  give  the  details 

100 


Emilio  enlists  with  Garibaldi 

of  this  matter,  which  honors,  not  only  the  members  of 
the  Government,  but  likewise  many  others  of  the  prin- 
cipal proprietors  of  Lombardy.16 

The  last  act  of  the  Provisional  Government,  and  the 
first  one  of  the  Committee  of  Public  Defense,  proclaimed 
the  truth  of  the  alarming  reports  and  the  gravity  of 
affairs.  To  thoughtlessness  succeeded  fear,  which  soon 
spread  throughout  the  city  and  gave  it  an  agitated 
appearance.  The  most  serious-minded  people,  of  every 
age  and  condition,  enlisted  in  the  National  Guard,  or, 
going  through  the  country,  sought  to  raise  the  levy  en 
masse.  They  did  what  they  could  to  aid  the  Government. 
The  boasters,  on  the  other  hand,  who  never  fail  in  the 
gravest  crises,  chattered  away,  and  called  for  impossible 
violent  measures.  They  increased  the  discord  and  dis- 
order. Some  left  the  city,  panic-stricken. 

My  brother  and  some  of  his  friends  departed  for 
Bergamo,  and  enlisted  in  the  corps  that  Garibaldi, 
lately  returned  from  America,  was  recruiting.  The 
Garibaldians  did  not  then  wear  the  red  shirt.  It  was 
worn  first  by  the  Mille,*  twelve  years  later.  They  had 
now  a  modest  gray  surcoat.  Only  the  officers,  whom 
Garibaldi  had  brought  with  him  from  Montevideo,  wore 
red  tunics.  They  had  green  cuffs  and  revers,  trimmed 
with  little  gold  buttons. 

"Behold  a  young  man  who  wishes  to  die  with  us," 

said  Garibaldi,  when  he  presented  Emilio  to  Giacomo 

Medici,  then  a  captain  of  one  of  his  companies.    Who 

would  have  said  of  these  young  men,  in  the  midst  of  so 

much  discouragement,  that  they  would  one  day  meet 

"The  Thousand;  the  expedition  to  Sicily. 

101 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


again,  the  one  a  general,  and  the  other  a  commissioner, 
of  the  King  of  Piedmont;  and  that  they  would  pass 
together  the  Ticino  on  their  way  to  triumph  ? 

My  uncle  and  guardian  came  one  morning  and  per- 
suaded my  mother  to  leave  Milan,  as  the  Austrians 
were  rapidly  advancing.  There  was  no  time  to  lose,  as 
the  danger  was  increasing,  and  would  soon  render  our 
departure  more  perilous  than  our  remaining.  How  can 
I  describe  our  anguish;  yet  only  in  the  severe  school  of 
adversity  did  my  generation,  and  the  succeeding  one, 
acquire  the  virtue  that  gained  them  a  country. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

(1848) 

We  leave  Milan.  —  The  attitude  of  the  peasants.  —  The  journey  to  Bellinzona. 
—  The  appearance  of  the  town.  —  The  news  gathered  by  the  Contessa 
Sormanni.  —  Sequestrations.  —  Disbanded  soldiers.  —  Gustavo  Modena.  — 
I  go  to  Lugano.  —  Lost  on  Monte  Ceneri.  —  I  find  Emilio.  —  Casa  Kramer 
Berra.  —  Mazzini.  —  The  expedition  to  Val  d'  Intelvi.  —  Poor  result.  —  The 
emigrants  scatter.  —  My  brother  goes  to  Geneva  and  Pisa.  —  We  remain 
at  Tirano. 

THERE  departed  with  my  mother,  Enrico,  and  me, 
two  of  my  aunts,  Donna  Carolina  Minunzi  and 
Donna  Giuseppina  Campeggi,  and  two  cousins.  Donna 
Giuseppina  was  accompanied  by  her  friend,  the  Con- 
tessa Sormanni.  The  Contessa  was  an  old  lady,  of  I  do 
not  know  what  origin,  who  had  passed  her  youth  at  one 
of  the  little  courts  of  Parma,  or  Modena.  She  did  not 
understand,  or  talk  of,  anything  but  what  she  had  seen 
or  heard  at  court.  Coming  to  Milan  after  the  marriage 
of  her  daughter,  she  conceived  a  great  affection  for  my 
aunt  Donna  Giuseppina,  who,  in  her  turn,  loved  her,  yet 
who  scolded  her  friend,  even  when  she  agreed  with  her. 
We  went  by  rail  as  far  as  Monza;  it  did  not,  at  this 
time,  go  any  farther.  There  we  took  carriages  for  Como. 
On  our  way  we  had  some  adventures  that  were  not 
without  danger.  In  the  piazzas  of  the  villages,  and 
along  the  roads,  we  met  peasants  who  had  been  sum- 
moned by  the  levy  en  masse.  They  had  more  the  air 
of  people  in  rebellion  than  of  patriots  going  to  defend 
their  country.  Threatening  voices  were  heard,  and 
even  our  modest  carriages  were  saluted  by  the  cry, 

103 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


"Death  to  the  signori."  The  carriages  that  appeared 
to  belong  to  the  gentry  were  stopped  and  turned  back 
with  menaces  and  injuries.  Everywhere  we  saw  evi- 
dences of  panic.  Old  men,  women,  and  children  were 
flying  with  their  household  goods,  uttering  curses  upon 
the  signori.  The  gentry  were  also  cursed  in  a  song  that 
was  a  mixture  of  patriotism  and  of  hate,  that,  to-day, 
would  be  called  anarchistic. 

Yet  the  peasants  were  neither  the  enemies  of  the  land- 
lords nor  the  partisans  of  the  Austrians.  The  peasants 
were  usually  on  excellent  terms  with  the  proprietors. 
For  Austria  they  had  no  love,  but  they  had  great  respect 
and  fear.  A  number  had  passed  eight  consecutive  years 
in  active  service  and  two  years  in  the  reserves.  They 
returned  home,  disciplined,  and  with  a  great  idea  of  the 
power  of  Austria.  The  "Tedesco"  was  for  them  the 
master  of  masters.  In  their  cottages  a  legend  was  cur- 
rent that  the  family  of  the  Emperor  was  descended 
from  relatives  of  the  Madonna. 

The  general  enthusiasm,  the  momentary  decline  of 
the  power  of  Austria,  and  the  influence  of  the  landlords 
and  of  the  priests  (who,  in  the  Pope's  name,  had  thrown 
themselves  into  the  national  movement),  induced  the 
peasants  to  take  part,  without  understanding  why,  in 
the  events  of  March.  But  bad  news  had  come;  and  fear- 
ful rumors  had  been  diffused  in  regard  to  the  vengeance 
the  Austrians  would  take,  if  they  maintained  their 
union  with  the  signori.  A  great  number  of  the  priests, 
too,  had  become  cautious,  since  Pius  IX  had  abandoned 
the  war  for  independence.  And  lastly  the  disheartening 
effects  of  our  sorrow  and  distress  were  not  lacking. 

104 


The  Journey  to  Bellinzona 

But  to  return  to  our  journey.  It  was  difficult  to  find 
carriages  atComo  to  take  us  to  Bellinzona,  whither  we 
were  going.  In  the  end  we  found  an  old,  ramshackle  om- 
nibus, into  which  we  all  crowded,  and  began  our  exodus. 
We  passed  the  frontier  with  the  agony  of  mind  of  people 
who  do  not  know  when  they  will  pass  it  again.  But, 
as  in  the  melancholy  moments  of  life,  things  always 
happen  which  lead  to  laughter,  suddenly,  in  the  night, 
one  of  the  long  seats  gave  way,  and  half  of  us  were 
seated  on  the  floor  with  our  knees  touching  our  chins. 

No  harm  was  done,  but  the  Contessa  Sormanni, 
without  altering  her  position,  began  to  intone  the 
prayers  for  those  who  are  in  articulo  mortis,  in  a  high 
and  solemn  voice.  In  our  position,  as  also  in  the  voice  of 
the  Contessa,  there  was  something  so  comical  that  we 
all  burst  out  laughing.  As  it  was  not  possible  to  raise 
the  seat,  one  half  of  the  company  had  to  continue  their 
journey  on  the  floor.  When  the  Contessa  heard  that 
we  were  all  living,  she  began,  without  changing  her  voice, 
to  recite  a  return  of  thanks.  This  was  followed  by  a 
rosary  which  finished  with  especial  prayers  for  travelers, 
for  those  who  are  in  peril,  and  for  Christian  princes  and 
rulers.  When  we  arrived  in  Bellinzona  we  took  up  our 
abode  in  a  furnished  apartment  in  the  house  of  some 
people  called  Moro. 

In  the  mean  time  matters  hastened  on.  There  was 
a  succession  of  sorrowful  rumors ;  and  soon  we  heard  of 
the  capitulation  of  Milan.  As  it  was  difficult  to  verify 
the  reports  we  received,  the  contradictions  made  our 
uncertainty  agonizing.  We  hoped  until  the  last,  be- 
lieving that  Milan  would  be  defended  at  any  and  every 

10$ 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


cost,  and  that  its  successful  defense  would  restore  the 
fortunes  of  war.  Our  sorrow,  therefore,  can  be  imagined 
when  it  was  learned  that  the  Austrians  had,  indeed, 
entered  the  city. 

The  Contessa  Sormanni,  who  believed  it  was  her  duty 
to  console  the  afflicted  (she  was  much  less  afflicted  than 
we),  went  out  occasionally  in  search  of  comforting  news. 
She  succeeded  generally  in  making  us  more  miserable, 
and  in  securing  a  scolding  for  herself  from  my  aunt. 
My  aunt  liked  to  hear  the  news,  but  only  the  kind  that 
pleased  her.  She  never,  therefore,  read  the  newspa- 
pers. In  Milan  she  had  a  secretary  whose  duty  it  was 
(among  others)  to  go  to  a  cafe  to  read  the  "Gazzetta 
di  Milano"  in  order  to  be  able  to  relate  the  news  which 
he  thought  would  divert  his  employer. 

The  Contessa,  who  knew  this  peculiarity  of  her  friend, 
went  about  incessantly  in  search  of  comforting  informa- 
tion. Behold  her  one  day  coming  into  the  house  with  a 
journal  in  her  hand,  crying  "Good  news!  Good  news!" 
All  gathered  around  her.  The  news  was  that  Prince 
Felix  von  Schwarzenberg  had  been  appointed  Governor 
of  Milan.  There  was  a  howl  of  vexation. 

"How!"  exclaimed  the  Contessa;  "do  you  not  know 
that  Prince  Felix  is  a  relative  of  reigning  houses,  and 
almost  a  prince  of  the  blood?  Do  you  not  know  that 
his  nomination  is  an  honor  for  Milan,  almost  as  if  the 
viceroy  had  been  sent  back?"  The  poor  Contessa  be- 
took herself  off,  grumbling,  and  calling  us  all  malcon- 
tents. 

A  few  days  after,  the  "notificazione"  of  Marshal 
Radetzky  was  published;  it  mortified  even  the  good  Con- 

106 


Sequestrations 


tessa.  The  Marshal  demanded  a  contribution  of  twenty 
millions  from  one  hundred  and  eighty-nine  citizens, 
chosen  from  among  those  who  had  held  places  under 
the  Provisional  Government,  or  who  had,  he  understood, 
favored  the  revolution.  The  list  began  with  the  name 
of  Principessa  Belgiojoso,  mulcted  in  the  sum  of  800,- 
ooolire.  Then  there  followed  the  names  of  the  principal 
families,  or  citizens,  of  Milan  and  Lombardy,  who  were 
taxed  from  20,000  to  500,000  lire.  It  was  not  possible 
to  collect  these  sums,  as  the  country  was  exhausted; 
moreover,  a  majority  of  the  citizens  who  had  been  fined 
were  absent.  But  the  Marshal  had  great  need  of  funds, 
since,  in  several  instances,  the  people  who  presented 
themselves  with  the  cash  contracted  for,  and  secured, 
large  reductions.  The  goods  of  many,  who  could  not 
pay,  were  sequestered.  For  some  this  meant  actual 
ruin;  for,  as  no  one  could  be  found  who  would  become 
the  keeper  of  the  sequestered  goods,  the  military  govern- 
ment took  all  it  could  find. 

A  celebrated  case  was  that  of  Beretta,  who  became 
the  mayor  of  Milan  in  1859.  Beretta,  under  the  Pro- 
visional Government,  had  had  the  care  of  the  finances. 
The  Austrians,  succeeding  to  it,  recognized  only  its 
administrative  acts.  It  placed  to  the  charge  of  Beretta 
all  the  expenses  of  a  revolutionary  character  that  had 
been  confirmed  by  him.  The  sum  was  very  great,  and 
the  Austrians  to  satisfy  it  sequestered  all  Beretta's 
goods.  Out  of  this  arose  a  trial  between  Beretta  and  the 
Government.  Beretta  believed  himself  to  be  protected 
by  an  article  in  the  treaty  of  peace,  and  brought  into 
his  defense  even  the  Government  of  Piedmont.  With 

107 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


a  council  of  lawyers  he  succeeded  in  prolonging  the  liti- 
gation for  ten  years,  when  the  battle  of  Magenta  de- 
livered him. 

We  passed  our  exile  at  Bellinzona  in  the  streets  or  in 
the  cafes.  The  most  improbable  reports  were  the  most 
accredited.  The  number  of  the  refugees  increased  daily, 
and  gradually  the  piazzas  and  streets  overflowed  with 
them.  They  were  not  always  animated  by  the  right 
kind  of  spirit.  Many  remnants  of  the  Free  Corps,  that 
had  been  disbanded,  wore  military  dress,  but  the  rags 
of  some  volunteers  moved  us  to  pity.  The  greater  num- 
ber of  these  last  came  from  the  corps  of  General  Grif- 
fini,  that  had  crossed  from  Brescia  through  the  Valca- 
monica  and  the  Valtellina,  on  their  way  to  the  Grisons. 
This  troop  had  directed  its  steps  toward  the  Canton 
Ticino  and  toward  Piedmont. 

The  Swiss,  especially  the  inhabitants  of  the  Grisons, 
did  not  exhibit  a  friendly  spirit.  Whether  it  was  because 
of  fear  of  the  Austrians,  or  of  greater  sympathy  for 
them,  they  often  treated  the  fugitives  with  harshness. 
How  miserable  were  the  wanderers !  They  had  left  their 
homes,  believing  that  the  war  was  easy,  and  that  tri- 
umph was  secure.  They  had  passed  through  these 
illusions,  and  were  confronted  by  the  hardest  facts. 
Their  minds  had,  therefore,  become  shaken,  and  they 
could  not  reason.  They  accepted,  and  repeated,  the 
strangest  notions. 

Treason!  mysterious  treason!  was  the  great  word.  It 
gave  an  explanation  to  everything.  In  misfortune,  men 
seem  to  have  a  need  of  finding  in  occult  causes  an  ex- 
planation for  their  errors.  They  are  wont  to  let  their 

108 


faults  rest  upon  the  head  of  some  one,  who  becomes  a 
traitor.  Accordingly,  it  was  said  that  the  members  of  the 
Provisional  Government,  the  generals,  and  many  others, 
had  betrayed  the  people.  The  greatest  traitor  of  all  was 
Carlo  Alberto.  If  any  one  hazarded  a  doubt  he  risked 
being  placed  in  the  same  category  himself. 

I  remember  hearing  some  persons  trying  to  persuade 
a  few  Piedmontese  soldiers  (they  had  become  separated 
from  their  command)  that  their  king  was  a  traitor.  The 
poor  fellows  did  not  want  to  believe  this,  but  the  others 
insisted  upon  it,  and  wanted  them  to  desert.  The  sol- 
diers, in  whom  the  sentiment  of  faith  and  of  discipline 
was  worth  more  than  words,  were  not  to  be  led  astray. 
They  took  the  road  to  their  homes,  and  the  way  of  duty. 

Gustavo  Modena,  a  warm  patriot,  gave  recitals  at 
Lugano,  Bellinzona,  and  Locarno  in  behalf  of  the  emi- 
grants. In  the  interludes  he  declaimed  Berchet's  poe- 
try, the  "EsecratoCarignano,"*  amidst  great  applause, 
as  he  broke  the  chair  against  which  he  leaned. 

Poor  Berchet,  how  would  he  have  liked  this  applause 
in  after  years  at  Turin?  Returning  from  exile,  he  was 
most  profoundly  convinced  that  the  only  safety  for 
Italy  lay  in  its  union  with  Piedmont.  Taught  by  mis- 
fortune, he  deplored  the  words  that  were  wrung  from  the 
sorrows  of  a  patriot,  disillusioned  by  the  misadventures 
of  1821. 

Lugano,   Bellinzona,  Locarno,    the   whole    Canton 
Ticino,  overflowed  with  the  emigrants.    Many,  espe- 
cially the  volunteers,  were  quite  without  means.   The 
richer  emigrants  were  not  able  to  afford  much  help, 
*  Execrated  Carignan,  Carlo  Alberto. 
IO9 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


since,  fugitives  themselves,  they  were  often  living  in 
distress. 

I  cannot  tell  the  pain  the  good  Contessa  had  in  seeing 
so  many  young  men  encamped  in  the  streets  and  in  the 
courtyards,  suffering  from  fever  and  fatigue.  We  could 
see  her,  in  the  company  of  volunteers  of  every  sort  and 
kind,  who  listened  with  pleasure  to  the  good  "Mother 
Superior,"  as  they  called  her.  She  looked  like  a  nun, 
as  she  dressed  in  black,  and  wore  a  white  coif,  and  a  long 
black  veil.  Nor  were  her  comforts  limited  to  words. 
Every  morning  she  led  a  little  squad  of  exhausted  men 
to  breakfast,  but,  before  so  doing,  she  took  them  to  hear 
a  mass. 

After  the  surrender  of  Milan,  the  hopes  of  the  refugees 
were  centered  in  the  Free  Corps,  especially  in  that  of 
Garibaldi.  "The  royal  war  is  finished;  now  begins  the 
war  of  the  people,"  Mazzini  proclaimed.  As  phrases 
had  great  weight,  all  looked  forward  to  it.  But  soon  we 
learned  that  Garibaldi's  corps,  which  was  the  last  in 
the  field,  after  the  combats  of  Morazzone  and  Luino, 
had  been  outnumbered,  and  driven  into  Canton  Ticino. 
This  news  made  us  apprehensive  for  Emilio  and  his 
friends. 

We  made  anxious  inquiries  of  all  who  might  give  us 
any  information,  but  in  vain.  After  several  days,  per- 
ceiving that  my  mother  was  most  unhappy,  I  resolved 
to  go  to  Lugano  where,  I  was  told,  there  were  some  of  the 
Garibaldians.  Deciding  one  evening  to  go,  as  I  could 
not  find  any  cart  or  wagon,  I  departed  on  foot.  I  would 
have  done  better  to  have  waited  until  morning,  but  I 
was  moved  by  my  mother's  affliction. 

no 


I  go  to  Lugano 


I  had  trusted  in  the  moon,  but  she  is  sometimes  fickle. 
In  traversing  Monte  Ceneri  I  thought  I  would  take  a 
byway,  when,  suddenly,  the  sky  became  dark,  and  it 
began  to  rain.  The  path  I  took  led  to  a  wall  beyond 
which  I  could  see  nothing.  I  cried  aloud;  but  no  one 
replied.  I  heard  only  the  mysterious  voices  of  the  night, 
the  rustling  of  a  leaf,  the  falling  of  a  stone,  or  the  flight 
of  some  little  beast  to  its  den.  I  sat  upon  the  ground, 
and  remained  there  until  dawn.  Then  I  found  the  path, 
and  crossing  the  mountain,  I  regained  the  post-road. 
Some  hours  after,  I  entered  Lugano,  seated  on  a  trunk, 
behind  a  coach. 

Lugano  presented  the  same  aspect  as  Bellinzona,  but 
in  greater  proportions.  The  piazzas  and  streets  were 
crowded  with  soldiers  of  all  conditions.  Among  them 
I  found  some  acquaintances  to  whom  I  told  my  mission. 
They  referred  me  to  a  soldier  who  had  helped  the  sick 
and  wounded  across  the  frontier.  He  took  me  to  a  house, 
in  the  stable  of  which  I  found  Emilio,  wrapped  in  a 
greatcoat,  stretched  upon  some  straw.  He  had  been 
smitten  with  fever  because  of  the  fatigue  of  the  long 
marches,  and  had  fallen  out  by  the  way.  With  some 
others  he  had  been  taken  up  and  carried  to  this 
stable. 

Seeing  me  he  revived,  and,  a  short  time  after,  we  left 
this  improvised  hospital.  He  was  still  feverish,  but, 
above  all,  he  was  exhausted.  He  needed  food  and  rest; 
he  did  not  have  a  cent  in  his  pockets.  A  short  time 
after,  we  left  for  Bellinzona,  where  my  mother's  loving 
care  brought  about  Emilio's  speedy  recovery.  After  a 
fortnight  he  was  called  back  to  Lugano,  and  I  followed 

in 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


him,  as  I  was  anxious  to  know  something  of  the  events 
that,  I  learned,  were  in  preparation. 

The 'cream  of  the  radical  Lombard  emigration  had 
gathered  about  Mazzini  in  Lugano.  Emilio  took  me 
to  call  upon  Signora  Teresa  Kramer  Berra,  the  mother 
of  Edoardo  Kramer,  who  had  been  one  of  his  school 
friends.  In  her  house  many  emigrants  came  together, 
all  of  whom  were  agitated  by  the  schemes  that  were 
at  once  their  comfort  and  the  cause  of  their  unrest.  I 
made  the  acquaintance  of  some  personages  who  pro- 
cured for  me  the  honor  of  assisting  at  some  of  the 
meetings  in  which  a  new  insurrection  was  planned.  A 
number  of  them  were  held  at  Capolago,  in  the  print- 
ing office  of  De  Boni.  Here  I  met  Mazzini. 

Mazzini  was  the  ideal  of  nearly  all  the  emigrants. 
No  one  talked  of,  or  listened  to,  any  one  else.  His  utter- 
ances were  dogmas.  His  intimate  friends,  and  many 
who  wished  to  appear  to  be  intimate,  called  him  simply 
"Pippo."  He  who  spoke  of  a  matter  in  the  name  of 
"Pippo"  had  no  need  to  discuss  it  further.  His  word 
was  absolute  and  infallible. 

Mazzini  had  a  gentle  way  of  speaking  and  acting.  He 
discussed  affairs  in  a  sweet  tone,  with  an  air  of  inspira- 
tion. He  did  not  like  to  be  contradicted,  and  was  espe- 
cially deferential  to  those  who  were  of  his  opinion.  It  is 
useless  to  say  that  I  was  one  of  his  enthusiastic  admirers, 
and  that  I  listened  to  him  in  religious  silence. 

In  the  meetings  I  attended  I  heard  the  particulars  of 
the  preparations  for  an  armed  invasion  of  Lombardy, 
a  project  which  gradually  became  the  secret  of  all,  and 
was  soon  discussed  in  the  cafes.  One  of  the  busybodies 

112 


The  Expedition  to  Vald*  Intelvi 

was  a  man  by  the  name  of  Mora,  whom  I  had  seen  the 
previous  year  in  Casa  Correnti.  He  was  always  in  the 
uniform  of  I  do  not  know  what  corps,  and  went  about 
with  the  air  of  a  man  who  has  his  head  full  of  schemes 
and  secrets.  He  was  quiet,  but  his  quietness  seemed  to 
say  more  than  another's  speech.  Evidently  he  believed 
himself  to  be  the  chief-of-staff  of  the  army  that  Maz- 
zini  was  preparing;  but  events  soon  cut  short  Mora's 
military  career.  Many  years  afterwards  he  became  the 
steward  of  the  Royal  College  for  Girls  in  Milan. 

The  war  of  the  people,  destined,  as  it  was  said,  to  repair 
the  errors  of  the  royal  war,  finished  with  two  attempts ; 
one  from  the  Valle  d'  Intelvi,  and  one  from  Chiavenna. 
To  judge  from  the  plans,  great  deeds  were  to  be  done 
in  the  valleys  and  in  the  lake  districts.  When  October 
came,  Emilio  left  Lugano  and,  passing  through  Switzer- 
land, went  to  the  districts  where  the  insurrection  was  to 
break  out.  But  when  he  arrived  in  Valtellina,  he  learned 
to  his  surprise  that  no  one  knew  anything  about  it.  He 
talked  with  the  principal  patriots,  and  found  that  they 
were  all  opposed  to  the  projected  movement.  He  con- 
sulted, also,  with  Enrico  Guicciardi,  who  had  come  from 
Piedmont  to  look  into  the  supposititious  preparations. 
Guicciardi  was  a  brave  man,  but  not  one  who  was  easily 
deceived.  He  discouraged  the  enterprise,  and  returned 
to  his  Valtellinese  battalion,  which  soon  distinguished 
itself  at  the  battle  of  Novara. 

In  the  mean  time  Mazzini  ordered  D'Apice  and 
Arcioni,  called  generals,  to  advance  into  the  Valle 
d'  Intelvi.  This  valley  opens  behind  the  district  of 
Argegno  on  Lake  Como.  The  Comitato  Insurrezionale 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


of  Lugano,  in  order  to  second  this  movement,  ordered 
a  corps,  supposed  to  have  four  hundred  men,  of  em- 
igrants and  disbanded  soldiers,  to  march  to  the  valley. 
This  corps,  which  was  only  partly  formed,  was  dismissed 
by  D'  Apice  after  the  first  skirmish. 

On  the  28th  of  October,  General  Wimpfen  sent  seven 
hundred  soldiers,  embarked  on  two  steamers,  from 
Como  to  Argegno.  As  they  approached,  a  boat  sud- 
denly put  forth  with  the  intention  of  boarding  the 
steamers.  From  one  of  them  a  cannon  was  fired,  where- 
upon the  boat  turned  back,  and  ran  upon  the  beach. 
The  attack  of  the  few  upon  the  many  failed,  as  did  all 
the  other  foolish  attempts  of  the  year  1848.  This  se- 
rious, yet  comic,  episode  was  told  me  by  Antonio 
Lazzati,  who  was  aboard  the  boat. 

The  Austrians  marched  into  the  Valle  d'  Intelvi  where 
a  republic  (which  lasted  three  days)  had  been  pro- 
claimed. It  was  defended  by  a  handful  of  poeple,  com- 
manded by  Antonio  Cresseri  and  Andrea  Brenta,  two 
brave  men,  who  almost  alone  resisted  them.  They 
were  captured,  and  shot  at  Como. 

Contemporaneously  with  these  events,  another  group 
of  emigrants  penetrated  the  Valtellina  nearly  as  far 
as  Chiavenna.  It  was  commanded  by  the  patriot  Fran- 
cesco Dolzino.  There  were  with  him  the  Marchese 
Vitaliano  Crivelli,  Alberico  Gerli,  called  Pepe,  Giovanni 
and  Gaetano  Cantoni,  the  notary  Bordini,  and  the 
engineer  Tagliaferri,  all  of  Milan.  The  Austrians  ar- 
rived shortly  after,  and  occupied  the  Valle  del  Mera. 
Shots  were  exchanged,  and  the  Austrians  burned  the 
village  of  Veccia;  but  no  one  moved.  The  few  emi- 

114 


The  Emigrants  scatter 


grants  who  had  attempted  the  attack  were  dispersed.  So 
finished  the  expedition  that  the  best  informed  people  had 
sought  to  prevent.  Adventurers  and  dreamers  planned 
it;  and  Mazzini  had  given  them  his  support. 

After  the  outcome  of  their  unfortunate  enterprise, 
the  emigrants,  persuaded  that  nothing  further  would 
be  attempted,  began  to  strike  their  tents.  The  least 
compromised  returned  to  Lombardy,  going  first  to  their 
country-houses.  The  most  exalted  of  the  volunteers 
directed  their  steps  to  central  Italy,  where,  it  was 
hoped,  new  movements  were  on  foot. 

At  the  end  of  October  our  little  colony  determined 
to  return  home.  The  Contessa  Sormanni  was  the  most 
impatient  of  us  all.  Hearing  of  the  archdukes  and 
princes  who  had  received  commands  in  Lombardy  she 
was  anxious  to  see  them.  All  raised  their  voices  against 
her,  and  many  discussions  ensued.  My  Aunt  Giusep- 
pina,  returning  to  the  memories  of  her  youth,  invoked 
a  new  Napoleon,  who,  she  said,  would  soon  put  an  end 
to  all  confusion,  while  the  Contessa  maintained  that 
no  confusion  would  have  arisen  if  only  Maria  Luigia 
Duchessa  di  Parma  *  were  yet  living! 

My  aunts,  cousins,  and  the  Contessa  departed  di- 
rectly for  Milan.  My  mother  preferred  to  go  with 
Enrico  and  me  to  Tirano,  although  Emilio,  who  had 
gone  there  some  days  before,  had  left. 

*  Second  wife  of  Napoleon  I. 


CHAPTER  IX 

(1848) 

Return  to  Milan.  —  Appearance  of  the  city.  —  We  leave  for  the  Valtellina.  — 
Under  military  government.  —  A  condemnation.  —  The  Croatian  soldiers. 
—  Military  cantonments.  —  Major  Krall.  —  Mazzini  and  the  expeditions.  — 
I  study  German  and  music.  —  Milan  again.  —  The  prevalent  sadness.  — 
The  revolutionary  movements  in  central  Italy. 

BEFORE  going  to  the  Valtellina  we  had  to  return  to 
Milan  for  a  few  days.  We  went  from  Arona  by  night. 
At  the  frontier  we  were  received  by  a  commissary,  who, 
after  questioning  us,  let  us  pass.  We  entered  the  city 
early  in  the  morning  by  the  Porta  Sempione.  What 
agony  I  suffered  as  we  crossed  the  Piazza.  d'Armi! 
How  many  times  I  had  been  there,  during  the  preceding 
months,  to  see  the  volunteers,  or  the  National  Guard, 
or  the  soldiers  of  Piedmont  march  by,  with  a  feeling  of 
assurance  that  Milan,  and  perhaps  all  Italy,  were  hence- 
forth forever  free.  Now  the  Austrian  soldiers  bivouacked 
or  maneuvered  on  the  piazza  as  our  masters. 

The  first  soldiers  I  saw  were  the  Croats.  They  were 
dressed  in  maroon,  with  tight  blue  trousers.  The 
Croats  were  to  us,  Latins,  the  typical  barbarians,  as 
many  stories  of  their  ferocity  had  been  repeated.  They 
were,  moreover,  the  objects  of  our  contempt.  The 
Croats,  as  masters,  filled  up  the  measure  of  our  grief 
and  humiliation.  I  closed  my  eyes,  and  perceived  that 
they  were  bathed  in  tears.  I  felt  my  blood  boil;  and  my 
heart  experienced  all  the  bitterness  of  a  cause  that  is 
lost.  Out  of  all  this  came  a  feeling  of  hatred  and 
a  determination  of  revenge.  These  sentiments  were 

116 


Return  to  Milan 


shared  by  all  the  young  men  of  my  age  for  ten  years  to 
come. 

We  remained  in  Milan  only  a  short  time.  In  the 
prevalent  squalor  it  was  impossible  to  recognize  the 
festive  city  of  a  few  weeks  before.  The  streets  were 
deserted  but  for  the  military.  The  few  citizens  I  saw 
went  about  hastily  as  if  ashamed.  The  piazzas  and 
other  places  were  full  of  soldiers  who  conducted  them- 
selves as  if  they  were  in  an  encampment.  Along  the 
bastions  artillery  were  planted,  and  in  the  public  gardens 
a  regiment  of  the  hussars  bivouacked.  The  greater 
number  of  the  palaces  and  houses  of  the  aristocracy 
were  used  as  barracks  or  as  military  hospitals.  I  often 
saw  soldiers,  under  the  portico  of  some  palace,  cooking 
their  mess  with  the  gilded  legs  of  tables  and  chairs, 
or  with  other  pieces  of  broken  furniture. 

As  soon  as  we  could,  we  fled  to  the  Valtellina.  The 
country  through  which  we  passed  presented  a  spectacle 
not  less  disheartening.  Everywhere  we  saw  menacing 
soldiers,  and  everywhere  there  were  signs  of  military 
arrogance.  In  a  province  a  general  or  colonel  was  in 
command;  in  a  city  or  town,  a  major;  in  a  little  country 
district,  a  captain  or  a  subaltern.  Alongside  of  the  mili- 
tary rulers  the  civil  authorities  nominally  existed;  but 
they  were  without  power.  The  officers  resorted  to 
martial  law  with  ruthless  and  ferocious  severity.  Daily 
we  heard  of  some  unfortunate  who  had  been  mercilessly 
shot:  a  broken  weapon,  or  even  a  piece  of  one,  had 
been  found  in  his  possession.  And  such  things  were 
done  in  order  to  pacify  us.  What  a  government! 
Doubtless  the  army  wished  to  revenge  itself  because 

117 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


it  had  been  defeated  and  driven  away  in  the  month  of 
March. 

The  common  soldiers,  too,  were  generally  irritated, 
suspicious,  and  fearful.  They  were  irritated  because, 
belonging  chiefly  to  the  reserves,  they  had  had  to  leave 
their  wives  and  children.  They  were  suspicious  and 
fearful  because  they  had  crossed  the  Alps  with  their 
heads  filled  with  stories  of  treasons,  and  brigands,  and 
poniards,  and  of  other  things  which  were  to  be  found 
in  Italy. 

In  the  country  districts  it  was  necessary  for  us  to  take 
many  precautions,  yet  they  were  not  always  sufficient. 
One  day,  at  Tirano,  a  youth  named  Ricetti,  a  student 
of  medicine,  stood  smoking  at  a  window.  Some  soldiers 
passed,  and  one  said  that  Ricetti  had  spat  upon  him; 
whereupon  he  denounced  him  to  the  major,  who  ordered 
his  arrest;  and,  without  trial,  condemned  him  to  be 
whipped  in  the  courtyard  of  the  Municipio.  The  major, 
also,  obliged  the  municipal  authorities  to  assist  at  the 
whipping.  Ricetti  was  crippled  by  hip  disease,  and  the 
doctor  and  the  chief  of  the  commune  had  protested. 
It  was  because  of  this  protest  that  the  major  had  obliged 
them  to  assist  at  the  whipping. 

The  soldiers  who  occupied  the  Valtellina  were  Croats, 
and  belonged  to  the  countries  then  called  the  military 
frontiers.  They  had  many  primitive  and  horrid  customs. 
As  several  were  quartered  in  our  house,  I  had  the  means 
of  observing  their  habits  and  of  learning  the  working 
of  their  minds.  Although  barbarians,  they  had  the  apti- 
tude of  Slavs  for  learning  languages.  After  a  few  weeks' 
sojourn,  they  acquired  enough  Italian  to  make  them- 

118 


The  Croatian  Soldiers 


selves  understood.  I  sometimes  diverted  myself  with 
making  them  talk;  whereupon  I  perceived  that  there 
was  in  them  a  strange  mixture  of  goodness  and  of 
ferocity. 

"Thou  art  a  good  Italian,"  they  said  to  me,  if  I  gave 
them  anything,  but  hastened  always  to  add,  "We  will 
thrust  our  bayonets  into  the  stomach  of  every  revolu- 
tionary Italian  brigand." 

They  were  under  strict  discipline,  yet  they  took 
things  with  a  free  hand,  fruit  especially.  When  the 
peasants  surprised  them  they  would  say,  "Pius  IX 
pays."  It  would  seem  as  if  to  this  robbery,  discipline 
shut  its  eye.  I  saw  them  sometimes  prepare  their  mess 
in  the  courtyard.  They  planted  their  kettles  in  a  row. 
Then  they  threw  in  some  nasty-smelling  fat  and  their 
ordinary  rations;  then  all  that  they  had  stolen  during 
the  day,  beans,  cabbages,  potatoes,  and  even  bunches 
of  grapes.  Among  the  things  they  took  with  predilection 
were  tallow  candles.  These  were  likewise  thrown  into 
the  pot,  unless  they  were  reserved  for  another  use.  This 
was  to  smear  the  bands  which  they  wound  around  their 
legs  up  to  their  tight  pantaloons.  They  kept  them  on 
for  weeks  and  even  months.  They  even  smeared  their 
bodies  with  tallow.  They  averred  that  this  practice 
was  good  for  the  health,  as  it  preserved  them  from  in- 
sects. Let  us  believe  it,  but  this  sweet  preservative  made 
them  smell  horribly!  When  they  left  a  lodging  an  odor 
remained  which  lasted  for  years. 

These  soldiers  often  gave  vent  to  their  animosity 
against  us.  They  were  soldiers  for  life,  but  generally, 
after  a  certain  number  of  years,  they  remained  in  their 

119 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


own  country.  Now,  Austria  had  to  call  out  all  of  her 
reserves,  on  which  account  it  was  not  exceptional  to  see 
a  son,  a  father,  and  a  grandfather  in  the  same  company. 
One  of  them  told  me  that,  in  leaving  his  wife,  he  had 
said  to  her:  "I  leave  you  three  pigs,  five  sheep,  seven 
hens,  and  two  little  children;  if,  when  I  return,  I  find  four 
pigs,  six  sheep,  and  eight  hens,  I  will  say  good  wife; 
but  if  I  find  three  children,  I  will  send  wife  and  children 
away  with  a  beating." 

Among  the  Austrian  officers  there  were  some  who 
belonged  to  good  and  distinguished  families,  but  among 
the  Croats  there  -were  none.  Their  habits  showed 
that  they  were  all  rustics  of  little  training  and  education. 
Equally  with  the  common  soldiers,  the  Croatian  officers 
uttered  their  hatred  of  the  Italians  who  had  caused 
them  to  leave  their  homes,  and,  equally  with  them,  were 
their  minds  filled  with  vague  fears. 

One  day  one  of  these  officers,  who  lodged  in  our  house, 
but  with  whom  I  had  never  exchanged  a  salute,  suddenly 
approached  me  and,  in  a  jargon  like  that  of  his  soldiers, 
said,  "If  a  revolution  should  occur,  you  would  kill  me 
in  your  house?" 

I  was  a  youth  and  he  a  big  strong  man.  Then  he 
added  quickly:  "You  cannot  kill  me  because  I  am 
your  guest." 

"Guest,  no,"  I  replied,  looking  at  him  in  surprise. 
"You  are  here  as  a  conqueror  and  not  as  a  guest." 

"I  am  in  your  house,  therefore  guest,  guest,"  he 
continued. 

"I  must  see  you  without  a  uniform  to  call  you  a 
guest,"  I  answered. 

1 20 


Major  Krall 


He  regarded  me  fixedly,  and  then  went  his  way, 
studying,  perhaps,  the  question  of  hospitality  from  this 
point  of  view.  Afterwards  we  continued,  as  we  were 
before,  without  looking  at,  or  even  saluting,  one  another. 

The  commander  at  Tirano  was  a  major  called  Krall, 
who,  like  his  soldiers,  was  sometimes  ferocious  and 
sometimes  good-humored.  His  Tiranese  subjects,  who 
had  learned  this,  knew  how  to  obtain  their  desires. 
Bottles  of  Valtellina  wine  often  obtained  graces  and 
favors,  and  occasionally  saved  some  one  from  death. 
"I  am  Emperor  of  Tirano,"  he  exclaimed  once,  when 
tipsy;  "and  my  wife  leads  the  pigs  to  pasture!" 

The  plans  of  the  Committee  of  Lugano,  which  had 
become  known  to  all,  helped  to  make  the  soldiers  sus- 
picious and  alarmed.  They  ended  disastrously,  as  we 
have  seen,  but  they  were  the  excuse  for  the  occupation 
of  the  Valtellina  with  troops  scattered  along  the  frontiers. 

The  Valtellina  took  an  important  part  in  the  revolution 
of  1848,  and  furnished  many  recruits  to  the  volunteers, 
some  of  whom  had  deserted  from  the  Austrian  ranks. 
Joined  by  remnants  of  the  Lombard  corps,  a  battalion 
of  Valtellinese  was  now  formed  in  Piedmont  under  the 
command  of  Major  Enrico  Guicciardi,  of  Ponte.  Other 
patriots  followed  the  profession  of  arms  in  this  battalion 
or  in  some  other  command,  among  whom  was  Luigi 
Torelli  who  had  planted  the  flag  on  the  cathedral  in  the 
Five  Days.  He  was  a  major  of  staff  in  the  Solaroli 
brigade. 

Some  friends  who  had  gone  to  Poschiavo  or  to  the 
Canton  of  the  Grisons  were  still  absent.  Emilio,  after 
his  conference  with  Guicciardi,  convinced  that  the  revo- 

121 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


lutionaiy  movement  existed  only  in  the  fancy  of  the 
committee,  had  left  for  Tuscany.  Here  it  seemed  that 
something  was  in  preparation,  in  which  he  intended  to 
participate  while  pursuing  his  studies,  as  the  young  men 
of  those  days  so  often  did. 

In  the  mean  time  I  reflected  upon  past  events  with  the 
little  understanding  that  I  had.  No  one  seemed  to  have 
a  great  deal.  The  Hungarian  insurrection  continued; 
Venezia  still  resisted;  and  revolutions  were  in  progress 
in  all  Italy.  We  hoped  for  much  from  them.  We  hoped 
also  for  a  democratic  ministry  at  Turin  which  would 
force  Carlo  Alberto  to  break  the  armistice,  and  to  return 
to  the  fields  of  Lombardy.  There  were,  therefore,  mat- 
ters in  abundance  to  nourish  our  illusions. 

Time  passed  slowly.  I  rarely  went  out  of  the  house. 
To  occupy  my  days  and  nights  I  undertook  the  study  of 
German  and  music.  To  learn  German  was  not  allowed 
by  the  puritanical  patriots  of  the  day;  so  it  was  always 
studied  in  secret.  It  seemed  to  me  that  I  might  study  it, 
so  I  turned  to  the  only  professor  of  German  that  was  at 
Tirano.  He  was  a  man  from  the  Engadine,  and  he  taught 
me  the  principles  of  a  language  that  made  my  first  true 
German  professor  laugh. 

The  parish  organist  undertook  to  give  me  my  first 
lessons  on  the  pianoforte.  He  put  all  his  good  will  into 
the  task,  and  I  put  in  a  little,  but,  after  a  few  months, 
I  became  convinced  that  my  inaptitude  to  learn  was 
equal  to  my  pleasure  in  hearing  music;  so  I  discontinued 
my  lessons. 

In  order  to  continue  our  serious  studies,  my  mother 
determined,  in  December,  to  take  Enrico  and  me  to 

122 


The  Prevalent  Sadness 


Milan.  The  university  and  the  lyceums  were  closed, 
but  permission  was  given  to  the  students  to  follow  the 
courses  privately,  in  groups  of  not  more  than  ten.  The 
courses  commenced  at  the  beginning  of  the  year,  and 
were  followed  at  best,  or  at  worst,  by  professors  and 
scholars  with  thoughts  fixed  upon  other  things  than 
study. 

What  a  sad  winter  it  was !  Whosoever  could,  remained 
abroad  or  in  the  country;  and  the  city  was  depopulated. 
The  streets  looked  squalid  and  deserted,  and  were  occu- 
pied only  by  the  soldiers.  The  state  of  siege  was  most 
rigorous.  Nearly  every  day  placards  of  the  Government, 
called  "Notificazioni,"  ordained  some  rigorous  measure 
or  published  some  sentence  of  the  council  of  war. 

To  raise  up  our  spirits  there  came  occasionally  from 
Piedmont  some  report  that  the  war  would  be  renewed ; 
and  from  Tuscany  and  Rome  there  came  the  news  of 
the  things  that  had  been  done.  These  things  were  only 
convulsive  movements  of  sorrowful  augury;  but  hope 
transfigured  them  as  the  beginning  of  a  new  revolu- 
tion. 

My  brother  Emilio,  who  was  in  the  midst  of  these 
movements  in  Tuscany,  at  Pisa,  or  at  Florence,  sent 
us,  from  time  to  time,  some  hopeful  tidings  which,  how- 
ever, were  only  the  reflex  of  the  illusions  in  which  we 
all  lived.  Persuaded  that  the  war  for  revenge  was  near, 
he  enlisted  in  a  battalion  of  students. 


CHAPTER  X 

(1849) 

Winter  of  1849.  —  The  end  of  the  armistice.  — The  battle  of  Novara.  —  At- 
tempts to  make  Lombard/  rise.  —  Brescia.  —  The  reaction.  —  Venice  re- 
mains in  arms.  —  The  Manara  battalion.  —  The  veterans.  —  Demonstration 
of  the  l8th  of  August.  —  Whippings  publicly  administered.  —  We  return  to 
Tirano.  —  Military  cantonments.  —  A  saucepan  thrown  out.  —  A  condemna- 
tion. —  Military  perquisitions. 

THE  winter  of  1849  was  very  sad.  Everything 
looked  squalid  and  neglected.  Some  people  re- 
turned to  their  city  houses,  but  as  soon  as  possible, 
when  they  were  able,  they  retired  to  the  country.  All 
who  remained  in  town  lived  quietly,  and  ceased  from 
going  to  the  cafes,  theaters,  and  assemblies.  Fear  and 
sorrow  kept  people  off  the  streets,  where  they  might 
be  brought  in  contact  with  the  soldiers.  Friends  who 
had  lately  returned  talked  only  of  the  incidents  of  their 
emigration,  or  of  discouraging  reports  from  foreign 
countries,  over  which,  also,  triumphant  reaction  had 
extended  itself  like  a  fog. 

We  hoped  no  more  for  help  from  France.  In  August, 
when  the  fortunes  of  war  were  running  against  us,  the 
cabinet  of  Turin  thought  of  requesting  her  aid;  and  the 
Provisional  Government  sent  a  mission  to  Paris.  It  was 
composed  of  the  Marchese  Anselmo  Guerrieri  Gonzaga 
and  Giulio  Carcano,  who,  uniting  with  the  Piedmon- 
tese  (the  Marchese  Brignole,  the  Sardinian  Ambassador, 
and  the  Deputy  Ricci),  asked  for  intervention. 

Cavaignac,  the  chief  of  the  executive  power  of  the  Re- 
public, soon  robbed  our  mission  of  every  hope.  He  said 
"  that  a  war  for  independence  and  for  a  strong  Italian 

124 


The  End  of  the  Armistice 

State  was  not  for  the  interests  of  France."  He  prom- 
ised them,  at  the  most,  a  mediation  in  union  with 
England.  France,  which  we  had  surrounded  with  an 
aureola  of  ideality,  in  the  day  of  our  misfortune  repulsed 
us.  What  a  disillusion! 

When  we  sought  for  encouragement  we  looked  to 
Hungary,  which  was  still  in  arms  and,  at  times,  trium- 
phant. We  looked,  also,  to  the  central  Italian  States, 
or  to  rebellious  Rome,  or  to  Venice,  over  which  the  ban- 
ner of  Italy  yet  waved.  In  the  end  we  had  to  look  to 
Piedmont  where  the  extreme  opinion  of  Parliament  was 
that  the  war  should  be  immediately  resumed. 

An  immediate  renewal  of  the  war!  A  dispassionate 
observer  could  easily  have  foreseen  that  this  was  not 
possible.  The  army,  reorganized  in  a  hurry,  was  de- 
pressed. It  had  no  faith  in  its  leaders,  and  was  not  eager 
for  the  fray.  Search  had  been  made  abroad  for  a  general 
to  command  it  —  in  Switzerland  and  in  France  — 
but  in  vain.  At  the  end,  a  Pole,  Chrzanowski,  who  was 
recommended  by  the  insurrectionary  committee,  was 
chosen.  He  was  honest  and  studious,  but  he  was  a  poor 
soldier,  and  he  did  not  know  either  the  army  or  the 
country.  Ramorino,  a  survival  of  the  "Giovane  Italia," 
was  also  summoned,  and  was  given  the  command  of  a 
brigade.  As  he  disobeyed  (it  was  said  he  betrayed), 
he  was  shot. 

In  the  interim  there  was  an  Anglo-French  mediation, 
which  dragged  along.  Austria  did  not  wish  to  concede 
anything;  so  the  mediators  counseled  resignation,  and 
abandoned  us.  Gioberti  would  have  liked  to  have 
shuffled  along;  to  have  intervened  in  Tuscany  in  behalf 

125 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


of  the  Grand  Duke,  and  to  have  controlled  the  liberal 
movement,  before  Austria  should  enter.  This  may 
have  been  good  politics,  but,  as  Austria  desired  to  renew 
the  war,  she  never  would  have  acquiesced. 

There  was  no  one  in  authority  to  impose  a  policy  that 
would  patch  up  a  peace,  and  there  was  no  disposition 
in  the  public  to  accept  it.  The  Parliamentary  Left  was 
thought  to  favor  it,  but  it  lacked  energy,  and  Gioberti 
fell.  The  democratic  ministry  of  Rattazzi  succeeded 
him.  It  would  give,  it  was  said,  a  chance  for  revenge  to 
those  who  desired  it.  The  consolation  of  the  public  was 
great  for  a  while. 

The  anniversary  of  the  Five  Days  approached.  Upon 
the  1 2th  of  March,  the  citizens  were  aroused  to  their 
former  enthusiasm  in  an  inexpressible  commotion. 
They  learned  that  a  Piedmontese  officer,  Raffaele  Ca- 
dorna,  a  major  of  the  royal  staff,  had  descended  at  the 
Villa  Reale,  and  had  denounced  the  armistice  to  Marshal 
Radetzky. 

The  day  after,  the  Austrian  troops  were  in  motion. 
The  bands  played,  and  the  soldiers  were  gay;  and  all 
marched  off,  crying,  "Hurrah!"  The  officers  had  a 
more  provoking  air  than  ever.  The  spectacle  made  our 
hearts  ache.  Radetzky  had  published  two  proclama- 
tions, one  against  Piedmont,  and  one  directed  to  the 
Milanese  and  Lombard  revolutionaries.  The  citizens 
were  more  surprised  than  happy  in  the  thought  of  the 
renewal  of  the  war;  sorrowful  forebodings  possessed 
them. 

In  a  few  days  Lombardy  was  so  stripped  of  troops 
that  it  could  easily  have  risen  behind  the  Austrians 

126 


Battle  of  Novara 


if  the  populace  had  not  lost  courage.  The  emigrants 
had  hoped  that  the  provinces  would  revolt,  and  had 
supplied  the  people  with  arms;  but  to  faith,  diffidence 
had  succeeded.  All  stood  expecting  good  fortune  rather 
than  trying  to  promote  it. 

The  committee  of  the  Lombard  emigration  and  the 
Piedmontese  Minister  of  War  had  charged  Gabriele 
Camozzi  to  incite  an  insurrection  when  the  war  should 
break  out.  Camozzi  passed  the  frontier  when  the  armis- 
tice had  scarcely  expired,  and,  traversing  Como  and 
Lecco,  came  to  Bergamo  (where  he  was  very  popular) 
with  his  bands.  After  surrounding  the  Rocca,  he  sum- 
moned it  to  surrender.  A  group  of  emigrants  joined 
him  here.  Among  these  were  some  friends  of  mine, 
Luigi  Sala,  formerly  secretary  of  the  Provisional  Gov- 
ernment, Paolo  Belgiojoso,  and  Agostino  Frapolli. 

In  the  mean  time  the  battle  of  Novara  was  fought. 
We  could  hear  (on  the  22d  and  23d)  on  the  bastions,  a 
droning  on  the  wind.  Some  said  that  it  was  the  noise 
of  cannon.  On  the  faces  of  all  we  read  distressful,  rather 
than  hopeful,  anxiety.  Then  two  days  passed  in  an  alter- 
nation of  news,  now  good,  now  bad.  Some  said  that 
Piedmont,  others  that  Austria,  had  gained  the  battle. 

At  the  end,  alas!  came  the  truth.  Shortly  after  we 
witnessed  the  entry  of  the  Austrian  troops.  They  re- 
turned victorious  and  arrogant,  crowned  with  myrtle! 
I  will  not  forget  my  anger  when  I  saw  a  regiment  cross 
the  Piazza,  del  Duomo,  crying,  "Viva  Radetzky,"  and 
carrying  a  tricolored  flag  of  the  Guard  captured  in 
Piedmont!  Thereafter  came  only  a  succession  of  mis- 
fortunes and  sorrows. 

127 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  garrison,  which  occupied  the  upper  city  of  Ber- 
gamo, received  the  immigrants  with  cannonades.  Ga- 
briele  Camozzi  had  summoned  the  inhabitants  of  the 
neighboring  country  to  arms  in  a  revolutionary  proc- 
lamation, and  had  enlisted  eight  hundred  volunteers 
which  he  directed  against  Brescia;  but  he  had  to  re- 
tire before  the  advancing  Austrians. 

At  Brescia  itself  false  and  fantastic  rumors  had  been 
spread.  There  were  reports  of  a  victory  won  by  the 
Piedmontese,  of  the  retreat  of  the  Austrians,  and  of 
things  still  more  improbable.  The  republican  com- 
mittee published  these  reports  as  facts;  and  Brescia 
revolted  bravely.  The  struggle  lasted  ten  days.  Gen- 
eral Hainau  only  entered  the  heroic  city  on  its  ruins, 
over  heaps  of  the  slain,  after  having  shot  some  fifty 
prisoners.  He  marched  in  at  the  head  of  fifteen  thou- 
sand troops. 

A  squadron  of  rebels  was  to  have  penetrated  into  the 
Valtellina,  but  it  did  not  appear.  The  Austrians,  how- 
ever, reappeared,  more  numerous  and  more  arrogant 
than  ever.  They  occupied  the  principal  districts  through- 
out the  valley. 

In  every  part  of  Italy  everything  that  the  revolution 
had  raised,  in  haste  and  frenzy,  crumbled  away.  Only 
in  Venice  did  the  tricolored  flag  still  wave.  The  eyes 
of  all  turned  to  it  with  a  melancholy  satisfaction.  We 
hoped  that,  before  it  fell,  or  Rome  was  captured,  or 
Hungary  became  pacified,  something  would  happen, 
in  which  we  would  find  again  the  good  fortune  that  had 
abandoned  us. 

But  months  passed,  and  the  shadow  of  the  reaction 

128 


The  Manara  Battalion 


deepened  over  Italy,  and  over  Europe,  a  shadow  that 
enwrapped  and  depressed  everybody  and  everything. 

The  last  acts  of  the  valorous  defenders  of  Rome  filled 
our  hearts  with  fear  and  sorrow,  for  Milan  counted 
many  of  her  sons  in  the  troops  of  Manara  and  Gari- 
baldi. The  conduct  of  these  young  men  was  heroic. 
Their  ranks  had  been  decimated,  for  they  had  desired 
to  die  as  martyrs  for  a  great  idea,  and  thus  to  close  the 
Italian  epoch  of  1848.  Manara  uttered  this  thought  in 
a  letter  which  he  wrote  from  Rome:  "We  ought  to  die 
to  close  with  seriousness  the  year  '48.  ...  In  order 
that  our  example  should  be  efficacious,  we  ought  to 
die." 

Luciano  Manara,  the  leader  of  the  Lombard  bat- 
talion, was  then  but  twenty-six  years  of  age.  He  was 
of  a  rich  family,  and  before  1848  had  led  a  life  of  leisure, 
notable  only  for  the  adventure  of  his  marriage.  Being 
wildly  in  love  with  a  beautiful  girl,  the  Signorina  Car- 
melita  Fe,  and  not  having  obtained  the  consent  of  her 
parents,  he  persuaded  her  to  elope.  The  adventure 
naturally  ended  in  matrimony,  but  the  talk  that  it  gave 
rise  to  brought  the  young  couple  into  much  prominence. 
Molteni,  the  celebrated  artist,  painted  Carmelita  in  his 
picture  of  the  Confessione,  which  I  saw,  years  after- 
wards, in  the  gallery  of  the  Belvedere  in  Vienna. 

When  1848  came,  Manara  abandoned  his  idle  life 
and  devoted  himself  to  politics.  In  the  Five  Days  he 
fought  at  the  gate  of  the  Via  del  Giardino,  now  Manzoni, 
where  the  struggle  was  of  the  fiercest  kind,  and  com- 
manded at  the  capture  of  Porta  Tosa.  Afterwards 
he  issued  from  Milan  with  his  troop,  and  followed  the 

129 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Austrians.  In  his  actions  he  gave  proof  of  a  valor  and 
an  audacity  which  have  become  legendary.  After  the 
capitulation,  he  led  his  volunteers  into  Piedmont,  where 
they  were  formed  into  a  battalion  of  bersaglieri*  of 
which  he  became  the  commander.  This  battalion  was 
in  the  vanguard  at  Cava  when  the  Austrians  passed  the 
Ticino.  It  covered  itself  with  glory,  as  before,  until  it 
was  obliged  to  retire  pursuant  to  an  order  (which  has 
remained  mysterious)  of  General  Ramorino.  After 
the  battle  of  Novara,  as  the  battalion  wished  to  remain 
in  arms  as  long  as  Italian  liberty  was  fought  for,  it  be- 
took itself  to  Rome.  These  volunteers  (the  officers  of 
which  were  well-known  young  men)  carried  into  the 
midst  of  the  republican  troops  the  colors  and  the  cross 
of  Piedmont,  and  its  cry  of  war:  "Savoia!"  Their 
faith  and  valor  secured  the  respect  of  the  volunteers 
from  every  part  of  Italy,  which  was  augmented  by  the 
motive  that  led  them  to  Rome. 

Among  the  remnants  that  returned  I  had  several 
friends,  of  whom,  however,  I  saw  but  few.  Some  were 
wounded;  as,  Emilio  Dandolo,  Lodovico  Mancini, 
Gerolamo  Induno  (the  painter),  and  Dr.  Scipione  Si- 
gnoroni;  some  retired  to  the  country;  and  some  hid  them- 
selves so  as  to  escape  arrest.  The  bodies  of  Manara, 
Morosini,  and  Enrico  Dandolo,  after  long  negotiations, 
were  taken  to  Vezia,  to  the  tomb  of  the  Morosini  fam- 
ily. Manara's  remains  were  afterwards  transported  to 
Barzano,  to  the  chapel  of  his  family,  which  to-day  be- 
longs to  Casa  Manati. 

The  next  month  I  saw  some  of  the  veterans  of  Venice, 

*  Skirmishers,  sharpshooters. 
130 


Demonstration  of  August  18 

who,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  capitulation  of  the 
city,  had  the  right  to  return  home.  They  were  watched, 
but  were  not  molested.  I  saw  them  in  groups  on  the 
streets.  They  all  showed  the  marks  of  their  long  suf- 
ferings ;  nevertheless  they  maintained  their  morale  as 
men  who  knew  they  had  done  their  duty.  It  was  a 
spectacle  of  pain  and  pleasure  to  see  these  remnants 
of  our  short-lived  hopes. 

Rome  fallen,  Venice  fallen,  Hungary  broken,  the 
year  1848  seemed  like  a  nightmare.  Our  hearts  were 
heavy,  thinking  of  the  years  of  servitude  before  us  as 
if  1815  had  returned.  Milan  was  in  a  state  of  siege, 
and  a  proud  military  government,  which  was  without 
responsibility,  regarded  us  with  contempt.  One  of  the 
acts  of  arrogance  that  made  our  hearts  boil  was  a  public 
whipping.  This  took  place  in  August.  On  the  i8th 
the  garrison  celebrated  the  fete  of  the  Emperor,  and  a 
certain  Teresa  Olivari,  a  milliner  (who,  it  was  said,  had 
relations  with  the  Austrian  officers),  placed  a  yellow  and 
black  flag  in  her  window.  The  house  that  Teresa  in- 
habited has  since  disappeared.  It  was  in  a  street  called 
Via  dei  Borsinari,  which  no  longer  exists.  The  display 
of  the  flag  attracted  the  attention  of  the  people,  and  a 
crowd  assembled  and  began  to  hiss  and  cry.  Thereupon 
the  police  ran  up,  and,  supported  by  a  company  of  sol- 
diers, surrounded  the  people  and  made  some  prisoners. 
I  happened  to  be  in  the  crowd,  but  managed  to  slip  out 
of  it.  A  few  days  afterwards  thirty-four  of  the  people 
arrested,  among  whom  were  two  women,  were  publicly 
whipped  upon  the  square  before  the  castle.  The  mili- 
tary commander  sent  an  account  of  the  proceeding  to 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


the  municipal  government.  The  Podesta  Pestalozza 
sent  it  back  with  disdainful  comments. 

The  indignation  aroused  by  this  act  was  intense.  A 
new  cause  for  hate  was  added  to  the  ancient  score.  The 
abyss  between  the  country  and  its  rulers  became  daily 
more  profound.  But  we  made  no  lament;  the  ignorance 
and  the  brutality  of  the  governors  contributed  to  the 
final  outcome  of  the  struggle.  They  gave  to  the  country 
the  appearance  of  provinces  occupied  by  force  of  arms, 
and  increased  the  hatred  of  the  subject  peoples.  With 
a  military  government  and  a  state  of  siege  for  eight 
consecutive  years,  the  Austrians  kept  the  Italian  ques- 
tion alive  before  Europe,  and  offered  the  victory  to 
Cavour.  Statues  have  been  erected  to  the  marshals  and 
generals  of  Austria  in  their  own  lands;  in  truth  we  could 
well  afford  to  erect  them  ourselves. 

When  the  autumn  came  we  all  went  to  Valtellina. 
Emilio  had  returned,  after  the  restoration  of  the  Grand 
Duke  to  Tuscany,  and  the  disbandment  of  the  battalion 
in  which  he  had  enlisted.  The  life  we  led  in  the  cities 
was  bad  enough,  but  that  of  the  little  country  districts 
was  worse.  The  abuses  and  the  arrogant  acts  of  the 
seconds  in  command  (less  respectful  than  their  chiefs) 
made  existence  unbearable. 

We  were  badly  off  in  Milan,  but  we  found  that  we  were 
worse  off  in  Tirano.  The  country  was  crammed  with 
Croats,  who  were  suspicious,  wrathful,  and  alarmed.  The 
Swiss  frontier  was  occupied  by  soldiers,  and  was  con- 
stantly patroled.  Every  flock  of  sheep,  seen  from  afar, 
was  thought  to  be  a  band  of  revolutionaries.  Even  the 
friendship  of  the  Grisons  did  not  reassure  the  Austrians. 

132 


Soldiers  in  our  Tirana  House 

We  had  been  at  home  only  a  few  days  when  an  im- 
patient act  of  my  mother's  brought  a  punishment  upon 
us.  In  order  to  enter  the  salon  which  she  ordinarily 
occupied,  she  had  to  cross  a  large  hall  which  led  to  some 
rooms  that  were  tenanted  by  some  of  our  unwelcome 
guests.  My  mother,  one  day,  saw  that  the  attendants 
of  the  officers  had  placed  a  stove  in  the  middle  of  the 
hall,  and  were  burning  in  it  the  little  columns  and  the 
front  of  a  balcony,  which  they  had  destroyed.  These 
they  lighted  with  pieces  of  broken  chairs.  Upon  the  fire 
they  had  put  a  saucepan,  from  which  proceeded  a  nau- 
seating smell. 

My  mother,  stirred  by  this  sight,  took  the  saucepan 
by  the  handle  and  threw  it  out  of  a  window,  before 
the  attendants  could  interfere.  Then  she  retired,  and  shut 
herself  in  her  room.  For  some  minutes  the  house  re- 
sounded with  angry  voices  and  with  swords  striking 
the  stairs;  then  all  was  still. 

Some  days  after  a  sentence  was  pronounced  upon  us 
by  the  commander  in  Sondrio.  The  family  Visconti 
Venosta  was  declared  guilty  of  injurious  conduct  to  the 
attendants  of  the  officers  lodged  in  their  house,  and  was 
commanded  to  give  lodging  to  an  entire  company,  i.e., 
to  two  hundred  soldiers,  for  an  indeterminate  length 
of  time.  A  few  hours  after  we  received  this  announce- 
ment, a  company  arrived  and  occupied  nearly  the  whole 
house. 

Condemnations  of  this  kind,  fines  imposed  for  frivo- 
lous pretexts,  arbitrary  arrests,  and  occasional  execu- 
tions, —  such  were  the  things  that  filled  out  our  days. 
We  lived  in  a  state  of  apprehension.  The  vexations  of 

133 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


the  commandants  of  the  districts  alternated  with  those 
of  the  commanders  of  the  provinces.  Every  once  in  a 
while  a  superior  officer  or  a  commissary,  accompanied 
by  an  escort,  came  from  Sondrio  to  make  perquisitions 
or  to  take  measures  for  security. 

I  do  not  know  how  (since  it  was  a  secret),  but  some  one 
generally  sent  word  when  these  visits  were  to  be  made, 
so  that  the  principal  patriots  were  able  to  escape. 
Among  these  were  the  parish  priest,  Don  Carlo  Zaf- 
f  rani,  my  brother  Emilio,  my  uncle  Merizzi,  the  brothers 
Salis,  Dr.  Andres,  the  engineer  Antonio  della  Croce, 
and  Luigi  Negri.  Sometimes  the  word  came  during  the 
night;  whereupon,  one  by  one,  they  crossed  the  moun- 
tain and  the  Swiss  frontier  at  Campocologno  or  at  Brusio. 

One  day  a  great  peril  confronted  us.  Very  early  my 
uncle  came  to  tell  us  that  a  major  and  a  commissary 
had  arrived,  and  that  they  had  sent  their  soldiers 
throughout  the  country,  who  had  begun  a  strict  search 
of  all  the  houses  to  see  whether  there  were  any  hidden 
arms.  My  mother  knew  that  some  arms  had  been  sur- 
rendered; but  to  make  sure  that  all  had  been,  called  the 
steward  to  advise  with  him.  He  told  her  that  he  had 
delivered  the  arms  that  were  out  of  use,  but  that  he  had 
retained  a  gun  which  had  been  confided  to  him  by  a 
volunteer  the  year  before. 

This  caused  us  great  anxiety,  and  my  mother  sent  at 
once  for  an  old  butler  of  the  family  and  told  him  to  break 
up  the  gun  and  to  hide  the  pieces.  The  butler,  seeing  my 
mother  agitated,  said  to  her:  "Be  quite  tranquil;  the 
weapon  shall  disappear,  but  I  shall  neither  break  it  up 
nor  surrender  it.  I  shall  hide  it  safely,  I  know  where." 

134 


Military  Perquisitions 


Every  protest  upon  our  part  was  futile.  He  hid  the  gun 
in  some  hay  in  a  basket;  then,  with  the  basket  on  his 
back,  he  traversed  the  country,  passing  through  the 
soldiers,  and  buried  it  in  a  vineyard.  A  little  while  after, 
as  our  house  was  being  searched,  the  good  old  butler  re- 
turned quietly  from  the  expedition  which  might  have 
cost  him  his  life.  My  mother  did  not  neglect  to  show  her 
gratitude  for  his  generous  action. 

The  autumn  was  made  more  mournful  by  the  reports 
of  the  harsh  measures,  arrogant  acts,  arbitrary  arrests 
and  shootings  that  came  to  us  from  every  part  of  the 
Lombard  and  Venetian  provinces.  All  of  us  lived  in  fear 
and  suspense.  Every  evil  tool  of  the  police,  for  revenge 
or  for  gain,  could  turn  informer;  and  every  informer  was 
believed.  It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  agony  of  these 
days. 


CHAPTER  XI 


The  prevailing  squalor.  —  Rigorous  state  of  siege.  —  Plans  for  resisting  the 
Austrian  Government.  —  Patriotic  discipline.  —  We  abstain  from  amuse- 
ments. —  The  Contessa  De  Capitanei  Serbelloni  and  her  family.  —  The 
salle  d'armes  in  the  house  of  a  cousin.  —  My  cousin  Carlo  Minunzi.  —  I 
make  the  acquaintance  of  the  Contessa  Maffei. 

OUR  house  at  Tirano  became  almost  uninhabitable 
after  it  was  occupied  by  the  Croats  :  therefore,  as 
soon  as  some  business  affairs  permitted,  we  returned  to 
Milan.  The  city  was  very  dirty  in  appearance;  the  state 
of  siege  was  most  rigorous;  and  the  town  looked  like  a 
camp.  The  rich  families  had  retired  to  their  country- 
houses,  and  every  vestige  of  civic  life  was  extinguished 
as  in  a  city  afflicted  by  an  epidemic.  The  emigrants,  with 
the  exception  of  those  most  compromised,  had  returned  ; 
some  for  domestic  reasons;  some  because  of  affairs;  and 
some  because  one  can  do  more  for  one's  country  at  home 
than  abroad;  but  they  had  returned  as  shipwrecked 
mariners.  The  most  active  in  the  revolution  came  to- 
gether to  narrate  their  sorrows,  and  to  take  counsel 
for  the  future  of  their  country  and  the  life  that  lay 
before  them. 

Everything  was  ended,  everything  was  lost,  not  only 
battles,  but  the  concord  that  had  made  them  possible. 
The  sentiment  that  had  inspired  the  revolution  seemed 
to  have  died.  Piedmont  had  fallen,  the  monarchy  was 
suspected,  and  the  old  popular  leaders  were  scattered 
abroad.  Europe  had  become  tired,  and  told  us  to  resign 
ourselves  to  our  fate,  and  not  to  bother  her  any  more. 

136 


Patriotic  Discipline 


It  seemed  that  the  destiny  of  Poland  was  to  be  ours. 
Every  illusory  hope  was  gone;  we  could  see  no  opening 
through  which  a  ray  of  light  could  come. 

In  such  a  state  of  mind  it  was  reasonable  that  the 
country  should  have  a  momentary  feeling  of  resignation, 
and  should  wish  to  heal  its  wounds  and  augment  its 
resources.  But  a  high  and  noble  patriotism  repudiated 
the  counsels  of  reason.  All  is  lost;  therefore,  let  us  begin 
anew.  Such  was  the  glorious  word  of  command.  It  came 
spontaneously  forth  from  the  breasts  of  all. 

Toward  what  end?  By  what  route?  Under  what  flag? 
Every  one  had  his  own  idea;  but  all  agreed  not  to  stop, 
but  to  push  ahead,  and  to  resist  our  rulers  at  every  cost, 
however  obscure  the  future  might  be. 

The  Lombardo-Venetian  provinces,  with  Milan  at 
their  head,  gave  for  ten  years  an  exhibition  of  how  a 
country  can  exist  separated  from  its  rulers.  We  had 
nothing  whatever  to  do  with  our  government,  and  we 
treated  those  in  authority  as  if  they  were  a  horde  of  pass- 
ing occupants.  The  daily  life  of  this  programme  was 
dim  cult,  but  we  lived  through  it;  and  no  one  yielded. 

The  Five  Days  fill  a  splendid  page  of  Milanese  history, 
but  he  who  studies  the  facts  of  our  revival  must  conclude 
that,  in  the  decade  of  resistance,  the  Milanese  have 
written  a  yet  more  glorious  page.  It  is  easier  far  to  be 
a  hero  in  battle  than  to  keep  a  brave  heart  during  ten 
years  of  imprisonment. 

It  is  especially  of  these  ten  years  of  resistance  that  I 
will  write,  gathering  together  the  scattered  events  that 
I  have  retained  in  memory,  sorry  only  that  I  can  recall 
but  a  small  part  of  them.  Others  I  hope  will  remember 

137 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


more  than  I;  yet  it  seems  to  me  that  I  am  fulfilling  a 
duty  in  bringing  my  contribution  to  the  history  of  the 
time  which  forms  so  glorious  a  part  of  the  annals  of 
Milan.  The  city,  at  this  epoch,  saved  the  cause  of 
Italian  independence. 

Young  men  and  boys,  students  in  the  university  and 
lyceums,  all  breathing  the  atmosphere  of  patriotism, 
followed  without  question  the  programme  of  those  who 
were  more  experienced  than  they;  and  they  put  their 
hearts  and  souls  into  it.  The  veterans  of  the  campaigns 
of  1848,  of  the  siege  of  Venice,  and  of  the  defense  of 
Rome  became  our  models.  We  proposed  to  emulate  their 
conduct  and  to  follow  their  counsels  in  the  daily  conflict 
of  resistance.  Thus  there  grew  up  in  us  that  unlimited 
devotion,  that  discipline,  and  that  self-abnegation,  which 
contributed  so  much  to  form  the  character  of  the  rising 
generation.  It  was  thus  that  the  torch  of  hope  was  kept 
alive  which  led  us  to  the  fields  of  battle  in  1859  and  1860. 

In  our  programme  there  was  no  going  to  the  theaters 
and  to  amusements,  of  which,  indeed,  there  were  but 
few,  as  the  state  of  siege  prohibited  them.  The  theaters 
were  closed  with  the  exception  of  the  Scala,  which  the 
Government  kept  open  to  divert  the  officers.  In  the 
houses  there  were  neither  receptions  nor  balls  that  were 
not  of  a  domestic  character.  In  the  evenings  I  went  to 
my  relatives,  to  little  festivities  with  my  cousins,  happy, 
indeed,  to  combine  the  exigencies  of  our  resistance  with 
my  mania  for  dancing. 

My  reputation  as  an  indefatigable  dancer  procured  me 
the  pleasure  of  a  presentation  to  the  Contessa  Giovanna 
De  Capitanei  di  Scalve,  nata  Serbelloni,  in  whose  house 

138 


Contessa  De  Capitanei 


her  daughters,  sons-in-law,  grandchildren,  and  their 
friends  came  together.  We  young  people  danced  there 
one  evening  in  each  week. 

The  Contessa  De  Capitanei,  as  she  was  generally 
called,  but  who  had  married  a  second  time  Luigi  Atten- 
dolo  Bolognini,  was  a  daughter  of  the  Duca  Alessandro 
Serbelloni  and  of  the  Principessa  Sinzendorf,  of  Vienna. 
Thus  she  had  many  relatives  in  Austria,  among  whom 
were  some  commanding  officers.  She  had  a  conspicuous 
position  at  court  as  lady  of  the  palace  and  of  the  Croce 
Stellata.  She  was  a  friend  of  the  Vice-Queen,  the  Arch- 
duchess Maria  Elizabeth,  sister  of  King  Carlo  Alberto. 
Her  parentage  and  position  had  made  for  her  many  ties 
of  friendship  in  the  social  and  political  spheres  of  Vienna; 
yet  she  manifested  much  tolerance  and  some  sympathy 
for  the  revolutionary  movements  at  Milan,  in  which  her 
sons-in-law  and  some  other  relatives  had  taken  active 
parts.  She  usually  dismissed  the  matter  by  saying  that 
the  Austrians  were  not  as  they  had  been,  alluding  to  the 
times  of  Maria  Teresa  and  of  Giuseppe  II.  After  1848, 
she  broke  off  all  relationship  with  her  Austrian  kindred 
and  friends. 

Contessa  Giovanna  was  a  type  of  the  times  long  since 
past,  and  was  an  interesting  study.  When  she  spoke  of 
her  youth  she  never  failed  to  show  her  dislike  of  Napo- 
leon, who  once  said  something  rude  to  her.  This  was  the 
only  memory  she  had  of  him.  As  General  Bonaparte, 
he  was  dining  one  day  in  Casa  Serbelloni,  and  asked  her 
her  name.  When  he  learned  it  he  said:  "Oh,  yes,  I 
should  have  taken  notice  of  the  nose."  All  the  Serbel- 
loni had  prominent,  aquiline  noses. 

139 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  Contessa  had  had  one  son  and  three  daughters. 
The  son,  Conte  Pirro,  enlisted  early  in  the  cause  for 
liberty  in  spite  of  his  Austrian  kindred.  He  became 
compromised  in  the  affairs  of  1821,  and  joined  the  Pied- 
montese  army,  and  emigrated.  The  Contessa  had  a 
long  correspondence  with  Metternich  (my  wife,  her 
granddaughter,  has  preserved  the  letters)  to  obtain 
grace  for  her  son.  It  was  not  granted  until  very  late, 
when  Conte  Pirro,  who  was  sick  and  exhausted,  was 
permitted  to  come  home  to  die.  With  him  this  branch  of 
the  De  Capitanei  di  Scalve  became  extinct.  The  old- 
est of  her  daughters  married  a  Carcano,  and  the  other 
two  married  the  Marchesi  Francesco  and  Giuseppe 
d'  Adda  Salvaterra. 

When  I  knew  the  Contessa  Giovanna  she  was  an  old 
lady  of  seventy  years  of  age.  She  wore  habitually  a 
strange  head-dress,  made  of  a  cap  of  black  velvet,  which 
descended  in  a  point  upon  her  forehead,  as  we  see  in  the 
pictures  of  Maria  Stuart.  Though  kind-hearted,  she  had 
an  imperious  and  resolute  manner;  and  it  pleased  her 
sometimes  to  don  the  dress,  and  to  manifest  the  ways, 
of  a  man.  She  rode  about  her  estate  on  horseback  alone; 
and  she  told  me  that  she  herself  shod  her  riding-horses, 
when  she  was  in  the  country,  as  she  had  no  confidence 
in  the  blacksmiths. 

At  the  receptions  of  the  Contessa  I  made  the  valuable 
acquaintance  of  her  sons-in-law,  Francesco  and  Giuseppe 
d'Adda,  two  of  the  fervent  patriots  of  the  Milanese 
aristocracy,  and  brothers  of  the  Marchese  Camillo 
d'Adda,  who  figured  so  honorably  in  the  trials  of  1831. 
And  I  met  again  Lauretta,  daughter  of  the  Marchese 

140 


Our  Salle  cT  Armes 


Francesco,  with  whom  I  was  teased  because  of  the  qua- 
drille in  Casa  Trotti,  when  we  were  babies.  She  had  now 
grown  to  a  marriageable  age,  and  was,  as  I  have  said, 
to  become  one  day  my  wife. 

But,  besides  dancing,  we  undertook  exercises  of  a 
patriotic  character,  such  as  gymnastics  and  fencing. 
Fencing  we  preferred,  as  it  would  be  useful  in  case  of 
duels  with  the  Austrian  officers.  Duels  were  already  in 
the  programme  of  our  resistance. 

But  the  salles  d'armes  and  gymnastic  halls  were  closed, 
so  some  of  us  determined  that  we  would  have  a  hall  of 
our  own.  One  of  my  cousins  Lamberto  Paravicini,  a 
student  of  medicine,  was  the  soul  of  the  enterprise.  He 
secured  a  room  on  the  ground  floor,  in  the  house  of  his 
sister,  and  proposed  that  we  should  furnish  and  decorate 
it  ourselves. 

For  several  months  we  passed  our  evenings  in  our  hall 
upon  ladders  with  pails  and  long-handled  brushes, 
drawing  and  painting  patriotic  emblems,  usually  the 
trophies  and  arms  of  the  Italian  cities.  We  celebrated 
the  inauguration  of  our  salle  with  a  supper  and  a  toast 
pronounced  sotto  voce.  We  resorted  there,  in  groups,  for 
a  number  of  years,  to  exercise  and  practice  fencing.  Oc- 
casionally we  diverted  ourselves  with  conspiracies.  Fenc- 
ing was  taught  us  by  some  friends  who  were  approved 
fencers;  among  whom  I  recall  Battaglia  and  Francesco 
Rosari.  Our  swords  had  handles  of  iron,  but  blades 
of  wood,  as  none  others  were  permitted.  Once  the 
gendarmes  of  Tirano  sequestered  even  my  wooden 
swords. 

Another  cousin  of  mine,  Carlo  Minunzi,  an  officer  in 

141 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


the  Piedmont  army,  occasionally  made  a  clandestine 
trip  to  Milan,  and  came  to  our  hall.  Carlo  was  a  hand- 
some young  man,  of  a  bold  and  jovial  disposition.  He 
had  the  good  will  of  his  friends  and  relatives,  and  pre- 
served a  certain  authority  over  them  because  of  his  well- 
known  courage.  In  the  Five  Days  he  had  been  one  of 
the  bravest  of  Manara's  troops,  and  had  joined  the 
volunteers  that  pursued  the  Austrians.  Later  on,  when 
Carlo  Alberto  had  desired  to  reward  some  of  the  most 
meritorious  of  the  volunteers,  he  was  given  a  commis- 
sion in  the  Piedmontese  army.  After  the  battle  of 
Novara  he  remained  in  Piedmont,  and  continued  his 
military  career.  He  was  in  the  Crimea  as  a  staff  officer. 
He  also  took  part  in  the  campaigns  of  1859,  1860,  and 
1866.  In  this  last  campaign  he  was  colonel  and  sub- 
director  of  the  staff  of  General  Cialdini. 

We  always  received  Minunzi  with  a  fete,  when  he 
came  to  our  salle  ffarmes.  He  was  a  good  gymnast  and 
fencer,  but,  above  all,  he  was  a  soldier  in  the  Piedmont- 
ese army;  and  to  Piedmont  we  turned  with  sympathy, 
even  in  the  first  years  after  1849,  although  we  were  sup- 
posed to  be  Mazzinians. 

In  the  winter  of  1850  I  made  an  acquaintance  which 
I  valued  very  much;  it  was  that  of  the  Contessa  Clara 
Maffei,  in  whom  I  was  to  find  an  affectionate,  almost 
maternal,  friend.  Her  salon  has  left  memories  with  me 
that  I  can  never  forget.  My  brother  had  known  her  for 
some  time,  and  the  Contessa,  hearing  me  spoken  of, 
asked  him  to  bring  me. 

On  the  Contessa  Maffei,  Raffaello  Barbiera  has  writ- 
ten an  excellent  book  with  most  appreciative  judgment. 

142 


The  Contessa  Maffei 


I  will  add  but  little  to  the  information  he  has  given,  but 
the  name  of  the  Contessa  will  come  often  under  my  pen, 
for  it  is  entwined  with  the  principal  memories  I  have  of 
the  years  of  resistance. 


CHAPTER  XII 

(1850) 

Contessa  Clara  Maffei  and  her  salon.  —  Conte  Cesare  Giulini.  —  Intimate 
friends.  —  The  Crepuscolo.  —  Carlo  Tenca  and  his  collaborators.  —  Car- 
melita  Manara  Fe.  —  Contessa  Ermellina  Dandolo.  —  Hungarian  officers.  — 
Conte  Bethlen  and  his  nephew.  —  New  conspiracies.  —  Organization  of  the 
committees.  —  A  ten-million  loan  announced  by  Mazzini.  —  First  prosecu- 
tions at  Venice.  —  Dottesio  condemned  to  death.  —  Central  committee  at 
Mantua.  —  The  Lombard  clergy  and  the  Austrian  Government. 

CLARA  MAFFEI  was  at  this  time  thirty-six  years 
of  age.  She  had  been  separated  for  several  years 
from  her  husband,  the  poet  Andrea  Maffei.  She  was  the 
only  daughter  of  Conte  G.  B.  Carrara  Spinelli;  so  people 
generally  called  her  Contessa.  She  was  an  elegant  little 
lady,  pleasing  rather  than  beautiful  in  appearance. 
Her  manners  were  gentle  and  distinguished.  She  talked 
well,  and  impressed  an  ardent  patriotism  upon  all  she 
said.  She  manifested  so  much  affection  for  her  friends, 
male  and  female,  and  in  so  impartial  a  way  that  it  was 
said  that  she  had  an  especial  predilection  —  for  all. 

The  first  time  I  entered  her  salon,  in  the  Via  Bigli, 
with  Emilio,  I  felt  greatly  constrained,  but  the  Contessa 
received  me  so  affably,  envying  so  pleasantly  my  youth, 
that  it  seemed  to  me  I  had  known  her  for  a  long  while. 
From  that  evening,  as  long  as  she  lived,  I  passed  no  day 
when  in  town  that  I  did  not  call  upon  her,  if  it  were  only 
for  a  few  minutes. 

At  this  time,  and  until  1859,  the  intimates  of  the  Casa 
Maffei  were  few;  to  whom,  however,  the  saying  could 
be  applied  —  "few  but  good."  All  were  friends,  and  all 
were  sincere  and  vigorous  patriots.  From  this  salon 

144 


Conte  Cesare  Giulini 


there  radiated  a  light,  I  could  almost  say  a  compelling 
power,  which  exercised  a  great  moral  influence  in  the 
difficult  years  of  resistance. 

When  I  was  presented  to  the  Contessa,  I  met  Conte 
Cesare  Giulini,  whom  I  had  not  known  before.  He  had 
been  a  member  of  the  Provisional  Government,  but, 
profiting  by  the  amnesty,  he  returned  to  Milan,  con- 
vinced, as  he  said,  that  he  could  do  more  for  his  country 
at  home  than  abroad.  He  was,  in  truth,  among  those 
who  served  their  country  with  the  greatest  efficiency. 
He  served  it  with  the  authority  of  his  name,  with  his 
talents  and  generosity,  and  with  his  example  and  faith. 
Always  firm  in  his  belief  in  a  limited  monarchy,  he  was 
tolerant  toward  those  who  professed  different  principles; 
provided  that  they  were  as  stanch  as  he  was  himself  in 
their  desire  for  the  independence  of  Italy.  His  large  in- 
come was  devoted  to  good  works  and  the  service  of  his 
country.  He  was  continually  purchasing  books  (some 
of  rare  editions),  which  he  loaned  to  those  who  asked  for 
them;  so  that  he  kept  a  sort  of  circulating  library,  in  or- 
der to  diffuse  knowledge  and  culture  among  those  who 
were  less  favored  by  fortune  than  he  was  himself. 

Cesare  Giulini  had  had  an  older  brother,  Rinaldo  by 
name,  whom  I  have  heard  Correnti  and  others  mention 
with  praise.  He  was  of  the  group  of  Liberals  to  which 
Correnti  himself,  and  the  brothers  Porro,  and  Giovanni 
and  Carlo  d'  Adda  belonged.  His  death  was  a  great  grief 
to  his  party.  Their  grandfather  was  Conte  Cesare,  the 
historian,  and  their  father  was  Conte  Giorgio.  Conte 
Giorgio  was  a  member  of  the  regency  after  the  passing 
of  the  Napoleonic  regime. 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


Among  the  daily  inmates  of  the  Salon  of  the  Contessa 
Clara  I  recall,  besides  Giulini  and  Emilio,  Carlo  Tenca, 
Tullo  Massarani,  Giulio  Carcano,  Antonio  Gussalli, 
Dr.  Romolo  Griffini,  Antonio  Allievi,  Antonio  Lazzati, 
Carlo  De  Cristoforis,  Giacomo  Battaglia,  the  engineer 
Tagliaferri,  Dr.  Bartolomeo  Garvaglia,  Innocente  Decio, 
and  Emilio  Bignami  Sormani.  I  recall  also  (when  they 
came  to  Milan)  G.  B.  Camozzi,  Giuseppe  Finzi,  Mar- 
chese  Fossati,  Giuseppe  Zanardelli  and  Giuseppe  Verdi. 
In  the  daytime  certain  ladies  of  the  aristocracy  called. 
In  the  evening  there  came  a  few  intimate  friends,  Signore 
Saulina  Viola  Barbavara,  Orsola  Bianconi  Robecchi, 
Giulietta  Pezzi,  and  some  others.  Several  years  after- 
wards the  number  of  the  frequenters  of  the  salon  in- 
creased, and  though  it  still  preserved  a  character  of  inti- 
macy, people  who  were  simply  noted  in  the  field  of 
research,  or  for  their  patriotic  efforts,  were  received. 
Thereupon  the  salon  attained  the  apogee  of  its  fame 
and  importance. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year  Carlo  Tenca  had  founded 
a  weekly  journal,  which  he  called  the  "Crepuscolo."  He 
desired  to  make  it  a  medium  of  serious  study  and  of  poli- 
tical aspiration.  It  was  not,  as  it  could  not  be,  an  ex- 
clusively political  periodical.  The  influence  of  this  jour- 
nal became  very  quickly  widespread.  Its  articles  were  all 
colored  by  the  nobility  and  firmness  of  character  of  its 
editor.  In  them  one  could  always  perceive  an  elevated 
patriotic  aim,  as  distinctly  as  the  time  permitted.  In 
every  number  there  was  a  review  which  treated,  with 
rare  ability,  the  political  events  of  the  week  in  foreign 
lands,  but  which  never  touched  upon  the  things  which 

146 


Carlo  Tenca 

happened  in  Austria  and  in  the  subject  Italian  provinces. 
This  silence,  which  could  not  be  deemed  criminal,  was 
the  standing  protest  of  the  "Crepuscolo."  All  under- 
stood it,  and  it  had  a  far  greater  effect  than  any  wordy 
comment  could  have  had.  The  "Crepuscolo"  was  an 
example  of  how  great  an  influence  a  journal  can  have, 
not  because  of  the  importance  of  its  articles,  but  because 
of  the  character  of  its  contributors. 

Tenca's  first  collaborators  were  Tullo  Massarani  for 
belles-lettres  and  art;  my  brother  Emilio  for  literature 
and  the  political  and  social  sciences;  Antonio  Allievi, 
Antonio  Colombo,  and  Innocente  Decio,  for  political 
economy,  statistics,  and  jurisprudence;  Eugenio  Came- 
rini  for  literary  criticism;  Giuseppe  Mongeri,  for  criti- 
cism of  art;  and  Dr.  Romolo  Griffini  and  Giovanni 
Cantoni,  for  the  natural  sciences  and  hygiene.  Later 
on  Emilio  Bignami  Sormani,  Enrico  Fano  and  Giacomo 
Battaglia  (who  died  at  S.  Fermo),  wrote  for  the  journal. 
Among  its  correspondents  I  recall  Gabriele  Rosa,  Giu- 
seppe Zanardelli,  and  Giovanni  Rizzi. 

Tenca,  who  was  a  sound,  talented,  and  cultured  man, 
wrote  not  only  the  political  reviews,  but  a  little  of  every- 
thing. Moreover,  he  censored  the  writings  of  his  friends 
in  order  to  keep  the  journal  uniform  in  its  aim  and  in  the 
manner  of  expressing  it. 

This  same  year  I  made  another  precious  acquaintance. 
I  was  presented  to  the  Signora  Carmelita  Manara  Fe. 
She  was  an  intelligent  and  interesting  lady,  who,  not- 
withstanding the  ravages  of  her  poor  health,  still  pre- 
served the  lineaments  of  her  youthful  beauty.  She 
said  that  she  had  only  one  lung,  which  was  probably 

H7 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


true,  as  she  died  of  consumption;  as  did  also  her  three 
children.  Her  little  salon  was  frequented  by  prominent 
young  men,  nearly  all  of  whom  had  taken  part  in  the 
last  campaigns.  Some  had  been  soldiers  and  officers 
in  the  Manara  battalion.  Among  the  most  assiduous 
was  Emilio  Dandolo,  in  whose  arms  her  husband  had 
breathed  his  last  at  Rome.  Dandolo,  however,  left 
this  year  for  a  long  voyage  to  the  Orient  with  Ludovico 
Trotti. 

In  the  salon  of  the  Signora  Manara  I  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  the  Contessa  Ermellina  Dandolo,  the  se- 
cond wife  of  Conte  Tullio,  the  father  of  the  Dandolo 
brothers.  The  intimate  life  of  little  groups  of  friends  be- 
came precious  and  necessary  because  of  the  hardness  and 
restraints  of  the  military  government.  The  slightest 
manifestation  of  public  life  was  impossible,  so  the  many 
rendezvous  and  the  exchange  of  confidences  (sometimes 
in  the  face  of  peril)  created  among  friends  a  feeling  simi- 
lar to  that  which  exists  among  soldiers  in  the  day  of 
battle. 

Life  seemed  to  be  sad  everywhere.  In  Hungary  twelve 
general  of  the  honveds  *  had  been  hanged ;  soldiers  had 
been  forcibly  incorporated  in  the  Austrian  regiments, 
and  officers  of  high  grades  had  been  reduced  to  the  ranks. 

There  was  in  Milan  a  Hungarian,  by  the  name  of 
Conte  Bethlen,  formerly  a  major  in  the  hussars.  He  had 
resigned  from  the  army  before  1848,  and  had  established 
himself  in  Milan,  where  he  had  married  a  cousin  of  my 
father,  Donna  Teresa  Gianella.  He  was  tall  and  strong. 
He  had  a  flat  face,  a  long  nose,  and  a  bristling  red  mous- 

*  Militia. 
148 


Conte  Bethlen  and  his  Nephew 

tache.  He  was  gentle  in  disposition,  and  had  the  suave 
manner  of  the  gran  signore.  One  morning  he  came 
suddenly  to  my  room;  my  mother  had  gone  out.  His 
good-humored  face  was  utterly  changed.  He  looked 
wrathful,  not  to  say  ferocious.  His  manner  was  so  vio- 
lent it  made  me  afraid.  I  seemed  to  look  upon  a  barba- 
rous soldier. 

"What  is  it?  What  has  happened?"  I  asked. 

"Come  quickly  with  me,  .  .  .  you  will  see,"  he  said. 
And  he  drew  me  along,  at  a  rapid  pace,  into  Via  del 
Monte  di  Pieta,  where  he  had  a  beautiful  house.  Ar- 
rived at  the  door,  he  pointed  to  the  palace  opposite  (now 
the  savings  bank),  which  was  the  barracks  of  the  Engi- 
neer Corps.  Before  its  large  gateway  a  sentinel  passed 
to  and  fro.  He  was  tall  and  handsome,  and  was  wrapped 
in  a  great  surcoat  which  was  covered  with  flakes  of  snow. 

"Do  you  see  that  soldier?"  he  said.  "He  is  my 
nephew,  the  future  head  of  our  house.  It  is  the  Conte 
Bethlen,  colonel  of  the  honveds  in  the  war  for  independ- 


ence." 


Over  his  face,  the  expression  of  which  had  become  ever 
more  menacing,  there  fell  two  tears.  How  sorrowful  was 
the  revolt  in  his  aristocratic  soul ! 17 

Several  soldiers  of  a  smart  and  distinguished  appear- 
ance were  seen  in  the  streets  of  Milan  at  this  time.  They 
had  been  officers  in  the  revolutionary  army,  but  were 
now  reduced  to  the  ranks. 

The  possibility  of  our  recovery  seemed  very  far  off; 
yet  the  threads  of  the  old  political  bonds  were  gradually 
retied,  and,  here  and  there,  some  spark  of  the  former 
conspiracies  was  uncovered.  The  conspiracies,  which 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


now  began  to  grow,  were  Mazzinian  in  character.  The 
monarchical  idea  had  lost  prestige  in  Lombardy,  where 
there  were  no  royal  traditions;  and  Piedmont,  intent 
upon  healing  its  wounds,  was  not  able  to  aid  the  op- 
pressed. 

The  nebulous  and  mysterious  promises  of  Mazzini, 
set  forth  in  mild,  yet  decided  language,  and  his  plans  for 
an  immediate  insurrection,  charmed  the  imaginations 
of  the  ardent  patriots.  It  was,  therefore,  natural  that 
the  followers  of  Mazzini  should  increase,  and  that  all  the 
new  conspiracies  should  be  Mazzinian.  Some  followed 
him  in  the  name  of  unity;  others  because  they  believed 
that  only  by  constant  agitation  could  the  programme 
of  resistance  be  maintained.  Many  patriots,  however, 
withdrew  from  Mazzini  when  Cavour,  with  his  strong 
hand,  took  charge  of  affairs  and  raised  the  banner  for 
liberty.  In  the  winter  of  1849  and  1850,  as  I  heard  from 
Emilio,  a  meeting  was  held  in  the  study  of  Francesco 
Brioschi  (then  a  teacher  in  mathematics),  in  which  a 
divergence  between  the  different  tendencies  commenced 
to  manifest  itself. 

Tenca,  Allievi,  my  brother,  and  some  others  main- 
tained that  the  sentiment  of  resistance  should  be  kept 
alive  by  publications  and  the  propagation  of  ideas; 
while  others  were  in  favor  of  organizing  secret  societies. 
Tenca  outlined  his  plan  of  publishing  the  "Crepu- 
scolo";  but  a  committee  of  conspiracy,  of  which  De 
Luigi,  Pezzotti,  Mora,  and  Gerli  were  members,  was 
nominated.  This  committee  was  afterwards  broken  up 
by  the  prosecutions  of  Mantua. 

In  the  different  cities  of  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  other 

150 


A  Ten-Million  Loan 


secret  committees  were  formed,  under  the  auspices  of 
Mazzini,  with  the  idea  of  maintaining  relations  with  the 
different  provinces,  and  of  securing  a  concerted  action. 
Mazzini  planned  that  these  committees  should  prepare 
for  an  immediate  revolution.  The  National  Italian 
Committee,  which  he  had  organized  in  London  on  the 
loth  of  September  previous,  had  issued  a  proclamation 
asking  for  a  loan  of  ten  millions  to  hasten  the  independ- 
ence of  Italy.18  This  proclamation  seemed  at  the  time 
to  be  of  the  highest  importance,  but  effectively  it  de- 
monstrated only  the  ingenuity  and  imprudence  of  its 
projector,  as  it  put  all  the  police  of  Lombardy  and  Vene- 
tia  on  guard  against  the  revolutionaries;  and  no  one  could 
have  supposed  that  ten  millions  could  be  gathered  to- 
gether during  a  state  of  siege. 

As  many  patriots  dissented,  the  loan  met  with  much 
opposition.  Among  the  noted  emigrants  who  did  not 
agree  with  Mazzini  were  Garibaldi,  Manin,  Montanelli, 
Cattaneo,  Cernuschi,  and  Giuseppe  Ferrari.  He  had  a 
greater  following  in  the  provinces,  especially  in  those 
that  were  occupied  by  Austria.  Throughout  these,  des- 
peration took  the  place  of  reasoning,  and  every  hope, 
however  foolish,  seemed  better  than  hopelessness. 

For  what  the  few  thousand  lire,  which  were  pain- 
fully gathered  together,  were  to  serve  we  shall  see  here- 
after; as  we  shall  also  see  what  was  the  tragic  end  of  the 
committees. 

The  members  of  the  committees  had  been  charged  by 
Mazzini  to  place  the  bonds  for  the  loan  on  sale,  and  many 
patriots,  without  thought  of  the  uselessness,  or  of  the 
danger,  of  the  project,  devoted  themselves  to  the  work. 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Giuseppe  Finzi  and  Tullo  Massarani  had  gone  to 
London  to  meet  Mazzini,  and  had  returned  with  the 
papers.  Both  my  brother  and  I  put  some  of  the  bonds 
in  circulation.  At  first  the  distribution  was  made  with 
great  secrecy,  but  afterwards  with  less  care.  The  risk 
was  understood,  but  no  one  heeded  it.  No  one  supposed 
that  so  many  patriots  would  be  led  to  the  gallows  by 
these  bonds. 

But  a  new  proof  of  the  severity  of  the  Government 
was  given  us  in  the  trials  at  Venice.  Among  those  con- 
demned was  Dottesio,  for  having  brought  through  the 
frontier  at  Como  some  books  and  papers.  He  was 
hanged  at  Venice  on  the  nth  of  October,  1851. 

Except  for  the  sale  of  the  bonds  of  Mazzini  the  com- 
mittees did  nothing  this  year,  although  they  knew  of 
the  impatience  of  the  master.  In  the  mean  while  a  bet- 
ter arrangement  of  the  various  committees  had  been 
planned.  In  a  reunion  of  eighteen  delegates  at  Mantua 
(November,  1850),  a  central  committee,  under  the  presi- 
dency of  the  priest  Prof  essore  Enrico  Tazzoli,  was  formed, 
which  was  to  direct  the  actions  of  the  provincial  com- 
mittees. 

Although  the  first  acts  of  the  Mazzinian  conspiracy 
proceeded  with  little  caution,  the  Austrians  for  a  while 
were  aware  of  nothing.  The  separation  between  the 
people  and  the  Government  was  so  great,  it  was  not 
easy  to  find  spies.  And,  indeed,  our  rulers  cared  very 
little  for  what  the  country  thought,  or  for  what  might 
happen.  Their  chief  endeavor  was  to  conceal  every 
trace  of  the  Quarantotto,  and  to  encase,  as  it  were, 
the  country  in  a  coat  of  lead. 

152 


The  Lombard  Clergy 


One  of  the  things  which  excited  the  Austrians  was 
the  conduct  of  the  priests  during  the  revolution.  The 
greater  part  of  the  Lombard  clergy,  especially  those  who 
were  eminent  for  talent  and  character,  had  promoted 
the  national  movement,  and  had  aided  their  fellow- 
citizens  by  word  and  deed.  The  severe  regime  of  Arch- 
bishop Gaisruck,  as  I  have  said,  had  helped  to  form  a 
good  and  respectable  clergy. 

As  soon  as  the  Austrian  Government  had  been  re- 
stored, it  began  to  persecute  the  priests  suspected  of 
patriotism.  It  aimed  at  the  best,  and  chased  them  out 
of  the  seminaries  and  eleemosynary  institutions,  and 
sent  them  into  little  parishes,  or  obliged  them  to  retire 
to  minor  posts.  The  weak  and  timid  Romilli,  who  was 
disliked  by  the  Austrians  because  of  his  patriotic  sym- 
pathies, did  not  know  how  to  protect  his  clergy;  nor  did 
the  other  bishops  know  what  to  do  when  the  Govern- 
ment succeeded  in  entangling  their  priests  in  the  politi- 
cal trials  and  had  them  hanged  or  shot.  It  is  superfluous 
to  say  that  these  unhappy  men  were  abandoned  at  the 
same  time  even  by  Rome,  which  permitted  the  dese- 
cration without  protesting.  Already  were  the  days 
forgotten  when  the  Pope  had  blessed  Italy,  and  the 
Austrians  had  insulted  the  Pope. 

Many  students  in  the  Lombard  seminaries  who  had 
fought  in  the  campaigns  of  '48,  had  donned  their  cas- 
socks again.  Some  of  them,  moved  in  their  consciences 
to  see  the  Church  turn  away  from  every  sentiment  of 
patriotism,  became  missionaries.  I  have  known  several 
of  the  priests,  called,  with  reverence  by  some,  and  with 
irony  by  others,  the  "priests  of  the  Quarantotto."  Some 

153 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


with  bitterness,  yet  with  fearlessness,  had  been  able  to 
preserve  their  ideal  of  religion  united  with  patriotism. 
They  were  esteemed  and  revered  by  persons  of  every 
party,  and  were  true  ministers  of  peace  and  of  every 
Christian  virtue. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

(1851) 

The  closing  of  the  university;  private  instruction.  —  The  duel  of  Luigi  Delia 
Porta.  —  The  lesser  committees.  —  G.  B.  Carta  and  his  colleagues.  —  Dr. 
Vandoni.  —  The  assassination  of  Corbellini.  —  Antonio  Sciesa.  —  Con- 
demnations and  executions.  —  The  priest  Giovanni  Griola,  of  Mantua.  — 
A  meeting  at  Mantua  of  representatives  of  the  committees.  —  A  trip  through 
Switzerland.  —  The  Emperor  at  Milan,  and  the  manoeuvres  at  Somma.  — 
Execution  of  Dottesio.  —  The  death  of  Berchet. 

THE  university  continued  to  be  closed,  and  the 
students  to  study  privately  with  instructors  in 
groups  of  ten.  The  group  to  which  I  belonged  was  in- 
structed by  the  Awocato  Barinetti  (afterwards  profes- 
sor at  Pa  via),  in  history  and  mathematics;  by  Antonio 
Allievi,  in  the  philosophy  of  law  and  political  economy; 
and  by  the  Awocato  Antonio  Mosca  in  the  codices, 
and  in  civil  and  criminal  procedure.  Generally  the  les- 
sons began  and  ended  with  a  political  discussion,  or  with 
an  exchange  of  the  news  of  the  day.  But  this  was  nat- 
ural. The  sorrowful,  and  sometimes  terrible,  episodes, 
during  the  state  of  siege  and  the  recurrent  agitations  dis- 
tracted our  minds  from  peaceful  pursuits.  The  political 
discussions  followed  usually  the  line  of  Mazzinian  ideas. 
His  axioms  convinced  us;  his  patriotism  exalted  us;  his 
formula,  "Dio  e  il  popolo,  pensiero  ed  azione,"  relieved 
us  from  the  necessity  of  thinking,  and  prepared  our 
hearts  for  action.  Why?  We  did  not  know;  but  we  were 
all  vaguely  disposed  to  act.  There  were  but  few  who 
brought  the  discussions  of  the  day  to  the  hard  test  of 
reason.  I  was  not  among  them. 
The  warlike  feeling  of  the  students  soon  found  a  vic- 

155 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


tim.  Luigi  Delia  Porta  was  of  a  distinguished  Milanese 
family,  and  had  fought  in  the  campaigns  of  '48  and  '49. 
He  went  to  Pavia  to  pursue  his  studies.  One  evening, 
on  leaving  the  theater,  he  had  a  dispute  with  an  Aus- 
trian cavalry  officer  and  challenged  him.  Delia  Porta 
was  a  bold  young  man,  but  he  knew  very  little  of  fenc- 
ing. I  do  not  know  whether  it  was  because  of  his  pride, 
or  through  the  inexperience  of  his  seconds,  he  chose 
to  fight  his  adversary  (who  was  an  expert  fencer)  with 
swords.  After  a  few  passes,  he  received  a  mortal  thrust 
in  the  breast,  and  died  in  the  barracks  where  the  duel  had 
taken  place.  The  impression  made  by  this  sorrowful 
event  was  very  great,  and  many  went  to  Pavia  for  the 
funeral.  Emilio  interpreted  the  general  feeling  at  the 
tomb,  where  he  made  a  courageous  address,  in  the  midst 
of  the  students  and  of  the  police. 

During  the  winter  and  spring  we  began  to  see  the  first 
fruits  of  the  money  collected  through  the  Mazzinian 
loan.  They  were  the  foundation  of  a  number  of  little 
committees  which  sprang  up  and  agitated,  here  and 
there,  outside  of  the  principal  committees  which  had 
their  center  at  Mantua.  This  was  the  way  of  Mazzini. 
He  had  the  chiefs  of  his  various  bands  watched,  and  the 
principal  committees  by  the  secondary;  so  that  all  were 
under  the  surveillance  of  those  who  followed  them. 

One  of  the  secondary  committees  was  formed  at  Milan 
under  the  leadership  of  G.  B.  Carta,  an  old  man,  who  had 
been,  I  believe,  a  soldier  of  Napoleon,  and  who  had  done 
nothing  but  conspire  all  his  life.  He  had  been  several 
times  in  prison,  and  he  returned  to  it  in  1852,  and  re- 
mained incarcerated  until  1857.  He  was  of  a  mild  and 

156 


G.  B.  Carta  and  his  Colleagues 

gentle  disposition,  but  when  a  conspiracy  was  on  foot, 
he  hesitated  at  nothing.  Among  the  adherents  of  this 
committee  was  a  man  named  Azzi,  a  dyer,  who  was  a 
thoroughgoing  revolutionary,  and  was  capable  of  any- 
thing. And  there  was  a  man  by  the  name  of  Corbellini, 
and  the  head  porter,  Francesco  Ferri.  Ferri  was  a  bold, 
violent,  but  honest,  man.  Then  there  was  the  uphol- 
sterer, Antonio  Sciesa. 

With  this  committee  some  other  men  of  the  party  of 
action  were  associated  who  were  of  a  higher  social  grade, 
such  as  De  Luigi  and  Carlo  De  Cristoforis,  Guttierez 
and  Maiocchi  (future  deputy),  and  Gerli,  I  believe,  who 
afterwards  became  a  sub-prefect. 

This  committee  began  with  scattering  leaflets  and 
proclamations.  It  tried,  also,  to  prepare  for  a  demon- 
stration; it  finished  with  a  deed  of  blood.  An  act  had 
occurred  which  had  outraged  public  opinion.  Dr.  Van- 
doni,  a  provincial  physician,  had  denounced  Dr.  Ciceri, 
his  assistant,  who,  he  said,  had  some  Mazzinian  bonds  in 
his  possession.  This  was  a  trick  that  was  likely  to  send 
Dr.  Ciceri  to  the  gallows.  He  was  arrested  and  prose- 
cuted, but,  by  chance,  the  papers  that  he  had  had,  and 
which  the  head  physician  had  seen,  had  been  spirited 
away. 

The  committee,  in  its  turn,  imitating  a  council  of  war, 
met,  and  condemned  Dr.  Vandoni  to  death.  Azzi  made 
the  preparations  for  the  execution,  which  was  coolly 
carried  into  effect  by  a  man  named  Claudio  Colombo,  a 
worker  in  sculpture,  a  puntatore.* 

Colombo  met  Dr.  Vandoni,  as  he  was  returning  home, 
*  Literally,  a  pointer;  he  who  carves  by  means  of  points. 
157 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


in  Via  Durini,  and  stabbed  him  in  the  breast  with  a  sti- 
letto, without  any  one  noticing  him.  Then  he  went 
quickly  along  the  Vie  San  Stefano  and  Cerva,  and 
through  an  alley  to  the  canal  of  San  Damiano,  where  he 
found  some  of  his  companions  (among  whom  was  Cor- 
bellini),  who  helped  him  in  his  flight.  I  passed,  a  few 
minutes  after,  the  place  where  the  assassination  had 
taken  place.  The  deceased  had  just  been  carried  to  his 
house.  In  the  mean  time  a  crowd  of  people  had  collected, 
and  the  police  and  gendarmes  came  running  up  from 
every  quarter.  The  news  was  diffused  in  a  breath 
throughout  the  city,  and,  it  must  be  confessed,  it  was 
generally  received  with  an  explosion  of  joy;  so  quickly 
are  honest  feelings  warped  in  times  of  violence.  Several 
months  after,  it  was  known  that  the  assassin  had  suc- 
ceeded in  fleeing  to  London. 

This  assassination  had  another  as  its  sequel.  Corbel- 
lini  continually  demanded  money  from  the  members  of 
the  committee,  threatening  to  denounce  them  if  they 
refused.  They  gave  him  some  many  times,  but  at  last 
there  was  little  left;  so  they  found  it  more  economical 
to  kill  him.  One  night  Corbellini  was  found  lying  on  the 
pavement  of  Via  Chiaravallino,  mortally  wounded.  He 
expired  without  being  able  to  tell  the  names  of  his  mur- 
derers. Azzi  gave  me  these  and  other  particulars  of  these 
wretched  events. 

Most  pathetic  was  the  fate  of  poor  Sciesa.  He  was 
arrested  on  the  3ist  of  July,  while  he  was  posting  an 
aimless  proclamation  of  the  committee.  Many  were  the 
promises  made  to,  and  great  was  the  pressure  brought 
to  bear  upon,  him  if  he  would  reveal  the  names  of  the 

158 


Antonio  Sciesa 


committee.  All  was  useless,  and  his  words,  "Tirem 
innanz"  (fire  ahead),  which  he  is  reported  to  have  said 
to  an  officer  while  he  was  walking  to  the  place  of  execu- 
tion, in  response  to  an  offer  of  pardon,  have  become  cele- 
brated. 

I  asked  the  priest,  Giuseppe  Negri,  who,  as  prison 
chaplain,  accompanied  Sciesa,  about  this  report.  Negri 
said  that  Sciesa  did  not  utter  the  words,  "tirem  innanz" 
on  the  way  to  the  place  of  his  suffering,  but  probably  to 
the  friar  who  exhorted  him  to  confess.  This  is  more  in 
accordance  with  the  formalities  that  were  then  observed. 

Gian  Battista  Carta,  the  head  of  the  committee,  in  a 
letter  to  Vittore  Ottolini,  author  of  the  history  of  the 
Rivoluzione  Lombarda,  wrote:  "I  saw  Sciesa  walk 
fearlessly  to  his  death.  With  his  glance  he  assured  us  of 
his  silence."  Poor  Sciesa !  Simple  and  serene  in  his  hero- 
ism, his  is  certainly  a  name  that  ought  to  be  remembered. 
His  education  did  not  enable  him  to  judge  whether  the 
work  to  which  he  was  assigned  was  worth  the  sacrifice 
to  which  he  exposed  himself.  He  gave  himself  to  his 
country  as  a  soldier  who  obeys,  and  who  disputes  no 
order. 

Arrests  were  made  every  day,  and  were  often  followed 
by  condemnations,  and  sometimes  by  sentences  to  death. 
Among  the  most  terrifying  was  that  of  a  priest,  Giovanni 
Griola,  of  Mantua.  Having  given  two  francs  to  a  soldier, 
who  asked  for  them,  he  was  accused  of  having  tried  to 
induce  the  man  to  desert,  and  was  condemned  upon  his 
testimony  and  that  of  another  soldier,  and  shot.19 

The  principal  committees  which  were,  as  we  have  seen, 
under  the  direction  of  the  Central  Committee  of  Mantua, 

159 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


had  but  little  relationship  with  the  little  committees 
which  sprang  up  sporadically,  and  agitated  on  their  own 
account.  These  last  had  desired  to  be  called  into  action, 
but  perceiving  that  their  hopes  were  vain,  they  began  to 
ask  themselves  whether  they  ought  not  to  seek  to  pro- 
mote something.  The  Central  Committee,  which  was 
interrogated  in  regard  to  the  matter,  determined  to  call 
the  representatives  of  the  different  provincial  committees 
to  Mantua  for  consultation,  and  to  decide  upon  a  course 
for  the  future. 

The  committee,  of  which  Dr.  De  Luigi  was  the  head, 
called  for  advisement  a  meeting  of  some  of  the  principal 
members  of  the  party  of  action  in  Milan.  My  brother, 
who  attended  this  meeting,  told  me  that  it  was  agreed 
that  it  was  better  to  abstain  from  attempts  the  outcome 
of  which  could  only  be  disastrous.  He  also  told  me  that 
Antonio  Lazzati  had  been  selected  to  go  to  Mantua  to 
state  and  sustain  the  opinion  of  the  committee.  Accord- 
ingly Lazzati  went  to  Mantua,  and  presented  the 
opinion  of  the  Milanese  Committee  in  a  reunion  of  the 
representatives  of  all  the  committees.  This  meeting, 
in  spite  of  the  fact  that  it  adopted  no  revolutionary 
measure,  cost  the  liberty  and  life  of  several  of  the  dele- 
gates. 

There  was  no  thought  of  waiting  in  the  mind  of  Maz- 
zini;  and  his  devoted  adherents  made  no  secret  of  it. 
"Mazzini  does  not  approve,"  they  whispered;  "he  de- 
sires us  to  agitate."  And  they  produced  one  of  his  leaf- 
lets, written  in  the  diminutive  characters  in  which  he 
communicated  his  thoughts  and  orders  to  his  intimate 
friends.  As  I  have  said,  those  who  wished  to  give  them- 

160 


A  Trip  through  Switzerland 

selves  airs  called  him  "Pippo"  in  a  little  mysterious  way. 
When  they  said,  "Pippo  wishes,  or  does  not  wish," 
something,  they  became  immovable;  yet  events  were  to 
move  some  of  them.  Still,  Mazzini  had  his  "  legitimists," 
who,  even  in  the  great  year  of  1859,  forgot  nothing  and 
learned  nothing. 

There  was  no  committee  in  Valtellina,  but  there  were 
many  patriots  who  met  together,  and  who  received 
letters  and  journals  from  Switzerland  and,  occasionally, 
the  leaflets  of  Mazzini.  The  smuggling  in  of  books  and 
papers,  through  the  frontier  of  high  Valtellina,  was  the 
principal  business  of  these  patriots,  of  whom  Emilio 
was  the  head. 

In  the  little  country  districts  everything  strikes  the 
eye.  We  were,  therefore,  strictly  watched  by  the  police 
and  the  gendarmes.  My  mother  preached  prudence, 
and  often  gave  us  permission  to  take  trips  to  escape 
their  surveillance.  This  year  she  gave  us  some  money 
with  which  to  make  an  excursion  into  Switzerland.  So  we 
thought  we  would  go  to  Lucerne  by  way  of  the  Bernina 
Pass  and  the  Engadine.  At  this  time  students  of  our 
age  could  only  take  a  trip  through  Switzerland  on  foot 
and  with  knapsacks  on  their  backs.  Thus  accoutered  we 
walked  from  Tirano  to  Poschiavo.  These  first  fifteen 
kilometers  persuaded  us  that  we  could,  just  as  well, 
send  our  knapsacks  by  post  to  Coire,  and  take  up 
our  programme  there.  The  day  after  we  reached  Sa- 
maden. 

Neither  at  Samaden,  nor  at  St.  Moritz,  nor  in  any  other 
part  of  the  Engadine  were  there  the  great  hotels  of  to- 
day. Some  little  mean  taverns  gave  board  and  lodging 

161 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


to  the  few  travelers  and  carters  who  happened  in.  We 
stopped  at  a  little  inn  called  the  Posta  which  was  the 
predecessor  of  the  grand  hotel  now  called  the  Bernina. 
On  the  ground  floor  there  were  two  little  rooms  that 
were  full  of  the  smoke  and  smell  of  pipes,  one  of  which 
served  for  the  people,  and  the  other  for  the  distin- 
guished guests.  On  the  upper  floor  were  some  small 
sleeping-rooms  that  were  occupied  by  great  beds,  ar- 
ranged for  three  persons. 

When  the  hotel-keeper  conducted  us  to  the  only 
vacant  room,  he  told  us  that  one  of  the  places  in  the  bed 
had  been  retained  by  a  lieutenant  in  the  reserves,  who, 
however,  had  not  arrived,  and  that,  therefore,  the  whole 
bed  was  at  our  disposal.  Little  reassured,  but  very  tired, 
we  threw  ourselves,  all  dressed,  upon  the  big  bed,  when, 
suddenly,  the  knocking  of  a  sword  upon  the  wooden 
stairs  advised  us  that  the  lieutenant  had  arrived.  He 
came;  but  he  took  no  notice  of  us.  Sure  of  his  place,  he 
lighted  his  pipe  and  began  to  undress.  In  silence  we  left 
the  two  places  we  had  occupied  to  the  lieutenant,  and 
descended  to  the  guest-room  below.  Stretching  ourselves 
along  a  table,  we  sought  the  sleep  that  the  hardness  of 
our  couch  yielded  to  our  fatigue. 

The  continuation  of  our  pedestrian  trip  was  adjourned 
unto  the  day  after.  Woe  to  him  who  abandons  a  plan; 
he  will  never  take  it  up  again !  The  railroads  were  few 
in  those  days,  but  there  were  many  diligences.  We  went 
to  Coire,  to  the  Righi,  to  Zurich,  to  the  Gottardo,  to 
Lugano,  to  Capolago,  for  the  most  part,  in  diligences. 
At  Capolago,  we  took  a  look  at  the  library  of  De  Boni, 
but  he  did  not  ask  us  to  bring  in  any  books  at  Chiasso, 

162 


'The  Emperor  at  Milan 


as  poor  Dottesio  had  done.  Then  we  left  for  Como  and 
the  Valtellina.  Emilio  stopped  on  the  lake. 

When  I  came  to  Sondrio  I  found  I  had  miscalculated, 
as  there  remained  only  a  few  sous  in  my  pocket.  I  should 
have  asked  some  one  to  let  me  have  credit,  but  my  youth- 
ful bashfulness  prevented  me.  I  laid  out  my  number  of 
sous  in  as  many  little  rolls,  and,  having  nothing  with 
which  to  pay  for  a  place  in  the  diligence,  I  took  a  car- 
riage and  pair  for  which  I  paid  when  I  arrived  at  Tirano. 
So  I  finished  my  pedestrian  trip  in  a  landau. 

In  September  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  came  to 
Lombardy.  He  was  received  without  any  pomp  or  fes- 
tivities, which,  indeed,  were  impossible.  He  came,  as 
the^  head  of  the  army,  to  attend  the  manoeuvres  on  the 
heaths  of  Somma.  The  Lieutenant-General  Strassoldo 
had  informed  the  municipality  that  it  ought  to  prepare 
for  some  festivities,  but  Conte  Lorenzo  Taverna  pro- 
tested in  a  meeting  of  the  council,  saying  that  the  econo- 
mical condition  of  the  city  did  not  permit  of  sumptuary 
expenditures,  and  that  the  "notificazioni"  of  Marshal 
Radetzky,  which  made  the  city  responsible  for  the  acts 
of  individuals  against  order,  did  not  encourage  fetes  and 
popular  reunions.  So  nothing  was  done.  The  municipal- 
ity of  Como  was,  also,  invited  to  celebrate  the  coming 
of  the  Emperor,  but  it  did  nothing  because  of  the  absence 
of  its  councilmen.  For  this  cause  it  was  dissolved. 

The  authorities  were  furious,  especially  as  the  manoeu- 
vres went  off  badly.  Some  bungled  order  and  mischance 
incited  the  troops  to  acts  of  insubordination ;  and  they 
laid  violent  hands  upon  the  tents  and  kitchen  destined 
for  the  Emperor  and  the  foreign  representatives.  Out 

163 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


of  this  much  confusion  ensued,  and  the  Emperor  left 
in  disdain. 

The  Emperor,  who  came  to  Lombardo-Venetia  for  the 
first  time  after  his  succession,  remained  in  the  midst  of  his 
troops,  and  left  without  having  spoken  a  word  of  kind- 
ness or  of  peace.  He  left  on  the  29th  of  September.  On 
the  nth  of  October,  a  gallows  was  raised  in  Venice, 
upon  which  Luigi  Dottesio,  of  Como,  was  hanged.  Dot- 
tesio  and  Maisner  had  been  condemned  on  the  suspicion 
of  having  smuggled  in  some  books  from  Capolago.  When 
Radetzky  was  asked  for  grace,  it  is  said  that  he  replied 
that  one  example  was  sufficient;  and  Dottesio  was 
hanged. 

Giovanni  Berchet  died  at  the  end  of  the  year.  In  the 
failure  of  hope  and  in  the  extinction  of  every  spark  that 
nourished  it,  the  passing  away  of  the  poet  who  had  kept 
alive  the  hearts  of  an  entire  generation  was  a  sad  omen. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

(1852) 

Arrest  of  the  priest  Tazzoli.  —  A  sad  Carnival.  —  The  Theaters  della  Scala  and 
Carcano.  —  Young  men  and  their  festive  patriotism.  —  Antonio  Lazzati  and 
Carlo  De  Cristoforis.  —  The  portrait  of  Conte  Nava.  —  Numerous  arrests.  — 
The  trials  at  Mantua.  —  The  treachery  of  Luigi  Castellazzo.  —  Lazzati  and 
others  arrested  and  taken  to  Mantua.  —  Episodes  of  Pasotti  and  of  Cervieri. 
—  The  suicide  of  Giovanni  Pezzotti.  —  The  coup  d'etat  in  France.  — Hopes 
and  fears.  —  The  first  death  sentences  at  Mantua. 

THE  year  1852  began  with  grave  forebodings  in  the 
patriotic  camp.  Some  arrests  had  been  made  in 
Venetia;  and  on  the  2yth  of  January,  the  priest,  Enrico 
Tazzoli,  the  president  of  the  Central  Committee,  was 
arrested  at  Mantua.  Tazzoli  was  a  strong  man,  of  fine 
character,  and  generous  spirit.  His  high  standing  as  a 
citizen  and  priest  made  him  an  authority  in  his  city.  The 
news  of  his  arrest  awakened  a  widespread  feeling  of 
sorrow  and  unrest  throughout  the  provinces.  The  com- 
mittees were  cast  down,  and  the  people,  oppressed  by 
the  state  of  siege,  were  saddened  more  than  ever.  The 
days  dragged  along  in  an  endless  monotony.  The  very 
economic  condition  of  the  country  languished,  as  every 
initiative  that  indicated  activity  was  regarded  with 
suspicion,  and  was  watched  or  suppressed.  The  whole 
commonwealth  suffered,  and  all  became  impoverished. 
The  two  or  three  theaters  that  were  open  represented 
all  the  joy  of  the  Carnival.  The  Scala  was  avoided  by 
the  people,  but  was  filled  by  the  officers  of  the  garrison. 
The  generals  and  their  staffs  occupied  the  boxes  of  the 
exiled  Milanese  aristocracy.  The  officers  took  posses- 
sion of  the  first  rows  of  the  stalls. 

165 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  Theater  Carcano  was  out  of  the  way,  and  was  not 
frequented  by  the  officers.  It  became,  therefore,  a  proof 
of  patriotism  to  go]  there.  Some  of  my  gay  fellow- 
students  and  I  rented  two  boxes,  and,  when  we  occupied 
them,  we  made  the  greatest  noise  possible.  We  desired 
that  the  representations  should  be  clamorously  success- 
ful to  counterbalance  the  cold  official  evenings  at  the 
Scala.  At  the  Carcano  they  gave  operas,  with  poor  sing- 
ers and  with  a  thin  and  discordant  orchestra,  but  who 
cared  ?  The  worse  the  representation,  so  much  the  more 
we  applauded.  We  took  under  our  protection  the  two 
principal  singers,  a  little  light  voiceless  tenor  and  a  stout 
prima  donna,  who  shrieked  like  a  machine  that  needs 
oiling.  After  every  piece  we  asked  for  a  repetition;  and 
our  proteges  had  scarcely  opened  their  mouths  before 
we  cried,  "  Again." 

The  public  caught  on  and  applauded.  The  commis- 
sary of  the  police  tried  to  restrain  our  excessive  enthusi- 
asm, but  we  endeavored  to  persuade  him  that  the  rep- 
resentation was  marvelous.  The  impresario  made  our 
acquaintance,  and,  at  the  end  of  the  season,  invited  us 
with  the  singers  to  a  party  behind  the  scenes.  We  all 
sat  down  to  a  table  prepared  by  our  "Lucrezia  Borgia," 
and  drank  toasts  in  the  wine,  that,  it  seemed,  belonged 
to  her. 

"Let  us  amuse  ourselves,"  we  said,  "but  let  us  do  our 
duty,  and  go  forward  joyously  and  without  fear."  This 
conduct  was  not  always  approved  of  by  the  dark  and 
dismal  conspirators;  but  it  was  an  attitude  in  conso- 
nance with  our  age,  and  was  attractive  to  youth.  It  was 
a  good  way  to  gain  recruits  for  a  militant  patriotism. 

166 


"The  Portrait  of  Conte  Nava 

This  festive  note  was  struck  not  only  by  us  very  young 
men,  but  by  many  who  were  far  older  than  we,  among 
whom  were  Antonio  Lazzati  and  Carlo  De  Cristoforis. 
Even  in  the  tragic  vicissitudes  of  their  lives  they  pre- 
served smiling  faces  and  an  air  of  inexhaustible  gaiety. 

Carlo  De  Cristoforis  was  a  lover  of  all  that  was  gener- 
ous and  adventuresome.  He  was  accustomed  to  say  that 
the  resolute  will  of  a  man  could  accomplish  great  things. 
For  his  part  it  did  accomplish  many.  Though  he  often 
put  his  head  in  jeopardy,  he  always  kept  his  joyous  man- 
ner and  put  his  friends  in  a  mirthful  mood. 

To  the  hardness  of  the  Government  the  citizens  op- 
posed not  only  resistance  but  mockery.  This  was  the 
more  successful  because  of  the  facetious  character  of  the 
Milanese  populace.  There  was  a  succession  of  jokes  and 
songs  and  satires  —  of  the  things  in  which  we  often  asso- 
ciate laughter  with  tears.  Among  the  little  episodes 
which  diverted  us,  I  recall  one  that  not  only  made  us 
laugh,  but  which  also  astonished  us. 

Conte  AmbrogioNava,  the  president  of  the  Accademia 
di  Belle  Arti,  and  an  adherent  of  Austria,  had  had  the 
unhappy  idea  of  sending  his  portrait  to  the  annual  ex- 
hibition at  the  Brera.  It  was  painted  by  Hayez,  in  a 
chamberlain's  costume  with  Austrian  decorations.  The 
portrait  offended  our  patriotic  sentiments,  and  was 
guarded  by  officers  of  the  police.  However,  one  fine  day, 
it  was  cut  from  top  to  bottom,  and  withdrawn. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  the  importance  that  the 
authorities  gave  to  this  act,  from  the  policeman  to  Mar- 
shal Radetzky.  They  said  that  it  was  an  insult  to  the 
Emperor's  household,  and  that,  looking  at  it  from  a 

167 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


broad  point  of  view,  it  was  a  crime  and  a  proof  of  the 
existence  of  a  conspiracy  that  sought  the  ruin  of  the 
Empire.  No  one  for  several  days  talked  of  anything 
else.  It  was  an  amusing  little  diversion  in  the  midst  of 
our  sadness. 

Many  years  afterwards  I  heard  that  the  cutting  had 
been  done  by  Carlo  De  Cristoforis,  who  withdrawing, 
one  Sunday,  from  the  eyes  of  the  police,  as  the  people 
were  circulating  about,  had  hidden  himself  behind  the 
canvases  that  covered  one  of  the  side  walls.  Here  he 
tarried  until  the  salon  was  closed,  and  then,  coming 
out  of  his  hiding-place,  cut  the  portrait  of  the  Conte. 
The  day  following,  when  the  concourse  of  visitors  had 
become  large,  he  seized  upon  a  favorable  opportunity  to 
escape,  and  went  home. 

Our  laughter,  however,  was  of  short  duration.  The 
anxiety  which  had  been  enkindled  at  the  beginning  of 
the  year  by  the  arrest  of  Tazzoli  broke  out  afresh  in 
the  early  summer.  The  orders  of  arrest  surpassed  a 
hundred  in  one  week.  Many  of  the  inculpated  succeeded 
in  escaping,  but  the  greater  number  were  apprehended 
and  taken  to  the  prisons  of  Mantua.  It  was  evident  that 
discoveries  of  the  names  of  the  members  of  the  commit- 
tees had  been  made. 

The  agitation  increased  day  by  day.  The  conversa- 
tions of  all  of  us  turned  upon  this  one  subject.  The  per- 
sons who  felt  themselves  to  be  insecure  kept  out  of  sight. 
Many  times  my  brother,  when  returning  home,  turned 
back,  and  asked  some  friend  for  shelter  because  he 
had  seen  a  suspicious-looking  face  in  the  street.  Grave 
rumours  abounded.  It  was  said  that  cruelty  had  been 

168 


The  Trials  at  Mantua 


practiced  upon  the  prisoners  to  extort  confessions,  and 
some  acts  of  weakness  were  mentioned.  The  worst  re- 
ports (we  knew  not  how)  came  from  the  prisoners  them- 
selves. It  was  avowed  that  Luigi  Castellazzo,  the  secre- 
tary of  the  Central  Committee,  had  confessed,  and  had 
revealed  the  names  of  his  associates  to  Captain  Carlo 
Krauss,  the  Examiner,  who  conducted  the  prosecutions. 

Castellazzo  had  been  arrested  at  Pavia,  and  it  was 
said  that,  in  the  search  that  was  made  of  his  effects,  a 
sheet  of  paper  was  found  in  his  penholder  on  which  were 
some  signs,  which  were  the  key  to  decipher  the  names 
of  the  members  of  the  committees  and  their  correspond- 
ence. The  same  writings  had  been  found  in  the  effects 
of  the  president  of  the  committee;  but  the  Examiner, 
it  was  reported,  had  not  succeeded  in  deciphering  them 
or  in  having  them  explained.  Now  it  was  insisted  Cas- 
tellazzo had  revealed  the  meaning  of  the  signs  to  Krauss. 
These  reports  were  only  too  true,  but  nobody  would 
believe  them.  They  became  more  and  more  insistent, 
however,  and  the  numerous  arrests  that  were  made 
confirmed  them. 

The  torture  of  whipping  was  held  over  several  prison- 
ers to  obtain  confessions;  but  it  was  applied  only  in  two 
instances,  as  far  as  it  is  known.  This  I  have  been  told 
by  Finzi,  Lazzati,  Pastro,  and  many  others,  who  were 
in  the  prisons  in  1852  and  1853.  The  torture,  as  applied 
to  several  prisoners,  was  that  of  heavy  chains,  of  hunger 
and  cold  for  many  consecutive  days,  and  of  dirty  prisons 
for  a  whole  winter. 

The  unhappy  man  who  was  whipped  was  a  certain 
Antonio  Pasetti,  of  Verona.  It  was  during  the  trials  at 

169 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Venice  in  1851.  His  inquisitor  had  endeavored  to  entrap 
him  in  a  confession,  and,  in  order  to  destroy  his  firmness, 
had  condemned  him  to  receive  forty  blows.  After  he 
had  received  ten,  his  physician  declared  that,  if  the  whip- 
ping were  continued,  his  patient  would  die,  as  Pasetti 
was  consumptive.  After  he  was  carried  back  to  prison, 
he  told  his  companions  that  he  had  kept  a  piece  of  his 
bed-covering  in  his  mouth,  during  his  punishment,  so 
that  his  sufferings  would  not  extort  a  cry.  His  silence 
saved  his  life.  Released  from  prison,  he  was  enrolled  in 
a  disciplinary  company,  and  sent  to  Hungary,  where  he 
died  shortly  after.  Poor  obscure  hero!  your  name,  now 
scarcely  remembered,  was  told  me  by  Luigi  Pastro, 
another  hero  of  silence. 

Whipping  was  inflicted,  later  on,  upon  a  man  named 
Cervieri,  in  a  trial  which  took  place  in  Mantua,  after 
the  conclusion  of  the  trials  of  1852.  Cervieri  was  beaten, 
but  he,  too,  kept  silence,  and  denounced  no  one.  He  died 
some  years  after  in  America. 

Apropos  of  the  rumors  that  were  current  in  regard  to 
Castellazzo,  a  friend  of  his,  Giovanni  Pezzotti,  who  be- 
longed to  the  Milanese  Committee,  had  said  that,  if  he 
were  arrested,  he  would  kill  himself  for  fear  of  betraying 
his  friends.  On  the  2^th  of  June,  certain  arrests  were 
made,  among  which  were  those  of  Pezzotti  and  Lazzati. 
The  prisoners  were  incarcerated  at  first  in  the  Castello, 
from  which  place  they  were  taken  to  Mantua,  all, 
except  Pezzotti,  who  had  hanged  himself  the  day  fol- 
lowing his  arrest.  The  vision  of  Castellazzo  had  drawn 
him  to  suicide. 

Antonio  Lazzati  was  one  of  my  dearest  friends.  I  had 

170 


Lazzati  and  Others  arrested 

seen  him  nearly  every  evening  in  the  house  of  Contessa 
Maffei,  where  the  gaiety  of  his  conversation  was  a  great 
contrast  to  his  gravity  of  manner.  He  was  an  excellent 
raconteur •,  and  loved  to  laugh  and  to  entertain  his  friends. 
In  the  manifestation  of  patriotism  he  had  always  sought 
the  most  dangerous  posts.  The  straight-laced  conspira- 
tors, with  their  broad-brimmed  hats,  criticized  his  gay 
humor,  and  called  it  levity;  but  he  soon  demonstrated 
the  seriousness  and  firmness  of  his  character. 

I  remember  well  the  evening,  in  the  salon  of  the  Con- 
tessa, when  the  rumors  had  arrived  concerning  the 
betrayal  in  the  prisons.  Many  friends  gathered  about 
Lazzati  and  Emilio,  and  exhorted  them  to  fly.  Emilio 
refused,  as  he  was  sure  that  his  name  did  not  figure  on 
the  list  of  which  Castellazzo  was  said  to  have  revealed  the 
cipher.  Lazzati  doubted  the  truth  of  the  rumor,  and 
said  that  he  feared  that  he  might  compromise  his  friends 
by  his  flight.  His  doubt  was  fatal  to  him;  in  two  days  he 
was  arrested. 

His  arrest,  as  well  as  that  of  others  in  the  provinces 
who  were  connected  with  the  "Crepuscolo,"  caused  the 
acutest  sorrow  in  the  salon;  as  a  fear  arose  lest  the  prose- 
cutions of  Mantua  might  be  transferred  to  Milan.  In 
the  mean  time  the  warm  weather  had  come,  and  had 
put  an  end  to  the  receptions  until  after  the  vacations. 
The  suspension  of  city  life  had  the  advantage  of  with- 
drawing, for  a  time,  some  of  the  inculpated  citizens  from 
the  vigilant  eyes  of  the  police. 

When  the  vacations  had  terminated  and  winter  had 
come,  an  event  happened  which  changed  at  once  the 
hopes  and  fears  of  men  in  the  camp  of  the  enemy  as  well  as 

171 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


in  our  own  —  the  coup  d'etat  in  France.  The  effect  with 
us  was  electrical.  Some  raged,  some  rejoiced,  and  some 
even  despaired.  The  republicans,  who  had  placed  all 
their  hopes  in  republican  France  and  in  the  International 
Committee  of  London,  i.e.,  in  Mazzini,  Ledru-Rollin, 
and  Kossuth,  naturally  raged.  They  believed  that  the 
new  tyrant  would  have  to  be  driven  away  before  any- 
thing could  be  done.  Even  the  plebiscite  which  sus- 
tained Louis  Napoleon  did  not  convince  them;  it  was, 
they  said,  a  passing  infidelity  of  universal  suffrage. 

There  were  many  survivors  of  the  Napoleonic  armies 
and  government,  upon  whom  the  fascination  of  the 
First  Empire  was  still  strong.  These  people  rejoiced 
because  they  could  see  the  new  Napoleon  crossing  the 
Alps  and  chasing  the  Austrians  away. 

The  thoughtful  persons,  though  they  were  convinced 
that  the  policies  of  France  for  some  years  would  be 
turned  to  internal  affairs,  were  persuaded  that  a  Na- 
poleonic rule  would  have  an  influence  upon  the  destinies 
of  Europe,  perhaps  even  by  means  of  a  war.  They 
trusted,  too,  to  the  sympathy  that  the  new  Emperor  had 
manifested  for  Italy;  whereas  the  republic  had  shown 
itself  indifferent,  and  almost  hostile.  The  change  of 
government  in  France,  at  least,  opened  a  new  horizon 
to  hope. 

While  people  were  wondering,  not  only  in  Italy,  but 
in  all  Europe,  what  would  be  the  consequences  of  this 
new  government  for  them,  Austria  never  moved,  nor 
gave  a  glance  to  the  future.  She  went  on,  as  before,  with 
her  hard,  pedantic,  and  at  times  ferocious,  methods. 

On  the  yth  of  December  the  first  sentences  in  the 

172 


Death  Sentences  at  Mantua 

trials  of  Mantua  were  pronounced.  Tazzoli,  Poma,  De 
Canal,  Zambelli,  and  Scarsellini  were  condemned  to 
death,  and  were  hanged.  Five  others  (among  whom  was 
Angelo  Mangili)  were  condemned  to  several  years  of 
imprisonment  in  irons  in  a  fortress.  These  illustrious 
victims  were  followed  by  others,  the  records  of  whose 
trials  will  remain  important  documents  to  show  the  in- 
iquity and  the  stupidity  of  the  Austrian  military  gov- 
ernment in  the  provinces  of  Italy  after  1848. 


CHAPTER  XV 

(1853) 

Mazzini  decides  upon  a  revolt.  —  Opposition  of  his  friends.  —  He  sends  his 
emissaries.  —  Secret  organizations.  —  Piolti  de  Bianchi.  —  Fears  for  the 
outcome  of  the  rising.  —  The  Sixth  of  February.  —  The  leaders,  finding 
themselves  alone,  decamp. —  Ferri,  with  a  band,  assaults  a  police  station. — 
Some  soldiers  wounded.  —  A  short  struggle. 

AT  the  close  of  1852  it  was  whispered  that  there  had 
been  many  meetings  of  the  Mazzinian  faction; 
and  it  was  announced  that  Mazzini  desired  to  promote 
an  insurrection.  The  first  rumors  of  this  came  from  the 
committee  of  G.  B.  Carta.  It  represented,  in  reality, 
only  a  minor  part  of  the  faction. 

Mazzini  had,  indeed,  decided  that  Milan  should  re- 
volt as  soon  as  possible.  At  first  he  had  turned  to  the 
serious-minded  persons  of  his  party,  but  all  of  them 
had  discouraged  him  from  attempting  the  enterprise. 
They  urged  many  reasons  why  the  moment  was  inop- 
portune. Europe  was  headed  toward  a  reaction;  France 
was  quiet  after  the  coup  d'etat;  Piedmont  was  intent 
upon  its  reorganization ;  and  Milan  had  not  yet  recovered 
from  the  disasters  of  1848.  Moreover,  they  said  that  faith 
in  a  revolution  had  to  be  born  again ;  that  the  state  of 
siege  and  the  Austrian  garrison  rendered  this  impossible; 
and  that  in  fact  no  one  desired  to  attempt  a  revolt. 

But  none  of  these  things  had  any  weight  with  Mazzini, 
nor  did  the  additional  fact  (which  was  insisted  upon  by 
his  wisest  friends)  that  the  Austrians  would  surely  seek 
reprisals  upon  the  prisoners  of  Mantua  for  any  revo- 
lutionary act.  Mazzini  no  longer  trusted  his  old  and 

174 


Secret  Organizations 


approved  friends,  but  sent  his  emissaries  to  obtain  in- 
formation from  other  quarters.  The  emissaries  talked 
with  the  members  of  the  committee  of  G.  B.  Carta  and 
with  some  other  enthusiasts,  who  mistook  their  own  de- 
sires for  those  of  the  country.  It  was  enough  for  Mazzini 
to  find  people  who  would  give  him  a  reason  to  convince 
himself;  so  he  began  to  prepare  for  the  revolt. 

The  first  meetings  to  arrange  for  the  project  were  held 
at  Stradella.  In  them  Depretis,  Cairoli,  and  Piolti  took 
part.  Piolti  had  been  especially  summoned,  as  Mazzini 
desired  to  give  him  the  direction  of  the  party  in  Lom- 
bardy.  As  the  former  threads  of  conspiracy  had  been 
broken  because  of  the  recent  arrests  and  of  the  trials  at 
Mantua,  Piolti  accepted  the  charge. 

A  little  while  after,  Mazzini  sent  to  him  from  London 
(where  he  lived  as  a  refugee)  Eugenio  Brizio,  of  Assisi, 
a  resolute  and  courageous  young  man,  who  had  been 
a  revolutionary  officer  in  the  defense  of  Rome.  I  think 
it  was  this  Brizio  who  became  mayor  of  Assisi  many 
years  after. 

The  conspiracy  made  headway.  Piolti  took  charge 
of  the  middle  class,  and  Brizio  of  the  operatives.  Brizio 
made  a  sort  of  enrollment  of  the  people,  but  he  en- 
listed them  in  squads  without  knowing  them.  The  dif- 
ferences and  disputes  between  those  who  were  ordering 
the  conspiracy  and  those  who  desired  to  prevent  it  were 
continual.  Carlo  De  Cristoforis  (who  was,  at  the  oppor- 
tune time,  an  audacious  conspirator)  and  some  others 
counseled  the  best  of  the  conspirators  to  refrain  from 
an  undertaking  the  outcome  of  which  could  only  be  dis- 
astrous; but  in  vain.  One  of  them  said  to  me  later  on: 

175 


"  I  took  part  in  the  insurrection  of  February  6th  because 
I  was  assured  that,  if  we  could  resist  for  several  days, 
some  of  the  European  Powers  would  assist  us.  It  was 
said,  too,  that  the  Hungarians  would  be  on  our  side.  A 
friend  took  me  to  a  house  where  he  showed  me  the  uni- 
form of  a  Hungarian  general  who  was  shortly  to  come 
to  our  aid.  At  this  sight  my  blood  boiled,  and  I  ex- 
claimed :  *  If,  in  1848,  we  were  able  to  fight  five  days,  this 
time  we  will  fight  ten.'  Therefore  I  enrolled  myself,  and 
became  the  head  of  a  company." 

This  man  was  Francesco  Ferri  of  whom  I  have  spoken 
above.  He  was  the  chief  of  the  municipal  porters,  a 
body  which  at  this  time  was  attached  to  the  corps  of 
firemen.  He  was  a  thin,  dried-up  man,  who  was  known 
for  his  goodness  of  heart  as  well  as  for  his  audacity.  His 
character  was  strangely  mixed.  To  serve  a  superior  or 
a  friend  he  would  have  exposed  his  life  to  any  risk,  and 
have  slain  a  man  as  quickly  as  an  insect.  His  occupation 
brought  him  in  contact  with  the  Podesta  and  the  Coun- 
selors, to  whom  he  was  devoted.  He  professed  also 
affection  and  respect  for  the  Milanese  signori,  especially 
for  those  who  were  of  the  old  families.  In  this,  indeed, 
he  manifested  a  sentiment  that  had  been  preserved 
among  the  people  unto  his  time.  In  the  Five  Days  he 
had  been  among  the  bravest,  and  went  with  Renzo  when 
he  accompanied  Ferrer,  preceding,  at  the  head  of  his  por- 
ters, the  Podesta  on  his  way  to  the  Palazzo  di  Governo. 
So  it  was  not  to  be  wondered  at  that  Ferri  would  put 
body  and  soul  into  the  new  revolt. 

The  only  person  of  importance  that  Mazzini  had  found 
who  was  willing  to  second  his  project  was  Giuseppe 

176 


Piolti  de  Bianchi 


Piolti  de  Bianchi.  He  was  a  studious  and  honest  young 
man,  who  placed  devotion  to  the  master  above  all 
other  considerations.  Mazzini,  who  had  given  him 
charge  of  his  party,  now  confided  to  him  the  ordering  of 
the  revolt;  yet  he  gave  to  him,  as  a  lieutenant,  Brizio 
whom  he  sent  from  London.  The  enlisted  men  knew 
Brizio  only,  and  only  under  the  name  of  "the  Roman." 

Before  assuming  responsibility  for  the  enterprise, 
Piolti  requested  an  interview  with  his  chief,  and  met 
Mazzini,  in  January,  in  a  villa  near  Lugano.  He  laid  be- 
fore him  its  difficulties;  but  Mazzini  met  his  objections 
with  the  information  that  others  had  assured  him  that 
the  people  were  raging,  that  a  spark  was  enough  to 
kindle  a  fire,  and  that  the  citizens  would  rise  en  masse. 
He  said,  too,  that  after  two  hours  of  conflict,  the 
"dress-coats"  (as  they  were  called)  would  descend  into 
the  streets  and  take  part  in  the  insurrection,  the  signal 
of  which  was  awaited  in  all  Italy. 

When  Piolti  observed  that  it  was  impossible  to  initiate 
a  movement  without  taking  Piedmont  into  considera- 
tion, as  it  was  the  only  country  in  Italy  that  had  a  stand- 
ing army  upon  which  reliance  could  be  had,  Mazzini 
replied  that  "the  example  of  '48  must  be  followed"; 
that  what  he  "desired  was  a  united  and  free  Italy"; 
and  that  he  "believed  the  republic  alone  could  give  it." 
He  said  that  he  "  respected  the  opinions  of  others  who 
put  their  faith  in  a  constitutional  Piedmont,"  but  that 
he  "believed  that  at  the  announcement  of  the  rising, 
either  the  king  and  the  moderates  would  decide  to  assist, 
and  to  repeat  the  experiment  of  1848  (in  which  case  they 
should  be  received  with  open  arms),  or  that,  not  so  de- 

177 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


ciding,  the  army  and  the  people  would  come;  since  it 
was  impossible  that  Piedmont  should  remain  a  cold  spec- 
tator of  a  revolution.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,"  he 
continued,  "to  abstain  from  proclaiming  a  republic 
or  other  form  of  state,  but  to  constitute  a  provisional 
government  of  three  or  five  persons,  who  would  take 
thought  for  the  war  and  for  calling  the  Italians  to 
arms."  20 

As  Mazzini  remained  fixed  in  his  idea,  Piolti  bowed, 
and  the  6th  of  February,  the  last  Sunday  of  the  carnival, 
was  appointed  as  the  day  upon  which  to  begin  the  revolt. 
Mazzini  promised  that  there  would  be  collusion  with  the 
Hungarians,  and  that  General  Klapka  would  come  from 
London. 

Such  were  the  means  with  which  Milan  was  to  be 
aroused,  and  the  Austrians,  who  occupied  the  city  and 
the  provinces,  were  to  be  attacked.  The  finances  con- 
sisted of  a  thousand  pounds  sterling,  the  proceeds  of  the 
loan.  The  arms  were  some  hundreds  of  stilettos,  stuck 
in  rough  handles,  of  which  Mazzini  had  furnished  the 
model.  They  were  wrought  by  the  conspirator  Fronti, 
a  brass-worker.  There  were  also  some  bombs  of  which 
Mazzini  had  likewise  sent  the  pattern.  It  is  noteworthy 
that  these  bombs  were  the  first  experiments  which  led 
to  the  fabrication  of  the  Orsini  bombs  later  on. 

Brizio  said  he  had  five  thousand  affiliated  men  ready, 
and  such,  indeed,  was  the  number  of  the  names  in- 
scribed. It  was  strange  how  ignorant  were  the  police 
of  the  projected  movement.  As  to  the  Hungarians,  Cai- 
roli  had,  some  time  before,  sent  a  letter  to  Piolti  to  intro- 
duce to  him  a  friend,  a  Hungarian  captain.  This  captain 

178 


Plans  for  an  Uprising 


told  Piolti  very  politely  that,  with  regular  troops,  the 
Hungarians  might,  perhaps,  make  common  cause,  but 
that  no  reliance  could  be  placed  upon  them  in  an  insur- 
rection. The  captain  and  Piolti  parted  with  mutual  as- 
surances of  silence,  and  of  ignorance  of  one  another.  In- 
stead of  General  Klapka  there  arrived  a  certain  man  by 
the  name  of  Furagy,  formerly  an  officer  in  the  honveds, 
but  who  was  now  living  in  Geneva.  It  was  his  uniform 
that  Ferri  had  seen. 

According  to  the  plan  of  Brizio  the  five  thousand 
conspirators,  divided  into  companies  of  three,  or  five, 
hundred,  were  to  attack  simultaneously  the  castle,  the 
Palazzo  di  Corte,  the  fort  at  Porta  Tosa,  and  some  of 
the  barracks.  Furagy,  in  the  mean  time,  was  to  make 
a  pronunciamento  to  the  Hungarian  soldiers  in  their 
barracks  to  incite  them  to  undertake  the  capture  of 
the  other  soldiers.  There  was  a  disagreement  between 
Brizio  and  Piolti  because  Piolti  thought  an  attack  upon 
the  castle  was  too  difficult  an  enterprise;  but  Brizio 
silenced  him  by  saying  that  he  would  undertake  the 
matter  himself. 

The  dissenters  who  knew  the  particulars  of  the  con- 
spiracy were  greatly  alarmed,  for  they  were  sure  that  an 
insurrection,  promoted  by  means  so  inadequate,  could 
only  lead  to  fearful  results.  The  uprising,  they  said, 
would  be  suppressed  in  blood,  the  state  of  siege  would  be 
made  more  rigorous,  the  condemnations  justified,  and 
the  excessive  measures  of  the  military  government  in- 
creased. An  impotent  uprising  of  the  few,  they  insisted, 
would  weaken  the  resistance  which  drew  its  strength 
from  the  many.  They  averred  that  nothing  was  more 

179 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


destructive  than  abortive  revolts,  which  shake  the  faith 
and  fiber  of  the  people. 

Some  of  the  initiated  begged  my  brother  Emilio  and 
Enrico  Besana  (an  approved  patriot)  to  go  to  Mazzini 
and  endeavor  to  dissuade  him  from  the  undertaking. 
They  consented,  and  left  for  Lugano,  making  light  of  the 
dangers  that  confronted  them  and  of  the  fact  that  they 
had  no  passports.  It  snowed  the  day  of  their  departure 
and  the  day  following.  The  mountains  were  covered; 
the  roads  became  impassable;  and  they  were  not  able  to 
accomplish  their  mission.  So  they  returned  to  Milan,  as 
they  did  not  wish  to  be  absent  from  the  city  on  a  day  of 
peril.  They  arrived  the  evening  of  the  5th.  Probably 
their  mission  would  have  been  fruitless  anyway. 

When  the  6th  of  February  came,  Piolti,  Brizio,  and 
Fronti  employed  the  first  hours  of  the  day  in  meeting 
the  heads  of  the  companies,  in  repeating  their  orders, 
and  in  assuring  themselves  that  each  man  was  ready  for 
his  appointed  task.  A  first  difficulty,  which  resulted  in 
the  loss  of  considerable  time,  was  the  claim  which  some 
of  the  heads  made,  in  the  name  of  their  men,  for  an  in- 
creased remuneration.  This  proved  that  Brizio  had 
chosen  his  conspirators  badly.  If  he  had  looked  for 
them  among  the  people  of  the  Five  Days,  or  the  veterans 
of  Rome  and  Venice,  the  uprising  would  have  had  a  more 
serious  meaning  and  a  greater  result.  It  was  foolish  to 
entrust  to  a  Roman  immigrant  an  enrollment  of  the 
common  people  of  Milan. 

Piolti  said:  "We  do  not  intend  to  pay  for  the  work 
which  you  are  to  do;  it  is  not  money  that  can  reward  you. 
You  have  said  that  you  would  attack  the  Austrians,  and 

180 


T*he  Sixth  of  February 


we  are  willing  to  try  the  outcome;  this  is  all.  As  you  are 
to  meet  in  taverns,  I  will  give  each  man  two  francs ;  but 
woe  to  him  who  becomes  intoxicated.  I  will  meet  you 
this  evening  after  the  coup.  If  you  do  not  accept  my  offer 
you  can  withdraw."  As  the  heads  had  said  that  the  en- 
listed men  were  five  thousand  in  number,  Piolti  gave 
them  ten  thousand  lire.  Fronti  in  the  mean  while  dis- 
tributed the  poniards,  and  received  in  trust  the  balance 
of  the  money  (twelve  thousand  lire),  which  remained 
over  to  Piolti. 

The  revolution  was  to  begin  at  four  in  the  afternoon. 
When  the  hour  struck,  Piolti  and  a  friend  (Maiocchi 
by  name)  went  into  the  streets  to  see  the  uprising,  but 
everything  was  still.  What  had  happened? 

Brizio  with  four  hundred  men  was  to  assault  the 
castle.  He  did  not  fail  to  arrive  at  his  post,  but  he  found 
only  thirty  recruits.  He  waited  awhile,  and  proposed 
to  the  few  that  they  should  make  the  attempt;  but  they 
refused.  When  evening  came,  every  man  went  to  his 
own  home.  Furagy  waited  some  time  for  some  Hunga- 
rians who  were  to  unite  with  him  in  entering  the  bar- 
racks of  S.  Ambrogio;  but,  as  they  did  not  appear,  he 
searched  for  them,  and,  going  astray,  as  night  fell,  sought 
refuge  in  the  house  of  some  friendly  persons. 

There  was  to  be  an  attack,  also,  upon  the  guard  of  the 
Palazzo  di  Corte  by  another  company  of  four  hundred 
men;  but  only  ten  or  twelve  of  them  appeared;  among 
whom  was  Ferri.  Ferri  did  not  lose  courage.  Seeing  a 
stack  of  guns,  with  a  flag  in  the  midst,  he  ran  and  seized 
a  number  of  them  with  the  flag,  and  fled  with  the 
trophies.  The  sentinels  fired  upon  and  wounded  him. 

181 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


In  the  other  parts  of  the  city,  where  the  men  were  to 
assemble,  they  did  not  do  so,  or  they  appeared  in  such 
small  numbers  that  they  soon  dispersed.  They  attacked, 
indeed,  some  sentinel,  or  they  poniarded  some  soldier 
along  the  streets;  and  that  was  all  that  was  done. 
Piolti,  in  the  mean  time,  sought  for  his  revolution,  but 
found  it  not.  Everything  was  quiet.  He  sought  also 
for  Fronti,  but  he  did  not  find  him  either;  nor  did  he 
find  the  twelve  thousand  francs  he  had  entrusted  to  him. 
Learning  that  some  trouble  was  afoot,  the  citizens  hur- 
riedly shut  their  shops  and  doors,  and  the  town  was 
soon  patroled  by  the  guards.  So  the  6th  of  February 
ended. 

Apropos  of  the  disappearance  of  Fronti  and  of  the 
twelve  thousand  francs,  Piolti  informed  Mazzini  that 
Fronti  had  fled  to  Paris.  When  he  was  asked  about  the 
money,  he  said  he  had  deposited  it  with  his  wife,  who 
had  gone  to  Codogno.  The  brothers  Foldi  were  sent  to 
look  for  her;  but  Fronti  denounced  them;  and  they  took 
flight,  and  went  to  America. 

I  had  passed  the  afternoon  of  the  6th  in  our  fencing- 
hall  with  my  cousin  Lamberto  Paravicini  and  a  group 
of  dissenters.  There  was  a  continual  coming  and  going 
from  various  parts  of  the  city,  as  all  of  us  were  most 
anxious.  Some  remained  on  guard  to  call  the  others,  in 
case  of  necessity,  for  no  one  believed  that  the  attempted 
revolt  would  fail  so  miserably.  At  nightfall  some  one 
reported  that  a  few  barricades  had  been  erected  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Ospedale  Maggiore,  and  that  some  firing 
had  been  heard;  so  we  thought  we  would  go  and  inves- 
tigate. We  met,  coming  from  the  Caffe  delP  Europa, 

182 


A  Short  Struggle 


Luciano  Besozzi,  Gerolamo  Induno,  Eleuterio  Pagliano, 
and  my  brother  Emilio.  We  all  went  together  toward  the 
Piazza  del  Verziere.  When  we  came  to  Via  Durini, 
we  ran  against  a  patrol  that  notified  us  to  go  back,  and 
separate:  so  we  saluted  one  another,  and  each  one  went 
his  own  way. 

Carlo  De  Cristoforis,  a  little  while  before,  tried  to  go 
to  the  streets  called  "  al  laghetto,"  but  was  arrested  by 
a  patrol.  He  dissembled,  however,  so  well  that  they  let 
him  go.  His  sang-froid  saved  him,  for,  if  he  had  been 
taken  to  a  police  officer  or  to  the  castle,  as  the  others 
were  who  had  been  arrested,  he  would  have  been  hanged, 
as  he  was  armed.  In  the  vicinity  of  the  hospital,  some 
attempts  were  made  by  the  common  people,  perhaps 
incited  by  Ferri,  to  raise  a  barricade,  but  the  insur- 
gents were  quickly  dispersed  by  the  soldiers. 

Ferri,  as  he  told  me  many  years  after,  was  in  hiding 
for  several  days,  wandering  from  roof  to  roof,  upon  the 
house-tops  of  the  Verziere,  suffering  from  his  wound  and 
from  hunger.  He  was  subsequently  arrested,  and  was 
condemned  to  twelve  years'  imprisonment  in  a  fortress. 
He  was  amnestied  with  the  other  patriots  in  1857.  He 
died  twenty  years  later  at  the  head  of  the  municipal 
porters.  When  he  spoke  of  the  past  he  was  wont  to 
say:  "The  Five  Days  went  off  well  because  there  was 
perfect  accord  between  the  common  people  and  the  si- 
gnori;  but  things  went  badly  when  people  who  were  not 
true  Milanese  mixed  themselves  in  our  affairs." 


CHAPTER  XVI 

(1853) 

Surprise  and  disgust  of  the  citizens.  —  Several  of  them  go  to  General  Giulay.  — 
The  first  mild  measures  changed  by  orders  received  from  headquarters.  — 
Arrests  and  hangings.  —  The  escape  of  Carlo  De  Cristoforis.  —  Writings  of 
De  Cristoforis.  —  Sequestrations.  —  Piedmont  recalls  its  ambassador.  — 
The  city  gates  closed  for  a  month.  —  Piolti,  Fronti,  Furagy,  Brizio.  —  Con- 
demnations in  default.  —  The  hardships  of  military  law.  —  Rumors  from 
the  prisons  at  Mantua.  —  Episode  in  connection  with  Lazzati's  condem- 
nation. —  After  the  imprisonment.  —  Mazzini  endeavors  to  incite  a  new 
conspiracy.  —  A  new  chief  of  the  republican  party.  —  Ambrogio  Ronchi. 
—  The  party  disintegrates.  —  Sympathy  for  Piedmont. 

THE  people  learned  with  amazement  of  the  events 
that  had  happened.  Such  an  uprising,  so  badly 
ordered,  so  unexpected,  so  hopeless,  seemed  suspicious; 
and  the  sort  of  things  that  had  taken  place  —  above  all, 
the  stabbings  in  the  quiet  streets  —  aroused  a  feeling  of 
indignation.  In  this  feeling  there  participated  not  only 
the  peaceful  citizens,  but  the  patriots  who  were  not  be- 
lieved by  Mazzini  when  they  had  tried  to  dissuade  him. 
They  saw  that  their  prognostications  were  verified  even 
more  than  they  had  imagined. 

Inspired  by  the  events  and  the  general  feeling  of  dis- 
approbation, some  respectable  people  went  to  the  com- 
mandant, General  Giulay,  and  expressed  the  surprise 
and  displeasure  the  greater  part  of  the  citizens  felt  at 
the  deeds  of  the  6th,  and  begged  him  not  to  hold  the 
city  responsible.  The  general,  who  saw  before  him,  for 
the  first  time,  a  group  of  distinguished  citizens,  was  very 
courteous.  He  praised  their  action,  and  suggested  that 
the  higher  classes  should  henceforth  break  away  from 

184 


Citizens  go  to  General  Giulay 

the  revolutionaries,  and  consider  them  as  the  common 
enemies  of  society. 

The  action  of  these  citizens  (some  of  whom  had  given 
proofs  of  their  patriotism)  was  condemned  even  by 
those  who  most  deplored  the  6th  of  February.  To  ab- 
stain from  contact  with  the  Government  was  one  of  our 
maxims,  and  this  act  was  the  more  blamed  because  it 
repudiated  an  attempted  revolt,  however  foolish,  against 
the  foreigner.  The  self-appointed  deputation  was  not 
long  in  becoming  aware  of  its  error;  and  General  Giulay 
saw  it  no  more.  These  citizens  had  lost,  for  a  while,  the 
measure  of  their  duty,  a  fact  which  showed  us  the  point 
to  which  public  indignation  had  risen.  Much  harm 
would  have  been  done  to  our  cause  if  the  Austrian  Gov- 
ernment had  conducted  itself  differently.  Approbation 
would  have  followed  upon  the  part  of  the  timid.  But, 
fortunately,  the  Government  kept  us  all  united  in  hatred 
of,  and  in  rebellion  against,  itself. 

The  first  governmental  measures  were  mild.  A  proc- 
lamation of  General  Strassoldo,  issued  in  the  absence  of 
General  Giulay,  seemed  to  be  intended  to  reassure  the 
citizens ;  but  such  mildness  was  of  short  duration.  Two 
days  after,  violent  and  severe  orders  came  from  Verona, 
which  were  followed  by  others  from  Vienna.  When 
General  Giulay  returned,  the  state  of  siege  was  made 
more  rigorous  than  ever.  The  gates  of  the  city  were 
closed  to  all  who  did  not  have  permits ;  the  streets  were 
patroled  day  and  night;  the  landlords  were  obliged  to 
keep  lights  burning  in  front  of  their  houses  in  case  the 
gas-pipes  should  be  cut;  and  the  military  posts  and  sen- 
tinel boxes  were  surrounded  by  iron  railings.  This  device, 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


which  was  introduced  in  all  the  cities  of  Lombardo- 
Venetia,  remained  until  1859  as  if  to  attest  to  a  state 
of  perennial  war.  Hundreds  of  arrests  were  made,  and 
some  distinguished  citizens  were  taken  to  prison  because 
of  fancied  resemblance  to  the  conspirators.  Among  them 
was  a  friend  of  mine,  the  Marchese  Luigi  Crivelli.  He 
had  a  long  red  beard,  which  made  him  look  like  Piolti. 
The  police  knew  the  color  of  Piolti's  beard,  but  they  did 
not  know  his  name. 

The  Government  sought  to  terrify  the  city  in  every 
way.  Among  those  who  had  been  arrested,  six  were 
quickly  chosen,  indicted,  condemned,  and  hanged  out- 
side the  castle  gate.  A  little  while  after,  proof  was  offered 
of  the  innocence  of  at  least  four  of  these  unfortunates, 
among  whom  was  a  steward  of  Conte  Greppi.  He  was 
a  sick  man,  and  had  gone  out  simply  to  buy  some  milk. 

Among  the  people  enrolled  by  Brizio  were  some  of  the 
dregs  of  the  city.  When  these  wretched  men  were  brought 
before  a  council  of  war  they  told  all  they  knew,  and  re- 
vealed the  names  of  those  they  had  heard  mentioned  in 
their  meetings.  When  De  Cristoforis  was  denounced  he 
was  sought  for  by  the  famous  Bolza,  to  whom  the  impor- 
tant arrests  were  entrusted.  De  Cristoforis,  fortunately, 
was  in  hiding  in  the  house  of  the  brothers  Garavaglia.  He 
afterwards  fled  to  one  of  his  aunts,  and  then  to  a  sana- 
torium in  which  he  was  received  by  a  friendly  physician. 
In  the  mean  time  he  made  a  plan  of  escape.  He  sent  one 
of  his  brothers  to  a  lady  who  knew  Fossati,  a  contractor 
of  the  Austrian  army,  who  had  permission  to  go  in  and 
out  of  the  city  in  a  carriage.  The  arrangement  was  made 
that  Fossati  should  place  De  Cristoforis  on  the  box.  At 

186 


Escape  of  Carlo  De  Cristoforis 

the  gate  a  police  agent  objected  to  the  coachman,  saying 
that  he  did  not  believe  the  permission  extended  to  him ; 
but  he  afterwards  withdrew  his  objection.  So  Carlo 
made  his  exit.  Many  rumors  regarding  his  flight  were 
put  in  circulation  so  as  to  conceal  the  facts,  but  they  are 
as  I  have  related  them. 

De  Cristoforis  went  first  to  Travedona,  to  the  house 
of  his  friends,  the  Garavaglia;  then  he  fled  to  Ispra,  on 
Lake  Maggiore,  where  a  fisherman  hid  him  in  his  boat 
under  some  nets.  He  landed  subsequently  on  the  Pied- 
montese  shore  while  the  Austrian  soldiers,  in  a  neigh- 
boring church,  were  solemnizing  the  failure  of  an  at- 
tempt made  upon  the  life  of  the  Emperor.  Carlo  was 
not  to  see  the  lake  and  the  surrounding  country  until 
six  years  after,  on  the  eve  of  his  death,  in  the  battle  of 
S.  Fermo. 

De  Cristoforis  was  ever  gay,  witty,  and  joyous,  even 
in  the  most  tragic  moments.  He  was  courageous  to  au- 
dacity, and  admired  the  romantic  and  chivalrous  types; 
so  we  called  him  (to  his  delight)  D'  Artagnan.  A  lover 
of  activity,  he  was  always  at  the  breach  when  patriotic 
enterprises  were  afoot,  and  was  attracted  to  the  things 
which  others  did  not  dare  to  do.  From  1849  to  1853  he 
taught  the  principles  of  law  as  a  privat-docent.  In  the 
public  competition,  opened  by  the  Institute,  for  essays 
on  the  economical  condition  of  the  peasantry,  he  pre- 
sented a  statistical  work.  Stefano  Jacini  carried  off  the 
prize  with  the  treatise  which  began  his  fame;  but  Carlo's 
essay  was  also  highly  esteemed.  His  exile  opened  to  him 
new  avenues  of  activity. 

Before  closing  the  account  of  the  6th  of  February,  I 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


desire  to  recall  the  decree  of  the  1 3th  which  sequestered 
the  goods  of  all  the  refugees,  even  of  those  who  had 
had  permission  to  emigrate,  and  had  become  citizens  of 
Piedmont.  Nothing  justified  this  act;  but  Austria  de- 
sired to  hold  Piedmont,  in  some  way,  responsible  for 
the  Mazzinian  conspiracy.  The  Sardinian  Government 
protested,  and  recalled  its  ambassador. 

I  must  record  also  the  condemnations,  after  the  first 
summary  hangings,  some  of  which  were  in  contumacy. 
Twenty  prisoners  were  condemned  to  death,  and  forty 
to  imprisonment,  for  terms  running  from  ten  to  twenty 
years.  The  condemnations  to  death  were  not  carried 
into  effect,  and  the  condemnations  to  irons  were  di- 
minished. Among  the  condemnations  in  default  were 
those  of  De  Cristoforis,  Guttierez,  De  Luigi,  and  Gerli, 
each  to  twelve  years,  and  Assi  to  twenty  years,  of  im- 
prisonment. What  had  become  of  Piolti,  of  Brizio,  and 
of  Furagy?  Piolti  had  taken  refuge  in  the  house  of  a 
friend  of  his  mother,  Antonietta  Faido,  who  occasionally 
took  boarders.  He  remained  with  her  for  three  months 
without  being  noticed.  From  this  hiding-place  he  suc- 
ceeded in  helping  Brizio  and  Furagy  to  escape.  They  fled 
to  the  Canton  Ticino.  Piolti,  after  having  cut  off  his 
beard,  escaped  by  the  aid  of  his  Piavese  friends,  and 
went  to  Stradella. 

Milan  remained  closed  for  over  a  month.  The  au- 
thorities thought  that,  in  this  way,  none  of  the  heads  of 
the  conspiracy  could  escape;  but  very  few  of  them  were 
caught.  The  state  of  siege  was  rendered  more  unbear- 
able by  regulations  which  now  seem  incredible.  Old,  and 
new,  orders  were  published  which  made  town  life  very 

188 


Hardships  of  Military  Law 

difficult.  A  card,  called  a  "legitimation-card,"  was  given 
us  without  which  we  were  liable  to  arrest;  and  we  had  to 
be  home  at  ten  o'clock  in  the  evening.  We  could  go  about 
only  in  couples,  and  no  more  than  two  persons  could 
stand  together  in  the  streets.  Moreover,  we  had  to 
shave  our  chins  because  beards  and  imperials  were  sus- 
pected things.  The  sentinels  and  patrols  often  obliged 
the  passers-by  to  turn  back,  and,  occasionally,  they  ar- 
rested people  at  their  caprice.  In  returning  home,  it 
became  often  necessary  to  make  detours  if  we  saw  sen- 
tinels posted  at  the  street-corners,  since,  if  they  were  in 
a  bad  humor,  they  forbade  our  passing. 

I  recall  these  days  with  horror.  The  suspicion,  or  fear, 
of  a  soldier,  or  the  perfidy  of  a  police  official,  could  send 
the  most  pacific  citizen  to  prison  for  months,  perhaps 
for  years.  The  arrogance  of  the  military  authorities  was 
limitless.  He  who  has  never  heard  the  swords  of  the 
Austrians  beat  upon  the  city  pavement  with  the  disdain- 
ful pride  of  a  master  can  understand  neither  our  hatred 
of  them  nor  our  love  for  our  country. 

Our  days  were  made  even  more  sad  by  the  news  that 
came  from  Mantua.  That  which  the  wise  had  foreseen 
came  about;  the  Government,  after  the  6th,  pressed  its 
hand  ever  harder  and  harder  upon  the  prisoners,  and 
sought  to  revenge  itself  upon  them.  Many  reports  were 
current  in  regard  to  their  sufferings;  and  it  was  said  that 
Antonio  Lazzati  would  be  hanged  as  an  act  of  reprisal 
for  the  revolt  at  Milan. 

It  is  not  my  task  to  describe  the  prosecutions  at  Man- 
tua; so  I  will  limit  myself  to  telling  the  things  that  I 
learned  from  my  friends  who  were  entangled  therein. 

189 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


There  are  books  and  memoirs  which  describe  these 
trials  in  detail.  May  the  young  men  of  the  new  gener- 
ation read  them,  and  may  they  remember  the  names 
of  the  heroes,  and  forever  recall  the  tears  that  they 
shed! 

Lazzati  was  the  only  Milanese  upon  whom  the  exam- 
ining authority  had  been  able  to  lay  hands.  The  Exam- 
iner, Captain  Krauss,  supposed  that  the  youth  of  Milan 
ought  to  give  a  much  larger  contingent  to  the  trials.  He, 
therefore,  subjected  Lazzati  to  punishment,  and  hoped 
to  extort  some  confession  from  him.  But  Lazzati  re- 
mained firm;  and  his  firmness  saved  the  lives  of  many 
of  the  young  Milanese,  among  whom  I  can  name  my 
brother  Emilio.  Perhaps  he  would  have  saved  himself 
also  if  Castellazzo  (as  was  afterwards  known)  had  not 
paralyzed  his  efforts  when  he  underwent  his  examination 
before  Krauss. 

Towards  the  middle  of  February,  we  learned  that 
proposals  for  the  condemnations  had  been  sent  from 
Mantua  to  Verona,  for  Radetzky's  approval,  and  that 
among  those  who  were  on  the  list  for  condemnation  to 
death  was  Lazzati.  On  the  28th,  some  death  sentences 
were  published,  to  which  others  were  afterwards  added. 
Among  those  condemned  were  Conte  Carlo  Montanari, 
the  archpriest  G.  Grazioli,  and  Tito  Speri.  The  pain 
of  death  was  commuted  to  fifteen  years'  imprisonment, 
in  irons,  in  the  case  of  Lazzati. 

The  trials  for  the  conspiracy  of  the  Mazzinian  com- 
mittees, a  conspiracy  which  had  committed  no  overt 
act,  closed  with  sending  nine  eminent  citizens  to  the 
gallows  and  thirty-two  to  the  Austrian  fortresses.  The 

190 


Lazzatfs  Condemnation 

news  that  Lazzati  was  to  be  hanged  as  a  reprisal  was 
true.  How,  then,  was  his  punishment  commuted  ? 

On  the  1 8th  of  March,  1848,  General  Wratislaw, 
upon  going  to  the  castle  to  take  command,  entrusted 
one  of  his  little  girls  to  a  family  of  his  acquaintance. 
When  the  Austrians  returned,  he  took  his  daughter  away, 
and  said  to  those  who  had  befriended  her:  "I  feel  the 
obligation  of  giving  you  some  proof  of  my  thankfulness. 
We  are  in  troublous  times ;  if  I  am  ever  able  to  render  you, 
or  your  friends,  a  similar  service,  I  will  repay  my  debt." 
This  promise  was  known  to  Lazzati's  family,  or  to  one 
of  his  friends;  so,  when  the  news  of  his  condemnation 
arrived,  the  thought  arose  to  resort  to  General  Wratis- 
law who  was  then  stationed  at  Piacenza.  The  general 
immediately  asked  for  grace  for  Lazzati.  At  first  he  was 
repulsed  by  Radetzky  and  his  counselor  Benedek  (who 
was  in  command  at  the  battle  of  Sadowa) ;  but  General 
Wratislaw  threatened  to  resign,  as  he  considered  his 
honor  was  at  stake.  Because  of  his  firmness,  he  secured 
grace  for  Lazzati.  Nevertheless,  as  it  had  been  deter- 
mined to  hang  three  of  the  prisoners,  the  archpriest 
Grazioli  was  substituted  in  Lazzati's  place. 

This  episode  is  true  in  its  general  lines,  though  I  did 
not  learn  the  particulars  at  the  time.  Everything  was 
done  between  a  few  persons,  among  whom  I  heard 
named  a  lady,  who  must  have  been  the  principal  actor 
in  it.  Years  after,  when,  talking  with  Lazzati  of  his  im- 
prisonment, the  conversation  turned  upon  his  condem- 
nation and  pardon,  he  always  became  melancholy.  Per- 
haps he  recalled  his  confrontation  with  Castellazzo;  or 
the  suspicion  that  his  salvation  had  cost  the  life  of 

191 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


another  troubled  him;  or  perhaps  it  was  that  the  image 
of  the  person  to  whom  he  owed  most  (who  had  died  in 
the  flower  of  her  youth)  arose  before  him.  However  it 
may  have  been,  the  subject  was  dropped. 

Antonio  Lazzati,  Giuseppe  Finzi,  Luigi  Pastro,  and 
others  who  had  shown  themselves  equally  heroic,  spoke 
of  their  trials  very  little,  and  only  with  their  intimate 
friends.  In  political  prosecutions  there  are  always  the  he- 
roes, and  there  are  always  the  weaklings  and  the  traitors. 
Because  of  feelings  of  delicacy  they  disliked  to  return 
to  matters  in  which  the  strength  of  their  own  souls  con- 
trasted so  nobly  with  the  weakness  of  some  and  the 
treason  of  others.  To  people  who  questioned  him  upon 
his  trial,  Lazzati  narrated,  usually,  some  comic  episode 
such  as  often  accompanies  a  tragic  event.  He  liked  to 
choose  among  the  sad  vicissitudes  of  his  life  the  things 
that  were  droll;  and  he  depicted  them  with  great  keen- 
ness of  observation.  He  did  not  reenter  political  life 
after  1859,  but  served  his  country  in  the  administrative 
offices  to  which  public  confidence  called  him.  He  was 
a  notary,  and  was  among  the  most  esteemed  in  Milan. 
It  has  been  especially  dear  to  me  to  recall  this  old  friend, 
to  whom  so  many  young  men  owed  so  great  a  debt. 

When  the  prosecutions  were  ended,  Castellazzo  was 
let  out  of  prison,  and  changed  his  name.  He  enlisted  in 
the  Garibaldians  in  1859,  and,  in  order  to  justify  him- 
self, asked  for  a  jury  of  honor,  which  was  presided  over 
by  Bertani.  It  absolved,  or  rather  it  pardoned,  him.21 
Finzi  told  me  that,  one  day,  when  he  was  at  Naples, 
during  Garibaldi's  dictatorship,  Bertani  told  him  that 
Castellazzo  desired  to  ask  his  pardon.  Finzi  replied: 

192 


After  the  Imprisonment 


"I  do  not  refuse  to  pardon  him,  but  I  refuse  to  see 
him  because  I  cannot  trust  myself.  The  last  time  I 
saw  him  was  in  the  presence  of  Krauss.  I  was  in  chains, 
and  I  was  defending  my  life,  while  he,  with  his  revela- 
tions, was  dragging  me  to  the  gallows.  How  can  I  see 
him  again  ? "  Bertani  did  not  insist. 

Castellazzo  became  a  freemason,  and  Grosseto  elected 
him  a  deputy.  The  day  he  entered  Parliament,  Finzi 
resigned.  Some  members  of  the  Extreme  Left  attacked 
Finzi  violently,  and  a  long  and  bitter  contest  ensued 
which  shortened  his  life.  I  should  not  have  dwelt  upon 
these  matters  if  they  had  not  had  a  sorrowful  result. 
The  conduct  of  Castellazzo  would  have  been  forgotten, 
as  was  that  of  others  who  were  not  equal  to  their  duty; 
but  the  impudence  of  his  friends,  who  wished  to  make 
him  a  representative  of  the  nation,  was  too  much.  Even 
if  the  whippings  were  true  (as  asserted  by  some,  and 
denied  by  others)  it  was  no  reason  why  a  man  should 
be  elected  to  Parliament  who  had  sent  to  their  deaths 
so  many  of  his  fellow-citizens.  Nor  was  it  a  reason  for 
vilifying  so  many  patriots  who  had  complained  of  him. 
Silence  and  forgetfulness  ought  to  have  been  enough; 
his  friends  have  obtained  for  him  a  sad  celebrity. 

The  disastrous  outcome  of  the  6th  of  February,  and 
the  tragic  end  of  the  committees,  did  not  discourage 
Mazzini.  Piolti  had  reported  all  that  had  happened,  and 
Mazzini  had  replied  as  to  a  general  in  disgrace  after 
he  had  lost  a  battle.  He  praised  Piolti's  work,  congratu- 
lated himself  that  the  forces  remained  intact,  after  hav- 
ing made  so  good  a  showing,  and  said  he  intended  to 
begin  again  with  armed  bands  which  should  descend 

193 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


from  the  mountains  into  the  valleys  and  plains.  The  thing 
of  primary  importance  with  Mazzini  was  to  continue  the 
uprisings,  without  regard  to  the  means  or  to  the  oppor- 
tunities. He  did  not  perceive  that  his  exigence  had  tired 
people  out,  and  had  brought  his  methods  into  disrepute. 

As  Piolti  had  been  put  hors  de  combat,  it  became  neces- 
sary to  look  for  a  new  head  for  the  party;  so  Mazzini 
thought  of  my  brother.  He  sent  him  a  letter  by  Piolti, 
and  Emilio  sent  a  reply  by  the  same  hand.  This  is  what 
Piolti  wrote  in  his  memoirs  touching  Emilio's  letter, 
which  had  been  left  open  so  that  he  could  read  it.  "  In 
this  letter  of  Visconti,  the  future  minister  of  foreign 
affairs  is  revealed.  To  the  enthusiasm  of  Mazzini  he 
opposed  the  calculation  of  reason.  He  passed  in  review 
the  political  situation  of  the  various  states  of  Europe, 
and  concluded  by  saying  that  Europe  was  tired  of  a 
period  of  revolution,  and  desired  repose.  As  regards 
Italy,  therefore,  he  said  it  was  best  to  keep  the  minds 
of  all  in  opposition  to  foreign  rule;  but  that  it  was  un- 
wise to  expose  the  people  in  vain  attempts,  but  rather 
await  the  awakening  of  Europe,  which,  after  a  season 
of  despondency,  could  not  fail  to  appear." 

Piolti  concluded  by  saying  that  both  of  the  letters 
were  excellent,  and  that  he  was  sorry  he  had  not  kept 
copies  of  them. 

Mazzini  continued  on  his  way,  and  found  a  head  for 
his  party  in  Ambrogio  Ronchi,  who  was  arrested  shortly 
after.  He  was  taken  to  the  castle  on  the  I3th  of  No- 
vember, and  then  to  Mantua,  where  he  died  in  prison 
after  much  suffering.  Still  Mazzini  endeavored  to  form 
new  conspiracies,  of  which  we  shall  soon  see  the  end. 

194 


The  Party  disintegrates 


In  the  mean  time  there  was  another  series  of  arrests  and 
trials,  all  of  which  were  confided  to  Captain  Krauss,  of 
dreadful  memory.  Many  cruel  episodes  are  mentioned 
in  their  annals ;  but  I  can  add  nothing  to  the  details  be- 
cause the  thread  of  my  connection  was  broken.  The  first 
trials,  the  condemnations  of  some,  and  the  flight  of  other 
friends,  and  the  separation  of  many  more  from  Mazzini, 
dried  up  my  sources  of  information. 

In  the  decennial  of  resistance  the  year  1853  was 
certainly  the  darkest;  still,  though  it  was  the  year  in 
which  the  country  suffered  most,  it  was  the  year,  also, 
that  counted  most  politically,  for  out  of  it  arose  the 
impulse  to  turn  to  a  new  leader  by  whom  the  forces  that 
worked  for  liberty  were  disciplined.  It  was  now  that 
the  plans  of  Mazzini,  which  appeared  to  be  directed  to  a 
certain  goal,  were  perceived  to  lead  to  an  opposite  one. 

For  four  years  Mazzini,  with  tenacious  efforts,  had 
endeavored  to  form  the  conspiracies  which  should  pre- 
pare for  uprisings,  and  bring  about  the  revolution  by 
which  Italy  (as  he  thought)  should  become  united,  in- 
dependent, and  republican.  The  disproportion  between 
the  means  and  the  end  did  not  present  itself  to  his  mind. 
The  speculative  deductions  from  his  theory  were  suffi- 
cient. As,  after  1848,  the  monarchical  flag  had  become 
impotent,  and  the  impatient  patriots  had  become  Maz- 
zinian,  he  argued  that  the  movement  of  1848  could  be 
repeated,  and  that  the  new  revolution  would  be  the 
triumph  of  the  republic. 

But  the  thoughtful  people  had  counseled  him  not  to 
attempt  an  uprising;  and  he  had  replied  by  the  revolt 
of  the  6th  of  February.  They  counseled  him  again  not 

195 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


to  try  another;  and  he  had  proceeded  to  prepare  armed 
bands.  This  had  given  rise  to  many  discussions,  and  the 
end  was  a  complete  separation  between  Mazzini  and  his 
staff.  Still,  as  Mazzini  was  convinced  that  he  was  right, 
he  let  his  old  friends  fall  away,  and  sought  for  recruits 
in  the  lower  ranks  of  life,  where  men  reasoned  less  and 
obeyed  more  implicitly.  But  even  among  these  his  fol- 
lowing decreased,  as  his  authority  was  impaired  by  the 
uprising  of  the  6th  of  February.  His  system,  of  ordering 
from  afar  a  little  conspiracy  or  act  which  invariably  ter- 
minated badly,  ended  with  arousing  in  the  minds  of  the 
common  people  a  feeling  of  disgust;  and  reaction  en- 
sued. 

I  was  not  in  relations  with  Mazzini,  but  I  was  one  of  the 
intimates  of  the  Salon  Maffei  and  of  the  group  of  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  among  whom  Mazzini  had  his  warmest 
friends.  The  ideas  which  I  have  here  expressed  record 
the  conversations  I  heard,  and  the  things  I  witnessed, 
at  the  time.  The  year  1853,  which  was  to  have  marked 
the  triumph  of  the  ideas  of  Mazzini,  saw,  on  the  con- 
trary, the  decline  of  his  influence.  The  year  of  his 
apogee  coincided  with  that  of  his  decline. 

While  the  star  of  Mazzini  began  to  pale,  the  first  rays 
of  a  new  light  broke  upon  our  horizon.  The  dignified 
attitude  of  the  Sardinian  monarchy  and  its  king,  in  face 
of  the  threats  of  Austria;  the  seriousness  with  which 
Piedmont  had  reorganized  its  finances,  its  army  and  pub- 
lic service;  and  the  order  with  which  liberty  progressed, 
attracted  anew  the  sympathetic  regard  of  the  people  of 
Lombardo-Venetia  towards  the  Ticino. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

(1853) 

My  brother  and  I  leave  for  a  journey  to  the  south.  —  Sojourn  at  Rome.  — 
From  Rome  we  go  to  Naples.  —  Hotels  and  hotel-keepers.  —  Naples.  — 
Casa  Gargallo.  —  At  the  Austrian  Legation.  —  Crossing  to  Messina.  — 
Catania  and  Taormina.  —  ^Etna  and  Syracuse.  —  Along  the  coast.  —  In- 
conveniences. —  Public  houses.  —  The  people.  —  The  muleteers  at  Gir- 
genti.  —  To  Palermo  by  Calatafimi.  —  Letters  from  Tenca.  —  The  condi- 
tions of  civil  life  in  Sicily.  —  Return  to  Genoa.  —  Letters  from  our  mother. 

AFTER  passing  our  examinations,  my  brother  and 
I  were  seized  by  a  desire  to  take  a  breath  of  air 
abroad,  and  to  ease  our  feelings  after  so  many  days  of 
sorrow  and  peril;  so  we  determined  upon  a  journey  to 
Rome,  Naples,  and  Sicily.  To  secure  passports  for  these 
countries  was  not  difficult;  and  we  wanted  to  see  a  part 
of  "our"  Italy,  to  which  we  had  devoted  so  much  anxious 
thought.  We  went  first  to  Genoa,  where  we  passed  a  few 
days  with  some  friends  (emigrants  and  refugees),  and 
then  embarked  for  Civitavecchia. 

When  we  landed,  we  were  conducted  immediately  to 
the  custom-house  where  our  trunks  were  examined  by  a 
commissary.  He  took  the  books  (a  Macchiavelli,  a  Mo- 
liere,  and  a  couple  of  novels),  saying  that  whatever  the 
books  might  be,  they  must  be  sequestered;  and  that  we 
must  look  for  them  at  the  central  police  station  in 
Rome.  We  saw  them  no  more.  This  first  impression 
was  far  from  pleasing,  and  even  less  so  was  the  journey 
from  Civitavecchia  to  Rome.  We  made  it  in  a  dilapi- 
dated diligence,  which,  Emilio  said,  was  found  among 
the  goods  and  chattels  of  Torquemada. 

We  remained  in  Rome  a  fortnight,  going  about  from 

197 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


morning  to  night,  in  the  heat  of  July,  worn  out,  but 
not  fatigued.  We  visited  especially  the  places  that  were 
hallowed  by  the  defense  of  Rome  —  the  walls,  the  Va- 
scello,  and  the  breaches  where  Manara,  Morosini,  Enrico 
Dandolo,  and  so  many  other  brave  youths  had  fallen 
for  the  realization  of  an  ideal  that  now  seemed  so  im- 
probable. When  we  met  the  French  soldiers  we  said  to 
ourselves :  "What  are  you  doing  here  ?  Your  posts  should 
be  with  your  friends  on  the  fields  of  Lombardy."  Who 
would  then  have  said  that  this  reasoning  of  sentiment 
would  triumph  in  a  few  years,  —  so  much  the  less  by  the 
work  of  him  whom  we,  to  show  ourselves  patriotic,  called 
"the  man  of  the  2d  of  December"? 

France  and  the  French  were  ever  associated  in  our 
youthful  minds  with  the  epoch  of  the  Revolution  and 
the  Italian  Kingdom,  and  with  every  high  ideal  of  liberty 
and  progress.  And  now  we  saw  the  French  in  Rome, 
associated  with  the  Swiss  Guards,  sustaining  with  their 
bayonets  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope ! 

Another  thing  which  offended  our  sight  and  feeling 
was  to  see,  in  every  office  we  visited,  ugly  priests  with 
clownish  faces,  filling  positions  that  had  nothing  to  do 
with  sanctity.  It  stupefied  us  the  more,  to  hear  people 
swearing  at  the  priests,  for  we  habitually  respected  our 
excellent  clergy  in  Lombardy.  And  what  was  not  said 
of  the  priestly  Roman  Government !  There  was  an  ava- 
lanche of  imprecations,  which  we  wished  that  those  who 
uttered  them  could  have  heard  for  their  own  amusement. 

One  day,  as  I  stood  looking  at  the  Greek  horses,  in  the 
Piazza  di  Monte  Cavallo,  I  saw  coming  out  of  the  palace 
of  the  Quirinal  a  great  golden  coach.  In  it  was  a  fine 

198 


A  yourney  to  the  South 


old  man,  dressed  in  white,  who  gave  his  benediction  from 
its  doors.  His  face  seemed  to  be  surrounded  with  an 
aureole  of  peace  and  sanctity,  and  his  lips  were  wreathed 
in  a  delicate  smile  of  goodness,  —  that  sweet  smile  with 
which  he  had  doubtless  once  pronounced  the  words 
which  resounded  from  ^Etna  to  the  Alps:  "Gran  Dio, 
benedite  1'  Italia." 

We  thought  we  would  go  to  Naples  across  the  Apen- 
nines, and  by  way  of  Capua  and  Caserta.  The  first  day 
we  went  as  far  as  Arsoli,  a  charming  little  town.  The 
day  was  sultry,  and  we  were  crammed  for  several  hours 
in  a  wretched  old  carriage  with  a  priest  that  snored  and 
a  woman  that  nursed  a  child.  At  Arsoli  we  were  told  that 
there  was  no  public  house  fit  for  gentlemen.  A  palaz- 
zotto  was  pointed  out  to  us,  the  proprietor  of  which  we 
were  informed  offered  hospitality  to  galantuomini. 

Signor  Marcello,  the  proprietor,  kindly  accommo- 
dated us  with  lodgings,  and  he  gave  us  an  excellent  sup- 
per. He  told  us  that  he  was  from  Rome,  and  that,  after 
1848,  he  passed  a  part  of  the  year  in  the  country.  He 
narrated  a  lot  of  stories  of  his  youth,  in  which  Prince 
Louis  Napoleon  had  a  part.  It  seemed  that  his  wife  and 
daughters  were  in  the  villa;  but  we  did  not  see  them. 
When  we  praised  his  supper,  he  said  it  was  prepared  by 
a  young  woman  cook;  but  neither  was  she  visible.  When, 
before  leaving,  we  wanted  to  give  her  a  tip,  a  man  pre- 
sented himself. 

The  next  day  we  crossed  the  Apennines,  traveling  the 
whole  day  over  an  arid  mountain  by  a  path  which 
took  us  to  Tagliacozzo,  from  which  we  descended  to 
Avezzano.  The  road  was  that  which  was  traversed  some 

199 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


ten  years  later  by  the  brigands  when  they  fled  from  the 
Roman  State  into  the  Abruzzi.  On  one  of  the  rocks  we 
saw,  Borjes,  the  Spanish  bandit,  was  shot.  He  had  come 
to  Italy  to  command  the  brigands,  and  to  teach  them 
how  to  extort  money  from  people  by  cutting  off  their 
ears  in  a  pleasing  way. 

Towards  evening  we  were  joined  by  a  gentleman  who 
gave  us  some  useful  information.  He  came  the  next 
morning,  also,  to  take  us  to  see  the  Lago  di  Fucino,  and 
the  outlet  constructed  under  Nero;  and  desired  to  go 
with  us  to  Sora.  At  first  we  held  back,  but  gradually 
we  put  aside  our  distrust.  He  told  us  that,  after  1848, 
he  had  been  banished  to  the  provinces,  and  narrated 
some  things  which  we  knew  from  others  were  true. 

The  gentleman's  name  was  Altobelli.  My  brother 
saw  him  at  Naples  in  1861,  when  he  went  there  with 
Farini.  Altobelli  told  him  that,  after  his  trip  with  us, 
he  had  been  arrested  by  the  police,  who  wanted  to  know 
what  plots  he  had  made  with  the  two  travelers  who 
had  come  from  Rome;  and  that  they  had  kept  him  in 
prison  for  several  months. 

Bidding  Signor  Altobelli  adieu  at  Sora,  we  went  to 
S.  Germano,  and  thence  to  the  abbey  of  Montecassino. 
It  was  in  August,  and  the  heat  can  be  imagined.  The 
porter  led  us  at  once  to  a  room,  where  we  brushed  off 
the  dust  and  washed  ourselves,  while  he  sought  some 
lemonade.  When  he  returned,  he  bade  us,  in  the  name 
of  the  prior,  to  whom  we  had  sent  our  cards,  to  take 
luncheon.  We  accepted  the  invitation  with  alacrity, 
and  found  the  meal  excellent.  As  it  was  being  served, 
two  monks,  one  of  whom,  I  think,  was  the  prior,  came 

200 


Naples 


in.  The  younger  one  took  us  afterwards  to  see  the  con- 
vent and  the  library,  and  made  our  visit  most  interest- 
ing. He  was  called  Carfora,  and  was  of  Naples.  He  had 
the  distinguished  manners  of  a  gentleman. 

We  left  the  abbey  regretfully,  as  we  had  found  in  it 
not  only  a  courteous  hospitality,  but  also  a  devotion 
to  the  faith,  to  culture,  and  to  art  which  made  us  forget 
the  pretacci  (wretched  priests)  of  Rome,  as  they  were 
then  called. 

We  traveled  all  night,  in  a  diligence,  and  arrived  the 
next  morning  at  Capua.  A  gendarme  who  was  charged 
with  escorting  the  diligence  sat  down  between  Emilio 
and  me  because  he  could  not  find  another  place.  We 
protested,  but  in  vain.  He  even  wanted  us  to  thank 
him.  First  he  searched  us  to  assure  himself  that  we  had 
no  concealed  weapons;  then  he  turned  to  Emilio,  who 
had  a  youthful  moustache,  and  said :  "  I  ought  to  make 
you  cut  off  your  moustache,  since  it  is  not  permitted  in 
the  Kingdom;  *  but  I  see  you  are  English  and  I  will  take 
no  notice.  You  should  thank  me,  however,  since  I  have 
done  you  a  favor.  And  you  ought  to  thank  me,  too,  for 
sitting  between  you  two,  and  protecting  you  against 
the  malefactors,  of  whom  there  are  many.  Sangue  di! 
thank  me!  thank  me!"  After  a  while  he  slept  with  his 
gun  between  his  legs,  and  snored  until  daylight. 

From  Capua  we  went  to  Naples  by  a  railway  of  the 
most  obliging  character.  The  train  went  with  the  speed 
of  a  carriage,  and  the  passers-by  made  it  stop,  in  order 
to  get  on.  At  Naples  we  lodged  in  a  hotel  near  the  Via 

*  Regno.  The  Kingdom  of  Naples  was  always  spoken  of  as  "the 
Kingdom." 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


Toledo,  that  was  called,  I  think,  "Del  Commercio." 
The  proprietor  was  an  old  Frenchman,  named  Martin, 
who  had  come  to  Naples  in  the  time  of  Murat,  and  who, 
when  he  was  not  complaining,  sang  sotto  voce  a  song  with 
the  refrain:  "Aux  armes,  aux  armes,  que  vient  le  Due  de 
Parme." 

No  sooner  had  we  arrived  than  we  found  some 
friends  who  became  our  companions  during  our  stay. 
They  were  Carlo  Casalini,  of  Venice;  Conte  Sassatelli, 
of  Bologna;  and  Cristoforo  Robecchi,  of  Milan,  who 
many  years  afterwards  was  a  consul-general  of  the  King- 
dom of  Italy.  If  I  should  tell  the  impressions  I  received 
of  beautiful  Naples  I  would  never  finish;  but  alas!  with 
the  memories  of  the  marvels  of  nature  and  of  art  there 
is  mixed  the  ugly  recollection  of  the  mob.  It  was  pain- 
ful for  us,  who  felt  ourselves  to  be  Italians,  the  citizens 
of  a  country  that  was  to  be,  who  (as  the  Liberals  of  our 
day)  surrounded  the  people  with  poetic  ideals,  to  see 
these  plebeians  so  devoid  of  self-respect  and  honesty. 
The  traditional  lazzaroni,  who  disappeared  with  their 
Bourbon  protectors,  were  still  to  be  seen.  The  foreigners 
amused  themselves  with  them ;  but  we  blushed  to  do  so. 
The  swarm  of  lazy  beggars  who  rained  upon  us  like  lo- 
custs, who  got  under  our  feet  at  every  step,  who  lied  and 
cheated,  and  from  whom  it  was  difficult  to  get  free,  was 
a  sad  spectacle.  We  comforted  ourselves  by  saying  that 
the  lazzaroni  were  designedly  kept  in  abjection;  but  it 
must  be  confessed,  however,  the  results  of  the  system 
could  not  have  been  worse. 

This  rabble  was  in  great  contrast  to  the  higher  classes, 
above  all  to  those  who  were  distinguished  for  their  tal- 

202 


Naples 


ent  and  culture  (of  whom  there  was  not,  and  never  had 
been,  a  scarcity);  but  many  distinguished  people  at 
this  time  lived  apart  so  as  not  to  be  observed  by  the 
police,  who  were  not  less  ferocious,  and  were  more  vexa- 
tious, than  the  police  of  Lombardy, 

One  day,  after  returning  from  a  trip  to  Vesuvius, 
Emilio  and  I  threw  ourselves  upon  our  beds  without 
closing  the  doors  of  our  rooms.  When  we  were  awakened 
for  dinner,  we  discovered  that  all  our  clothes,  including 
those  in  the  wardrobes,  had  disappeared.  We  called  the 
waiter,  and  we  called  Signor  Martin  and  we  interrogated 
all  the  servants  of  the  hotel;  no  one  knew  anything.  We 
had  to  dine,  that  day,  in  our  shirt-sleeves  and  afterwards 
go  to  bed.  Signor  Martin  swore  to  us  in  French,  and  in 
Italian,  that  he  would  discover  the  thief.  For  a  couple 
of  days  we  heard  him  storm,  then  all  was  quiet  again, 
and  he  took  up  the  refrain  of  his  song:  "Aux  armes, 
aux  armes,  que  vient  le  Due  de  Parme." 

The  one  good  thing  he  did  was  to  send  for  a  tailor, 
who,  with  admirable  rapidity,  furnished  us  with  such 
things  as  had  been  stolen.  Our  dress-coats  had  disap- 
peared with  the  rest  of  our  effects,  and  we  had  ac- 
cepted an  invitation  to  dinner.  The  tailor,  with  a  benev- 
olent smile,  reassured  us.  An  hour  before  the  dinner  he 
brought  us  each  a  full  dress-suit  that  fitted  perfectly. 

When  we  departed,  Signor  Martin,  in  putting  us  into 
our  carriage,  whispered  that  the  thief  was  a  servant  of 
a  general  who  had  come  for  the  fete  of  Piedigrotta,  and 
who  had  had  a  room  next  to  ours;  but,  as  the  matter 
touched  a  person  dependent  upon  a  big-wig,  it  had  been 
prudent  to  keep  still. 

203 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  dinner,  for  which  the  dress-coats  were  required, 
was  in  the  Casa  Gargallo.  We  had  been  presented  to  the 
descendants  of  the  translator  of  Horace  a  few  days  pre- 
viously, and  the  whole  family  of  brothers,  sisters,  sons- 
in-law,  and  daughters-in-law  had  invited  us  for  the  day 
of  the  fete,  that  is,  to  see  the  parade  in  the  morning,  and 
to  dine  with  them  in  the  evening. 

We  found  ourselves  in  Casa  Gargallo  with  other  guests, 
who  proved  to  be  warm  partisans  of  the  Bourbons. 
We  discovered  this  when  the  coach  of  the  king,  followed 
by  those  of  the  court,  passed.  Emilio  glanced  at  me  to 
ask  if  we  should  retire,  as  we  did  in  Milan,  when  the 
Austrian  functionaries  passed.  I  expected  that  this 
course  would  be  adopted  by  all  on  the  balcony;  but  no 
one  moved.  I  prepared  my  face  to  express  disdainful 
patriotic  severity,  when  my  neighbors  began  to  clap 
their  hands  and  to  cry,  "Viva  il  Re,"  and  to  salute  the 
persons  of  the  suite.  At  the  dinner  the  conversation 
turned  solely  upon  the  news  of  the  court,  and  my  neigh- 
bor congratulated  me  that,  even  in  Lombardy,  order  and 
tranquillity  had  been  restored ! 

Two  days  after,  when  we  made  our  farewell  visit  to 
Casa  Gargallo,  we  thought  we  were  on  the  point  of  start- 
ing for  Sicily,  but  an  unforeseen  incident  detained  us  for 
another  week.  Our  friend  Cristoforo  Robecchi  wanted 
to  make  the  tour  of  Sicily  with  us,  and  we  had  sent  our 
passports  to  the  police,  to  obtain  their  visa  for  the  jour- 
ney. After  a  delay  of  several  days,  a  letter  came  from 
the  Austrian  Legation,  asking  us  to  call.  At  this  time 
the  Italian  subjects  of  Austria  avoided,  as  much  as 
possible,  presenting  themselves  at  the  Austrian  lega- 

204 


At  the  Austrian  Legation 

tions  and  embassies;  but  no  other  course  was  open 
to  us. 

At  the  legation,  the  first  secretary,  Signor  Rajmond, 
received  us  with  politeness,  and  told  us  that  a  warning 
regarding  us  had  come  to  the  police,  because  we  had 
taken  an  unwonted  route  in  coming  from  Rome,  and  had 
conversed  with  Signor  Altobelli. 

It  was  not  difficult  to  show  Signor  Rajmond  the  inno- 
cency  of  our  actions;  and  he  undertook  to  propitiate 
the  police,  and  to  request  the  especial  passports  which 
were  necessary  for  Sicily.  After  two  days  we  were  asked 
to  call  again,  and  were  told  that  the  Government  con- 
ceded two  passports  but  not  three.  Signor  Rajmond, 
however,  who  was  always  most  polite,  offered  to  ask 
the  favor  of  passports  for  all  three  of  us.  The  favor 
was  granted,  but  an  official  wanted  to  see  and  question 
us,  in  the  presence  of  the  secretary.  This  personage, 
whose  name  I  cannot  remember,  was  a  close-shaven, 
dried-up  little  man.  He  questioned  us  at  length,  scan- 
ning us  from  head  to  foot  at  each  interrogation.  At  the 
end  he  said:  "Well,  I  concede  the  passports  for  Sicily  to 
all  three,  but  I  concede  them  only  out  of  regard  for  their 
flag."  And,  so  saying,  he  motioned  to  the  Austrian  sec-, 
retary.  For  our  flag! 

So  we  could  go  to  Sicily,  thanks  to  an  Austrian  official, 
who,  moreover,  told  us  to  be  on  guard  against  the  regu- 
lations of  the  Bourbon  police,  which  he,  as  we,  recog- 
nized to  be  excessive.  I  left  Naples  with  three  causes  of 
grief  in  my  heart.  They  were :  to  have  lost  my  illusion  in 
regard  to  the  people  that  Mazzini  had  taught  us  to  place 
alongside  of  God;  to  have  found  Bourbon  partisans 

205 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


among  the  educated  Neapolitans;  and  to  have  been 
forced  to  seek  the  protection  of  the  Austrian  Lega- 
tion. 

The  crossing  to  Messina  was  far  from  agreeable;  the 
sea  was  running  strong,  and  the  boat  was  very  slow. 
We  arrived  in  the  evening,  so  had  to  pass  another 
night  on  board.  In  all,  we  were  fifty  hours  on  the 
trip.  Some  funny  things  happened  during  the  pitching 
and  rolling  of  the  boat.  Among  the  passengers  was 
the  Domeniconi  company  of  comedians.  I  had  seen 
them  act,  and  now  I  saw  them  afflicted  with  seasickness, 
tumbling  about,  in  poses  tragic  and  comic.  Some  of  the 
other  passengers,  male  and  female,  were  crazed  by  fear. 
They  shrieked,  prayed,  and  invoked  all  the  Neapolitan 
and  Sicilian  saints.  As  every  strong  gust  of  wind  or 
higher  wave  came,  they  made  a  new  vow.  Some  were  so 
extravagant  I  am  sure  they  were  never  fulfilled. 

We  stopped  at  Messina  a  few  days,  then  we  went  to 
lovely  Taormina  and  Catania.  At  Catania  we  girded 
ourselves  for  the  ascent  of  ^Etna ;  but  the  giant  mountain 
is  not  always  polite  to  travelers;  and  it  was  not  to  us. 
We  stopped  first  at  Nicolosi,  where  we  visited  Professor 
Gemellaro,  the  illustrator  of  ^Etna.  He  spoke  of  the 
mountain  as  a  father  might  speak  of  his  little  son,  who, 
though  he  may  be  guilty  of  some  escapades,  is  yet  his 
consolation.  After  leaving  Nicolosi  we  had  to  betake 
ourselves  to  a  grotto,  while  a  strong  wind,  accompanied 
by  hail,  uprooted  the  trees  and  hurled  the  rocks  down 
the  mountain-side.  Later  on  we  walked  to  a  refuge, 
called  the  house  of  the  English,  where  we  passed  the 
night  half-frozen.  In  the  early  morning  we  attempted 

206 


and  Syracuse 


the  ascent  of  the  cone,  but  were  driven  back  by  a  whirl- 
ing lot  of  little  stones,  mixed  with  snow. 

In  spite  of  our  disagreeable  experience,  I  have  pre- 
served of  JEtna  an  indelible  memory.  My  expectations 
had  been  great;  but  they  were  surpassed  by  the  reality, 
for  my  mind,  after  all  these  years,  is  still  filled  with  the 
splendor  of  the  mountain. 

From  Catania  we  went  to  Syracuse.  I  will  not  speak 
of  the  modern  city  which,  like  a  decayed  gentleman,  is 
restricted  to  modest  quarters.  I  will  recall  simply  the 
arid  and  majestic  plain  which  stretches  from  the  actual 
city  over  the  site  of  ancient  Syracuse,  the  great  Grecian 
city,  of  which  now  only  some  scanty  ruins  remain.  Dur- 
ing our  long  ride  we  scarcely  spoke,  as  certain  spectacles 
make  us  silent,  even  at  twenty  years  of  age. 

From  Syracuse  we  journeyed  through  the  coast  towns, 
to  Girgenti,  and  from  Girgenti  we  went  to  Selinunte 
and  Marsala.  Thinking  over  these  days,  there  comes 
back  to  me  the  memory  of  the  suffocating  sands.  I  can 
see  again  the  parched  land  and  the  sky  that  made  us 
think  of  the  Orient.  The  toil  was  great,  but,  as  all  we 
saw  was  grand,  we  did  not  think  of  the  toil.  The  azure 
sea  and  the  lovely  beaches  fascinated  us;  and  the  Greek, 
Roman,  Saracen,  and  Norman  ruins  told  us  so  much  of 
so  many  peoples  that  our  thoughts  were  carried  to  a 
sphere  where  our  hardships  were  forgotten. 

Of  little  woes  and  discomforts  there  were  plenty. 
The  greatest  were  hunger,  dirt,  and  the  police.  The  tour 
of  Sicily  was,  usually,  made  at  this  time  in  little  steam- 
boats, which  touched  at  the  interesting  points.  A  jour- 
ney along  the  coast  by  land  was  not  often  made,  ex- 

207 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


cept  by  an  occasional  Englishman;  wherefore  we  were 
generally  taken  for  English.  Of  the  real  English  we 
encountered  some  who,  however,  were  traveling  with 
less  discomfort  than  we  were,  for  they  had  provided 
themselves  with  tents  and  supplies.  To-day  there  are 
excellent  hotels  in  the  coast  districts;  but  it  is  worth 
while  remembering  how  one  had  to  travel  during  the 
Bourbon  regime. 

In  the  taverns  we  found  only  dry  bread,  mouldy 
cheese,  and  some  other  eatables  which  turned  our 
stomachs.  And  even  in  the  farmhouses  we  could  obtain, 
at  the  most,  only  some  eggs.  We  argued  that,  if  there 
were  eggs,  there  ought  to  be  hens,  but  no  hens  were 
forthcoming.  Oftentimes  we  could  not  enter  the  public 
taverns  because  of  the  stench  of  the  muleteers;  but  had 
to  sleep  in  the  open  with  our  saddles  for  our  pillows.  It 
is  impossible  to  speak  properly  of  the  filthiness  I  have 
seen  in  some  of  these  taverns.  The  concept  of  cleanli- 
ness was  not  even  in  an  embryonic  state.  Strange  that 
this  idea  is  often  the  last  to  penetrate  the  understanding 
of  certain  human  beings.  They  comprehend  the  super- 
natural easier  than  soap.  On  one  occasion,  my  brother 
having  asked  the  mistress  of  a  tavern  to  clean  a  knife, 
on  which  a  long  history  of  different  uses  had  been  strati- 
fied (pardon  my  frankness),  she  spat  upon  a  brick,  rubbed 
the  knife  upon  it,  rinsed  it  in  a  pail  of  dirty  water,  and 
then  dried  the  blade  upon  her  hair!  —  all  with  an  eager- 
ness and  rapidity  that  manifested  the  best  will  to  serve. 

As  soon  as  we  arrived  anywhere  we  were  pounced  upon 
by  a  gendarme,  who,  before  permitting  us  to  go  to  a 
tavern,  conducted  us  to  a  police  station  where  all  our 

208 


"The  Sicilian  People 


belongings,  even  the  contents  of  our  pockets,  were  ex- 
amined. We  were  asked  the  strangest  questions,  some 
of  which  were  very  diverting.  At  the  end  we  were 
asked  for  a  good  tip.  As  the  people  rarely  saw  any  for- 
eigners, we  were  the  objects  of  great  curiosity;  and  all 
seemed  to  have  a  desire  to  talk  with  us.  I  must  say 
that  they  were  very  polite  and  hospitable,  so  much  so 
that  it  was  often  very  difficult  to  avoid  accepting  their 
gifts.  At  Vittoria  some  persons  took  us  to  their  wine- 
cellars,  and,  as  we  praised  their  wine,  they  wanted  to 
give  us  bottles,  and  even  barrels.  On  another  occasion 
we  were  requested  to  accept  a  great  package  of  cream  of 
tartar! 

The  conversation  of  the  common  people  showed  a 
scant  knowledge  of  modern  events,  a  shortcoming  which 
we  afterwards  noticed  even  in  the  cultured  class.  Nor 
was  this  to  be  wondered  at,  since  in  the  gabinetti  di  let- 
tura  e  di  conversazione  (as  they  called  them),  one  never 
saw  anything  modern  except  the  official  journal  of  the 
Two  Sicilies.  To  keep  its  subjects  isolated  from  intel- 
lectual contact  with  the  world  was  one  of  the  principal 
occupations  of  the  Bourbon  Government. 

Great  was  the  astonishment  of  those  who  asked  us 
what  we  were,  to  be  told  that  we  were  Lombards  and 
Italians.  They  turned  towards  us  with  a  patriotic  curi- 
osity, which  showed  how  much  they  had  been  kept  in 
ignorance  regarding  the  other  parts  of  Italy. 

While  we  stood  contemplating  the  ruins  of  a  Greek 
temple  at  Girgenti,  a  guard  approached  and  questioned 
us.  We  soon  perceived  that  he  was  a  good  soul.  To  make 
us  pardon  his  curiosity  he  interpolated  many  excuses  and 

209 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


offers  of  service.  Our  answers  amazed  him  so  much  that 
every  once  in  a  while  he  was  dumfounded.  The  great- 
est of  his  embarrassments  was  to  hear  that  Lombardy 
was  in  Italy.  He  thought  it  was  in  Switzerland.  At  the 
end  of  our  conversation,  he  said  he  would  take  charge  of 
our  mounts  to  Sciacca,  and  make  the  contract  with  the 
muleteers.  The  contract  could  have  been  concluded  in  a 
few  words,  but  the  good  man  was  verbose,  and  wanted 
to  show  his  regard.  He  concluded  with  this  peroration: 
'  You  understand  these  gentlemen  are  most  excellent 
cavalieri  who  know  how  to  write.  At  Sciacca  they  will 
send  me  a  few  lines,  on  paper,  written  by  their  hands 
.  .  .  and  if  they  write  me  that  you  have  been  rascals  I 
will  have  administered  to  you  so  many  blows  that  you 
will  remember  them."  Here  he  made  a  threatening  face; 
and  then,  becoming  calm  again,  he  continued:  "But  you 
are  good  fellows,  I  know.  These  gentlemen  will  be  con- 
tented with  you,  and  will  give  you  a  good  tip!"  There- 
upon he  raised  his  arm  as  if  to  pronounce  a  benediction. 
We  traveled  with  the  muleteers  the  whole  day.  At 
a  deserted  spot  on  the  road  we  ran  against  two  individ- 
uals on  horseback  (who  may  have  been  peasants  or 
guards),  with  guns  slung  over  their  shoulders.  After 
having  examined  us,  they  drew  our  muleteers  aside  to 
talk  with  them;  then  they  disappeared.  A  little  while 
after  our  escort  told  us  that  the  two  strangers  had  pro- 
posed to  kill  us  from  behind,  and  to  divide  the  spoil. 
Our  muleteers  said  that  they  had  refused,  saying  that 
we  were  armed,  and  that  they  had  seen  some  gendarmes 
a  little  way  off.  Was  this  proposal  true,  or  did  our  escort 
invent  it  to  induce  us  to  double  our  tip,  and  to  assure 

210 


70  Palermo  by  Calatafimi 

themselves  of  a  testimonial  of  good  conduct?  Either 
hypothesis  is  possible. 

This  was  the  only  episode  that  reminded  us  of  the 
slight  security  of  the  roads.  We  had  traveled  them  day 
and  night,  without  precaution,  and  without  giving 
any  thought  to  it.  Fortunately  nothing  happened  to 
disturb  us. 

We  stopped  at  Marsala  to  rest  ourselves.  In  my  diary 
I  find  the  words  written:  "Besides  the  wine  warehouses 
and  some  remains  of  ancient  greatness  there  is  little 
worth  recording."  Who  would  have  said  that  there  would 
be  so  much  to  record  in  a  few  short  years  ?  From  Mar- 
sala we  went  in  a  fishing-boat  to  Trapani,  and  thence 
on  horseback  and  by  carriage  to  Palermo,  by  way  of 
Calatafimi,  Segeste,  and  Monreale. 

We  remained  at  Palermo  eight  or  ten  days,  giving  our- 
selves but  little  time  to  see  its  marvels.  A  letter  from 
our  mother  advised  us  to  hasten  home,  saying  that  we 
should  find  other  letters  at  Genoa. 

Carlo  Tenca  had  given  us  letters  of  introduction  to 
several  Palermitans,  and  had  asked  us  to  secure  corre- 
spondents for  the  "  Crepuscolo,"  as  had  been  done  in 
many  other  of  the  Italian  provinces.  We  made  the  ac- 
quaintance of  some  distinguished  persons,  who  received 
us  kindly,  but  who  gave  us,  one  and  all,  the  same  reply, 
that  it  was  not  possible  to  send  even  non-political  let- 
ters from  Sicily,  since  the  letters  would  be  opened  and 
sequestered  by  the  police,  and  the  senders  would  subject 
themselves  to  perquisitions  and  vexations  without  end. 
Moreover,  they  told  us  that  it  would  not  be  prudent 
even  to  let  themselves  be  seen  with  us  in  the  streets,  as 

211 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


he  who  consorted  with  strangers  became  a  suspected 
citizen.  What  a  testimonial  this  was  to  the  condition 
of  Sicily,  and  to  the  way  it  was  governed  at  this  time. 

After  having  traveled  through  the  States  of  the  Church 
and  the  Kingdom  of  Naples,  it  must  be  confessed  that, 
in  spite  of  the  state  of  siege  and  of  the  hardships  of 
martial  law,  we  experienced  a  sense  of  relief  in  return- 
ing to  Milan  and  Lombardy.  We  felt  that  we  lived  in 
a  country  that  was  socially  less  retrograde,  and  under  a 
government  that  was  less  stupidly  tyrannical.  The  Aus- 
trian Government  had  always  been  pedantically  abso- 
lute in  political  matters,  and  we  were  living  in  a  period 
of  reaction,  yet  it  was  a  civil  government  of  the  nine- 
teenth century;  but  the  Papal  and  the  Neapolitan  Gov- 
ernments were  of  another  age,  and  were  among  the  worst 
of  the  civilized  world. 

We  embarked  at  Palermo  for  Genoa,  where,  upon  our 
arrival,  we  found  important  letters  from  our  mother. 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

(1853) 

Our  mother  advises  us  of  the  arrests  inValtellina.  —  The  expedition  of  Calvi. — 
Letters  of  Mazzini  to  Calvi.  —  The  trial  of  Salis,  Stoppani,  and  Zanetti. 
—  Conte  Ulisse  Salis.  —  The  road  of  the  Stelvio.  —  Story  of  a  cannon.  — 
Torelli  and  Guicciardi. 

OUR  mother,  in  a  letter  dated  the  22d  of  September, 
told  us  that  Conte  Ulisse  Salis  and  Antonio  Za- 
netti, the  proprietor  of  the  cafe  at  Tirano,  had  been 
arrested  on  that  very  day.  She  informed  us  likewise  that 
Gervasio  Stoppani,  of  Bormio,  had  also  been  taken.  In 
a  subsequent  letter  she  told  us  that  a  commissary  from 
Sondrio  had  made  a  long  and  minute  search  of  our  house. 
She  was  very  much  excited,  and  advised  us  to  keep  away 
from  home.  We  stopped  some  time  at  Genoa  in  great 
perplexity;  but,  at  the  end,  we  decided  to  join  our 
mother.  It  seemed  to  Emilio  that  to  remain  away  would 
arouse  greater  suspicion  than  to  return  home;  and  he 
was  sure  that  Salis  would  keep  quiet  in  prison,  as  Laz- 
zati  had  done.  But  what  could  have  provoked  these 
new  arrests  ?  At  Milan  we  obtained  some  information  as 
to  what  had  happened;  but  only  later  on  did  we  learn 
what  the  arrests  really  meant. 

Although  he  had  been  abandoned  by  the  better  part 
of  his  friends,  Mazzini  went  forward  with  his  plan  of 
armed  bands  and  of  an  uprising  in  the  Alpine  districts 
of  Lombardy  and  Venetia.  To  this  plan,  unfortunately 
for  him,  Pietro  Fortunato  Calvi  gave  his  adherence. 
He  had  emigrated,  and,  in  his  impatience,  gave  cre- 
dence to  false  information. 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


In  1848,  Calvi  had  performed  prodigies  of  valor,  and 
had  commanded  a  body  of  insurgents  in  Cadore.  He 
now  accepted  Mazzini's  proposal,  that  he  should  return 
and  arouse  the  country;  being  assured  that  his  initiative 
would  be  followed  by  other  insurrections  in  the  valleys. 
He  wr.s  to  proceed  to  Cadore,  by  the  way  of  the  Val- 
tellina,  Bormio,  and  the  Trentino,  accompanied  by  some 
of  his  officers  of  '48 ;  but  he  had  no  sooner  gone  to  Turin 
(where  the  expedition  had  been  planned)  than  the  Aus- 
trian police  was  informed  of  the  enterprise  in  all  its  de- 
tails, even  of  the  road  that  he  and  his  companions  would 
take.  The  spy  was  a  woman,  the  mistress  of  a  certain 
Mircovich,  a  Dalmatian,  in  whose  house  Calvi  had  dis- 
cussed the  plan. 

Happily  Ulisse  Salis  had  succeeded  in  securing  and 
reading  some  secret  correspondence  of  the  district  com- 
missary, and  thus  had  learned  that  the  Milanese  police 
had  been  informed  of  the  project.  Salis  wrote  at  once  to 
Maurizio  Quadrio,  a  friend  of  Mazzini,  to  notify  him; 
but  Calvi  had  commenced  to  travel  the  unfortunate 
road.  Followed  by  an  agent  of  the  police,  he  was  ar- 
rested in  the  Val  di  Sole,  in  the  Trentino,  and  was  sent 
to  the  prisons  at  Mantua,  from  which  he  only  issued  the 
4th  of  July  of  the  year  following,  when  he  mounted  the 
gallows. 

Letters  were  found  on  Calvi  which  had  been  given 
him  to  obtain  assistance  in  the  Valtellina  in  case  of  need. 
These  were  directed  to  Ulisse  Salis,  Antonio  Zanetti,  and 
Gervaso  Stoppani.  It  was  fortunate  for  Emilio  that  his 
absence  was  known;  otherwise  Calvi  might  have  had 
a  letter  for  him.  These  arrests  were  followed  by  many 

214 


Conte  Ulisse  Salts 


others,  and  opened  a  new  series  of  Mantuan  trials,  which 
lasted  for  over  a  year.  They  finished  with  the  condem- 
nation of  one  of  the  conspirators  to  death,  and  of  many 
others  to  terms  of  imprisonment.  Salis  and  Stoppani 
were  compromised  by  their  past,  and  saved  their  lives 
only  by  the  firmness  of  their  denials  and  resistance  to 
the  practices  of  Krauss. 

The  steadfastness  of  Ulisse  Salis  was  admirable,  and 
to  it  my  brother  Emilio  owed  his  escape,  a  second  time, 
from  the  perils  of  imprisonment.  Krauss  had  let  Salis 
believe  that  Emilio  had  been  arrested,  and  had  averred 
that  he  had  confessed,  in  order  to  induce  his  prisoner  to 
follow  his  (alleged)  example,  and  thus  to  take  two  in 
the  same  net;  but  Salis  was  not  to  be  ensnared,  and  reso- 
lutely demanded  to  be  put  in  confrontation  with  Emilio. 
This  was  one  of  the  methods  employed  by  Krauss  to 
increase  the  number  of  his  victims.  The  other  methods 
were,  as  we  have  seen,  threats  and  chains  and  hunger 
and  cold. 

Krauss  also  threatened  Salis  with  blows,  but  Salis 
replied:  "You  cannot  have  me  beaten,  because  I  am 
noble."  Krauss  was  silenced,  for,  according  to  the  punc- 
tilious regulations  of  the  military  law,  the  nobles  could 
not  be  punished  with  blows. 

The  project  of  an  insurrection  by  means  of  armed 
bands  finished  thus  miserably.  Calvi  was  accompanied 
to  the  gallows  by  Don  Martini,  the  pious  priest  who  had 
already  comforted  the  victims  of  Belfiore. 

Yet  the  Mazzinian  conspiracy  was  not  dropped.  An 
attempt  was  made  at  Sarzana,  and  failed.  The  command 
had  been  offered  to  Medici,  but  he  had  declined  it.  Other 

215 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


attempts  were  to  be  made  along  the  Swiss  frontier  (by 
the  help  of  Quadrio  and  Chiassi).  The  Austrians  had 
received  word  of  these  movements,  and  had  notified 
the  Swiss  Government;  but  no  extraordinary  meas- 
ures were  necessary,  since  only  a  small  number  of  the 
conspirators  appeared,  and  they  soon  dispersed.  In  the 
Valtellina  several  patriots  knew  about  the  attempts 
that  were  to  be  made,  but  no  one  moved. 

Salis,  after  a  trial  which  lasted  nineteen  months,  was 
condemned  to  imprisonment  in  the  fortress  of  Kufstein.22 
Before  leaving,  as  he  bade  his  young  and  beautiful  wife 
farewell,  he  succeeded  in  whispering  that  she  should  ex- 
hort his  friends,  and  especially  Emilio,  to  fly,  as  Krauss 
knew  everything.  Contessa  Salis  went  immediately  to 
Emilio,  and  told  him  what  her  husband  had  said;  but 
Emilio  did  not  want  to  fly  for  fear  of  compromising 
some  friends. 

Shortly  after  he  suffered  a  long  perquisition,  and  was 
summoned  by  the  director  of  the  police  to  his  office. 
The  director  said  to  him:  "The  search  that  was  made 
of  your  things  has  given  a  negative  result;  but  we  know, 
with  certainty,  that  you  are  one  of  the  most  pronounced 
enemies  of  the  Government.  Up  to  this  time  you  have 
been  fortunate ;  we  have  not  been  able  to  open  an  especial 
inquisition  for  you.  But  there  will  come  a  time  when  you 
will  give  us  an  occasion,  and  we  shall  remember  all." 

Emilio  went  his  way  without  replying. 

Contessa  Teresa  Salis,  of  the  family  Calvi  di  Edolo, 
had  been  married  only  a  short  time  when  her  husband 
was  arrested.  She  went  immediately  to  Mantua,  and 
remained  there  during  the  time  of  the  trial,  following 

216 


The  Road  of  the  Stelvio 


its  course,  as  well  as  she  could,  by  secret  communica- 
tions with  the  prisoners.  Her  husband,  Ulisse  Salis,  was 
a  young  and  handsome  man,  and  was  the  type  of  a  feudal 
country  squire.  Of  his  life,  as  a  student,  as  a  hunter,  and 
as  a  patriot,  many  stories  are  related  that  attest  the 
resoluteness  and  the  audacity  of  his  character.  In  1848, 
after  having  fought  at  the  barricades  of  Milan,  he  went 
to  the  Valtellina  where  he  joined  a  group  of  ardent  young 
men  that  hastened  to  occupy  the  Stelvio  Pass  before  the 
Austrians  should  arrive.  This  troop,  united  with  some 
mountaineers,  descended  upon  the  Tyrolese  side  of  the 
mountain,  and  set  fire  to  the  galleries  of  wood  that  were 
built  to  protect  the  road  against  the  avalanches.  They 
destroyed  the  road,  too,  in  such  a  way  that  the  Aus- 
trians could  not  use  it  during  the  campaign. 

Here  I  will  make  a  short  digression.  The  Stelvio  road 
was  built  by  Austria,  after  the  Valtellina  had  been 
annexed  to  Lombardy,  in  1815.  The  ancient  road,  that 
had  served  for  so  many  German  invasions,  did  not  cross 
the  summit  of  Monte  Branlio  (called  Stelvio),  but,  bend- 
ing at  a  lower  altitude,  it  traversed  some  parts  of  the 
Canton  of  the  Grisons  before  it  entered  the  Tyrol.  The 
road  of  the  Stelvio,  upon  the  Tyrolese  side  especially, 
presented  some  serious  difficulties,  but  the  Austrian 
Government  determined  to  surmount  them  at  any  cost. 
The  road,  when  completed,  was  considered  a  marvel 
of  engineering  skill. 

The  Austrians  had  desired  to  open  a  way  that  would 
be  entirely  upon  their  own  territory,  by  which  their 
troops  could  come  from  the  Tyrol;  but  the  ease  with 
which  a  few  resolute  men  had  been  able  to  render  the 

217 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Stelvio  road  impassable  deterred  them.  After  1848, 
Marshal  Radetzky  proposed  to  abandon  the  Stelvio  as 
a  military  road,  and  to  substitute  the  Tonale,  making 
a  connection  with  the  Valtellina  by  a  road  over  the  Ap- 
rica  Pass.  It  was  done  and  the  Austrians  abandoned 
the  Stelvio  route.  But  when,  in  1866,  the  treaty  of  peace 
between  Austria  and  Italy  was  in  negotiation,  my 
brother  Emilio  (then  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs)  ob- 
tained, through  the  efforts  of  our  ambassador  Menabrea, 
an  agreement  that  the  Stelvio  road  should  be  rebuilt  on 
the  Tyrolese  side,  and  kept  open,  at  least  in  the  summer- 
time. 

Returning  to  Ulisse  Salis,  a  story  that  is  worth  re- 
cording comes  to  my  mind.  After  the  capitulation  of 
Milan  the  troops  of  General  Griffini,  in  their  retreat  from 
Brescia,  crossed  the  Valcamonica  and  the  Valtellina,  and 
retired  into  Switzerland.  In  traversing  the  narrow  pass 
of  Aprica,  a  cannon  fell  down  the  steep  side  of  the 
mountain.  Salis,  when  he  heard  of  this  mishap,  deter- 
mined to  secure  it  before  the  Austrians  should  arrive. 
It  had  lodged  in  a  cleft  of  a  mountain  in  a  valley  near  the 
village  of  Stazzona.  He  arranged  to  convey  it  to  his 
house  and  hide  it;  but  it  was  not  an  easy  matter  to  carry 
a  cannon  from  a  place  distant  six  kilometers  from  Tirano, 
at  a  time  when  the  country  was  full  of  soldiers,  and  it  was 
enough  to  have  only  a  pistol  in  one's  house  to  be  liable  to 
arrest  and  execution.  Yet  Salis,  aided  by  some  peas- 
ants, succeeded  in  carrying  off  the  cannon  by  night  under 
a  load  of  hay.  He  took  it  to  one  of  his  farms,  and,  with 
the  assistance  of  his  brother,  a  priest,  buried  it.  The 
cannon  was  dug  up  in  1859,  and  presented  by  Salis  to 

218 


'Tore Hi  and  Guicciardi 


Vittorio  Emanuele,  who  gave  him,  in  exchange,  a  gold 
medal  expressly  struck.23 

There  were  many  patriots  in  Valtellina,  in  the  years 
between  1848  and  1860,  who  conspired  and  combated 
for  their  country.  In  '48  and  '49  the  little  province  of 
Sondrio  had  furnished  a  number  of  companies  of  volun- 
teers. The  patriotic  sentiments  of  the  people,  and  the 
economic  misfortunes  which  befell  them  (of  which  I  shall 
speak  later),  appealed  to  the  sympathy  and  secured  the 
esteem  of  the  greater  Lombard  provinces. 

Many  of  the  Valtellinese  patriots  had  emigrated  after 
1848,  among  whom  the  most  noted  were  Luigi  Torelli, 
Enrico  Guicciardi,  and  Maurizio  Quadrio.  Quadrio  was 
a  friend  of  Mazzini,  and  was  always  occupied  with  his 
conspiracies.  He  lived  usually  in  Switzerland,  but  oc- 
casionally made  his  appearance  in  his  native  valley. 
Torelli  remained  in  Piedmont,  and  devoted  himself  to 
political  life.  He  was  successively  deputy,  prefect,  and 
minister.  He  was  ever  guided,  in  both  his  private  and 
public  life,  by  a  high  sense  of  rectitude  and  of  patriot- 
ism. He  was  justly  popular  in  Valtellina,  especially 
among  the  non-political  classes  and  the  peasants.  When, 
after  the  6th  of  February,  1853,  Austria  sequestered  the 
goods  of  the  emigrants,  all  of  Torelli's  possessions  in  the 
valley  were  seized. 

Guicciardi,  after  he  retired  to  Piedmont  in  1848, 
united  the  Valtellinese  volunteers  in  a  battalion  of  ber- 
saglieri  which  distinguished  itself  at  the  battle  of  No- 
vara.  After  the  termination  of  the  war,  he  established 
himself  in  Piedmont.  In  1859  he  was  sent  by  Cavour 
to  the  province  of  Sondrio.  Afterwards  he  was  sent  as 

219 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


prefect  to  the  provinces  where  brigandage,  or  some  other 
grave  matter,  called  for  a  man  of  wisdom  and  energy. 
In  1866  he  commanded,  as  colonel,  two  battalions  of 
Valtellinese  and  other  volunteers  with  which  he  accom- 
plished at  the  Stelvio  an  audacious  deed  of  arms  against 
the  Austrians. 

May  the  memories  of  these  patriots  be  lasting  in  their 
native  valley,  as  examples  of  firm  and  upright  men,  who 
were  devoted  to  their  country  and  their  duty! 


CHAPTER  XIX 

(1854) 

Decline  of  the  republican  party.  —  Evolution  in  the  salon  of  the  Contessa  Maffei. 

—  Conte  Cesare  Giulini  and  his  relations  with  Piedmont.  — The  Crimean 
War.  —  Repeal  of  the  law  as  to  substitutes.  —  Many  fly  to  avoid  the  levy. 

—  Anecdotes  of  the  bribing  of  the  military  doctors.  — The  Firemen's  school. 

—  We  go  to  Tirano  and  Grosio.  —  The  destruction  of  the  vines.  —  The 
cholera.  —  My  mother's  salon  at  Tirano. 

IN  1854  the  Milanese  began  a  mental  and  political  evo- 
lution which  took  them  along  a  new  road.  The  period 
of  Mazzinian  conspiracies  was  distinctly  closed.  It  is  true 
that  Mazzini  still  sought  to  excite  his  old  friends,  and  com- 
plained that  some  of  them  had  gone  astray;  but  it  was  in 
vain.  The  distinguished  part  of  his  followers  separated 
themselves  definitely  from  him,  and  turned  their  eyes 
beyond  the  Ticino  where  the  star  of  Cavour  now  shone 
brightly.  The  so-called  marriage  with  the  Left  Center, 
led  by  Rattazzi,  was  the  sign  of  a  new  direction  in  Pied- 
montese  politics,  and  became,  for  many  weary  patriots, 
the  occasion,  or  the  pretext,  to  change  their  opinions. 

I  saw  the  proof  of  this  change  in  the  salon  of  the  Con- 
tessa Maffei,  where,  as  I  have  said,  so  many  influential 
citizens  came  together.  Chiarina,  as  she  was  called  by  her 
intimate  friends,  had  accepted  the  programme  of  a  united 
Italy  under  the  Mazzinian  banner,  with  the  motto, 
"Dio  e  il  popolo."  While  she,  with  great  gentleness, 
diffused  the  ardent  faith  of  her  convictions,  she  felt  in 
return  the  influence  of  those  who  were  about  her.  Now, 
the  insurrection  of  the  6th  of  February,  and  the  attempts 
that  followed  it,  had  extinguished  much  of  her  enthusi- 
asm. Not  without  sorrow  had  she  seen  Mazzini  turn  his 

221 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


shoulder  to  his  old  friends,  and  seek  for  new  adherents 
in  the  ranks  of  the  lower  classes.  His  friends,  who  had 
followed  his  programme  of  unity  as  against  the  federal 
ideal  of  Cattaneo,  had  broken  away  from  him  because 
they  were  disgusted  with  his  methods. 

Conte  Cesare  Giulini,  who  was  one  of  the  most  assid- 
uous frequenters  of  the  salon,  had  remained  faithful 
to  the  monarchical  form  of  the  State,  and  to  the  House 
of  Savoy.  He  had  often  teased  the  Contessa  because 
of  her  enthusiasm  for  Mazzini ;  but  now  he  triumphed, 
when  he  perceived  that  she  and  her  friends  were  turning 
from  their  old  illusions  and  seeking  a  new  way.  He  was 
a  friend  of  Conte  di  Cavour,  of  Arese,  and  of  D'  Azeglio, 
and  had  especial  means  of  securing  information.  He 
knew  the  particulars  of  the  stand  that  Piedmont  had 
taken  in  the  different  diplomatic  strifes  with  Austria, 
especially  in  reference  to  the  sequestration  of  the  prop- 
erty of  the  Lombard  emigrants.  Apropos  of  this  affair, 
Giulini  had  received  some  confidential  information  show- 
ing that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  confirmed,  among  his 
intimate  friends,  the  sympathy  that  Louis  Bonaparte 
had  always  manifested  for  Italy.  His  words,  it  seems,  had 
encouraged  Piedmont.  The  report  of  these  matters, 
when  whispered  about,  aroused  a  vague  feeling  of  hope 
for  the  future;  and  they  even  smoothed  out  some  of  the 
wrinkles  on  the  faces  of  the  men  who  were  wont  to  speak 
unkindly  of  the  Emperor. 

The  alliance  of  France  and  England  with  Turkey,  in 
the  war  against  Russia,  was  the  first  puff  of  activity 
which  stirred  the  stagnant  pool  of  European  politics, 
since  the  reaction  had  set  in. 

222 


Military  Service  made  Obligatory 

In  the  spring  of  this  year  a  law  was  promulgated  which 
greatly  upset  us,  and  became  the  most  insupportable  of 
all  the  enactments  during  the  state  of  siege.  The  Govern- 
ment made  military  service  obligatory  for  all.  Up  to  this 
time  exchanges  were  permitted,  and  regulated  by  law; 
that  is,  by  the  payment  of  a  fixed  sum  one  could  pre- 
sent a  substitute.  The  aim  of  the  new  law  was  to  dim- 
mish the  division  which  existed  between  the  Austrian 
and  the  Italian  soldiers,  and,  more  especially,  between 
our  higher  classes  and  the  Austrian  officers. 

It  is  difficult  to  imagine  the  feeling  of  repugnance 
which  arose  in  the  minds  of  the  patriotic  young  men  at 
the  thought  of  having  to  put  on  the  Austrian  uniform. 
It  could  not  help  but  lead  to  divisions  between  them  and 
their  families :  so  the  most  resolute  determined  to  fly.  It 
was  a  noble  resolution;  but  it  was  not  always  easy  to 
carry  it  into  effect.  Some  of  my  friends  were  hit  by  this 
law.  I,  by  good  fortune,  had  been  in  the  levy  of  the 
previous  year.  Declared  to  be  able,  I  was  assigned  to 
the  cacciatori  tirolesi,  but  I  had  paid  the  tax  of  three 
thousand  Austrian  lire.* 

Some  of  my  companions  fled,  and  expatriated  them- 
selves. Others  found  another  mode  of  escape.  They 
slipped  several  rolls  of  svanziche  into  the  pockets  of  the 
examining  physician.  Others,  again,  resigned  themselves 
to  the  hard  fact  of  serving.  I  recall,  among  these,  my 
friend  Antonio  Frigerio,  whose  flight  his  family  pre- 
vented. Enrolled  in  a  regiment  of  Uhlans,  he  became 

*The  Austrian  lira,  called  "svanzica,"  from  "zwanzig  kreuzer,"  or 
twenty  sous,  was  equivalent  to  eighty  centesimi  of  the  Italian  lira,  and 
the  lira  Milanese  was  equivalent  to  sixty  centesimi. 

223 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


an  officer,  and  served  until  1859.  When  he  returned  he 
sought  his  old  friends  no  more;  but,  in  1866,  he  enlisted 
in  the  Garibaldian  volunteers,  and  became  a  captain. 
He  died  fighting  bravely  at  Vezza  in  Valcamonica. 

Among  my  companions  who  expatriated  themselves, 
and  enlisted  in  Piedmont,  I  recall  Emilio  Guicciardi  and 
Augusto  Verga;  and  among  those  to  whose  rolls  the 
pockets  of  a  military  doctor  became  hospitable  I  recall 
Lodovico  Mancini  and  Costantino  Garavaglia.  They 
had  learned  that  there  was  a  way  by  which  a  given  sum 
could  come  to  the  pockets  of  a  certain  physician  who 
would  declare  them  incapable.  It  must  be  confessed, 
however,  that  they  each  had  some  defect  which  could 
be  magnified.  The  little  defect  was  noted  at  the  prelimi- 
nary examination.  If  the  commission  definitely  liberated 
the  conscript  he  paid  forty  marenghi,*  but  if  it  remanded 
him  from  year  to  year,  he  paid  twenty  marenghi  every 
time.  An  understanding  being  arrived  at,  a  colored  shirt 
was  given  to  the  patient,  which  was  to  serve  as  a  sign 
of  recognition  for  the  physician. 

Garavaglia  was  advised  to  have  an  irritation  of  the 
throat,  and  to  make  his  neck  appear  large.  So  he  pur- 
chased a  trumpet,  and  blew  it  in  the  country  from  morn- 
ing to  night.  He  was  dismissed  for  the  nonce,  but  had  to 
pay  the  twenty  marenghi  several  times. 

Mancini  had  been  wounded  in  the  siege  of  Rome,  and 

he  still  carried  a  scar.  The  wounded  of  '48  and  '49  were 

generally,  without  further  ado,  declared  able.  But  in  the 

preliminary  examination  he  had  been  advised  to  favor 

a  dilation  that  he  had  in  the  veins  of  one  of  his  legs ;  so  he 

*  A  marengo  was  worth  twenty  francs. 

224 


The  Firemen* s  School 


did  nothing  but  run  about  the  bastions  of  the  city  as 
long  as  his  strength  lasted.  This  procedure  was  success- 
ful, and  he  was  liberated  by  the  payment  of  forty  ma- 
renghi. 

If  any  one  should  ask  what  became  of  our  studies, 
I  must  answer  that  we  studied  very  little.  Promenades 
and  drinking-parties,  and  fencing  and  gymnastic  exer- 
cises, interspersed  with  little  conspiracies,  occupied  our 
time.  Among  the  gymnastic  exercises  one  was  bizarre 
enough;  it  was  to  learn  the  manoeuvres  of  the  firemen. 
The  preceding  autumn  Giovanni  Salis,  a  brother  of 
Conte  Ulisse,  and  I  had  agreed  to  organize  companies  of 
firemen  in  Tirano  and  in  some  other  towns  of  high  Val- 
tellina,  and  I  had  undertaken  to  become  the  instructor  in 
order  to  save  the  expense.  Accordingly,  I  obtained  per- 
mission from  the  municipality  of  Milan  to  attend  the 
course  of  instruction  that  was  given  to  the  recruits  of 
the  year.  For  a  couple  of  months  I  had  to  be  at  the  fire- 
men's barracks  of  Santa  Maria  delle  Grazie  at  daybreak 
to  learn  the  exercises.  I  was  taught  how  to  walk  upon 
the  roof  and  along  the  eaves  of  a  house,  how  to  climb 
up  a  house  without  using  the  stairways,  and  how  to 
jump  from  a  high  place  without  breaking  my  neck.  I 
was  taught,  too,  how  to  smother  the  flames,  and  how 
to  save  my  neighbor  and  myself. 

My  Tirano  firemen  had  all  been  volunteers  of  '48  and 
'49;  and  they  put  into  their  manoeuvres  something  of 
their  military  spirit.  Between  our  exercises  we  talked 
of  the  past,  and  we  often  exchanged  intelligent  glances 
in  regard  to  the  future.  Our  Tirano  residence  had 
ceased  to  be  occupied  by  the  soldiers,  and  we  had  begun 

225 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


to  repair  some  of  the  mischief  that"  the  Croats  had 
done. 

When  we  were  again  in  possession  of  our  house  we  re- 
turned to  our  former  habits  and  occupations.  Emilio 
passed  many  hours  of  the  day  in  his  study,  and  I,  aided 
by  Enrico,  occupied  myself  with  the  estate.  It  was  sad 
to  see  our  vineyards  destroyed  by  the  oidium.  In  my 
journey  through  Sicily  I  had  observed  that  the  vine- 
yards near  the  sulphur  mines  were  in  part  immune 
from  the  blight  that  had  fallen  upon  the  greater  part  of 
the  vines  in  Europe.  I  experimented  with  sulphur,  as 
did  others;  but  the  peasants  were  reluctant  to  try  it, 
as  sulphur  seemed  to  many  of  them  to  be  a  diabolical 
remedy  against  the  punishment  of  God.  In  the  mean 
time  hunger  and  sickness  and  ruin  increased. 

In  Valtellina  the  grape  is  the  principal  product;  in 
some  districts  it  is  the  only  one.  In  1854  the  failure 
of  the  vines  was  at  its  fifth  year  (it  lasted  ten  years), 
and  its  terrible  effects  were  already  apparent.  To  in- 
crease the  misery  of  the  people  the  cholera,  which  had 
manifested  itself  first  in  Milan,  crept  through  Lombardy, 
and  penetrated  into  our  valley.  Our  vacation  was  not 
very  gay.  Oi'dium  and  cholera  were  the  principal  subjects 
of  conversation  in  my  mother's  salon  which  she  had  re- 
opened after  the  soldiers  had  departed.  Emilio,  from 
time  to  time,  went  to  Grosio,  and  I  occasionally  accom- 
panied him.  It  was  a  great  pleasure  to  pass  a  few  days  in 
our  old  home  in  the  midst  of  our  peasants  and  of  many 
good  people  to  whom  we  were  bound  by  affectionate 
traditions. 

Emilio  was  fond  of  hunting,  and  was  a  good  shot;  but 

226 


At  Tirana  and  Grosio 


the  hunters  at  this  period  had  to  content  themselves 
with  the  memories  of  their  former  exploits,  since  the 
possession  of  guns  was  forbidden.  I  was  not  a  hunter, 
and  never  became  one,  even  in  an  amateur  way,  so  I 
diverted  myself  with  listening  to  the  tales  of  those  who 
were:  so  much  the  more  when  some  old  bear  hunters 
talked  of  their  adventures.  "The  bear  has  talent,"  said 
one  of  them  one  day.  "If  the  bear  had  been  able  to 
study,  no  one  would  ever  have  taken  him." 

In  Grossotto  we  had  a  group  of  excellent  friends  such 
as  is  not  often  found  in  little  country  districts.  The  first 
place  was  easily  held  by  Dr.  Benedetto  Rizzi,  a  man  of 
great  intelligence,  who  could  have  come  to  the  front  in 
a  much  larger  field,  but  who  was  contented  to  remain 
in  his  little  place  exercising  a  beneficent  and  patriotic 
influence.  I  remember  with  pleasure  the  long  evenings 
we  passed  with  our  friends  in  the  saloons  or  kitchens  of 
the  little  taverns,  talking  politics  and  giving  rein  to 
hopes  which  the  unsympathetic  would  have  called  fol- 
lies. We  talked  of  "our"  Italy  as  one  discourses  of  one's 
future  domestic  hearth. 

The  host  at  Grosio  was  most  trustworthy.  In  his 
kitchen  politics  were  perfectly  safe,  as  he  was  a  friend 
of  us  all.  He  was  a  fisherman  and  a  hunter;  he  instructed 
cats  and  birds;  he  played  the  organ  and  the  violin;  and 
he  collected  objects  of  antiquity.  In  the  midst  of  so  many 
occupations  we  often  awaited  the  hour  of  dinner,  which, 
however,  when  it  arrived,  did  not  impair  his  reputation 
as  a  cook. 

In  September  of  1854  the  battle  of  Alma  was  fought, 
in  October  the  battle  of  Balaklava,  and  in  November 

227 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


the  battle  of  Inkerman.  The  three  victories  gained  by 
the  Allies  added  fuel  to  the  fire  of  our  fancies,  which 
enabled  us  to  see  the  possibility  of  favorable  events  to 
come;  but  he  who  desires  to  hope  is  contented  with  so 
little! 

There  were  many  political  discussions,  also,  at  the 
card-table  of  my  mother;  but  opinions  were  much  more 
calm,  and  less  unanimous.  My  mother,  who  generally 
followed  the  views  of  her  sons,  often  gave  spirit  to  the 
conversation  with  some  hopeful  exclamation;  but  my 
Uncle  Merizzi  was  a  great  pessimist,  and  immediately 
began  to  grumble.  He  found  a  way  to  growl  against 
those  who  believed  the  Austrians  to  be  invincible,  as 
also  against  those  who  believed  they  could  be  driven 
away.  The  provost  of  Tirano,  Don  Carlo  Zaffrani, 
was  a  greater  optimist  even  than  we.  He  saw  the  Aus- 
trians depart  on  every  occasion.  In  the  meanwhile  he 
fled  every  time  a  commissary  appeared,  since  he  had 
seen  that  the  Austrians  imprisoned  and  hanged  even 
priests. 

The  fourth  at  my  mother's  table  was  usually  Signor 
Valentino  Negri,  a  retired  counselor,  a  grave  and  corpu- 
lent man  of  about  seventy  years  of  age.  He  professed 
the  most  austere  principles,  but  surrendered  them,  how- 
ever, from  time  to  time,  in  secret,  during  some  gallant 
truce.  He  interspersed  his  conversations  with  witty 
sayings  which  he  intended  to  be  pleasing.  When  he 
spoke  of  politics  he  never  wavered  in  his  loyalty:  the 
Emperor  was  always  "  Sua  Maesta."  At  the  most,  he 
permitted  himself  some  criticism  of  Metternich  or  of 
some  minister  who  was  dead,  or  who  had  been  retired. 

228 


My  Mother's  Salon  at  Tirana 

Only  after  1859  did  his  language  become  free.  Then 
"Sua  Maesta"  became  the  "Austrian  Nero." 

There  was  occasionally  a  second  card-table  in  my 
mother's  salon,  and  there  was  always  a  group  of  ladies 
who  worked  and  talked  with  the  gentlemen  friends  of  the 
house.  One  of  the  most  assiduous  frequenters  was  Don 
Antonio  Homodei,  an  inveterate  card-player  when  he 
was  not  under  the  eyes  of  his  wife.  But  she  placed  her- 
self at  his  side  to  restrain  him,  above  all  when  she  saw 
him  engaged  in  some  parti  in  which  he  might  lose  as  much 
as  two  francs!  Don  Antonio,  then,  had  to  retire;  but  he 
comforted  himself  usually  with  the  adage  in  regard  to 
those  who  were  unfortunate  at  play  (he  had  repeated 
it  no  one  knew  for  how  many  years),  as  his  wife  pulled  his 
coat-tails,  saying,  "Homodei,  don't  talk  so  foolishly." 

But  what  had  become  of  the  famous  bands  of  in- 
surgents which  were  to  have  appeared  in  the  valleys  this 
autumn?  They  were  never  seen,  as  they  had  existed 
only  in  the  imaginations  of  the  emigrants  of  London  and 
Geneva.  When  we  returned  to  Milan  an  affair  arose 
which  just  missed  sending  Emilio  to  prison.  An  acquain- 
tance, Giuseppe  Pozzi,  informed  him  that  a  certain  man 
named  Bedeschina,  a  Venetian,  was  passing  through  the 
provinces,  saying  that  he  was  commissioned  by  Mazzini 
to  reorganize  the  republican  party.  Emilio  was  besought 
to  come  to  a  meeting  and  explain  how  the  party  of  ac- 
tion had  withdrawn  from  Mazzini,  and  had  taken  a  new 
direction.  Emilio,  who  did  not  know  this  man,  did  not 
want  to  attend  the  meeting,  but,  after  much  insistence, 
not  wishing  that  people  should  think  he  was  afraid,  he 
went.  The  man  wanted  to  know  the  names  of  the  party, 

229 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


but  Emilio  maintained  that  no  names  should  be  men- 
tioned. Then  he  gave  his  reasons  why  it  was  impossi- 
ble to  return  to  the  old  methods,  and  the  meeting  ad- 
journed. 

The  morning  after,  Pozzi  and  many  others,  in  and 
out  of  Milan,  whose  names  the  Venetian  had  learned, 
were  arrested.  The  man  was  an  agente  provocatore  of  the 
police,  as  was  learned  later  on.  It  was  said  that  he 
received  thirty  thousand  svanziche  for  his  catch.  New 
trials  now  began,  and  the  prisons  opened  for  other  un- 
happy men. 


CHAPTER  XX 

(1855) 

Piedmont  joins  the  alliance  between  France  and  England.  —  Conte  di  Cavour. 

—  Vittorio  Emanuele.  —  La  Marmora.  —  Pianori's  attempt  upon  Napoleon. 

—  The  Exposition  in  Paris.  —  Radetzky  is  nominated  Governor  of  Lom- 
bardo-Venetia.  —  My  brother  Emilio  and  I  go  to  Paris.  —  Pietro  Maestri 
and  the  Italian  emigrants.  —  Different  opinions.  —  Daniele  Manin.  —  The 
victory  of  Tchernaya.  —  The  opera  attended  by  the  Empress  and  the  Queen 
of  England.  —  Words  of  Napoleon  to  Conte  Arese.  —  In  Valtellina.  —  The 
theatre  at  Tirano  and  the  eloquent  tailor.  —  In  Milan.  —  Emilio  Dandolo 
and  the  Crimean  War. 

ON  the  loth  of  January,  1855,  Piedmont  joined  the 
treaty  of  alliance  between  France  and  England 
against  Russia;  so  the  year  began  with  an  event  which 
was  to  start  Italy  along  the  road  to  recovery  and  the 
fulfillment  of  her  destiny.  The  treaty  was  not  only  dis- 
cussed by  the  Piedmontese  Parliament,  but  by  the  whole 
Italian  nation,  and  was  the  subject  of  passionate  de- 
bates from  one  end  of  the  peninsula  to  the  other.  The 
parliamentary  Left  was  adverse  to  the  treaty,  but  the 
great  majority  of  the  people  were  enthusiastically  in 
its  favor,  as  they  saw  in  it  a  new  point  of  departure. 
This  was  exactly  perceived  by  Cesare  Correnti,  who,  in 
a  happy  speech  in  the  Piedmontese  Parliament,  broke 
away  from  the  Left  to  which  he  had  adhered.  Rising 
above  the  considerations  of  his  party,  he  pointed  to 
Cavour  as  to  the  new  leader  of  Italy. 

Cavour  had  assumed  the  post  of  Minister  of  Foreign 
Affairs  in  1855,  and  had  become  the  cynosure  of  all 
eyes.  The  laws  regulating  religious  corporations,  the 
finances,  the  army,  and  various  other  matters,  had 

231 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


gradually  augmented  his  renown.  At  the  same  time  the 
acts  and  witticisms  of  Vittorio  Emanuele  (as  attributed 
to  him)  had  begun  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  popularity 
that  was  to  become  the  source  of  his  strength.  To  ac- 
complish great  deeds  the  people  desire  a  hero,  and  a  hero 
is  not  long  in  appearing  when  events  are  ripe,  if  a  leader 
has  the  qualities  and  the  defects  which  touch  the  popular 
heart. 

Little  was  spoken  of  Garibaldi  at  this  time.  His  Ro- 
man volunteers,  and  those  who  knew  of  his  earlier  ex- 
ploits, enthusiastically  remembered  him;  but  his  popu- 
larity was  not  yet  greatly  diffused.  The  politics  of  Pied- 
mont had  made  the  king  popular.  He  became  "il  Re 
Galantuomo"  for  most  people;  and  many  old  republi- 
cans began,  with  satisfaction,  to  say  "  il  Re  democratico." 

Vittorio  Emanuele  had,  indeed,  simple  and  familiar 
ways.  He  understood  well  the  art  of  pleasing  the 
people;  but  his  democracy  did  not  penetrate  deeply  into 
his  soul.  His  outward  manner  was  democratic,  but  the 
man  was  a  king.  The  brother  of  Vittorio  Emanuele,  the 
Duca  di  Genova,  was  an  intelligent  and  cultured  young 
man,  and  a  splendid  soldier.  He  attracted  much  sym- 
pathy for  the  House  of  Savoy.  He  had  shown  his  cour- 
age in  the  campaigns  of  '48  and  '49,  and  was  now 
appointed  to  command  the  Crimean  expedition.  Unfor- 
tunately a  rapid  phthisis  carried  him  off,  a  few  weeks 
before  the  troops  sailed. 

The  anxiety  with  which  we  followed  the  movements 
of  the  Piedmontese  corps  and  the  popularity  of  General 
La  Marmora  was  a  striking  proof  of  how  much  our  hopes 
for  Italy  were  bound  up  with  Piedmont.  Therefore  it 

232 


T"he  Paris  Exposition 


was  that  the  attack  of  Giovanni  Pianori  (an  Italian) 
upon  the  life  of  Napoleon  greatly  depressed  our  spirits. 
This  act  was  greeted  with  the  greater  indignation,  as  it 
furnished  an  additional  reason  to  our  adversaries  for 
regarding  the  Italians  as  only  a  race  of  revolutionaries. 

In  the  month  of  May  the  Paris  Exposition  was  opened. 
It  was  the  first  that  was  held  after  that  of  London,  in 
1851.  The  Empire  was  in  a  period  of  ascending  power. 
From  every  part  of  Europe  people  came  to  Paris,  which 
again  secured  its  supremacy,  as  the  sovereigns,  one  by 
one,  went  to  salute  the  fortunate  Emperor.  How  could 
we  remain  at  home  on  so  excellent  an  occasion? 

Emilio  and  I,  therefore,  determined  to  visit  Paris. 
Some  of  our  friends,  among  whom  were  Saule  Mante- 
gazza  and  Carlo  Mancini,  resolved  to  accompany  us. 
Mancini  was  an  art  student  who  wanted  to  see  the 
modern  pictures ;  and  all  of  us  were  in  good  humor,  and 
wanted  to  amuse  ourselves  a  little.  It  was  this  part  of 
our  programme  that  succeeded  best.  From  time  to  time 
we,  "happy  subjects"  of  the  Austrian  Empire, as  the 
"Gazzetta  UfHciale"  called  us,  felt  the  need  of  taking  the 
air  in  a  country  a  little  less  "happy,"  away  from  the  eyes 
of  the  police.  Martial  law,  indeed,  had  been  abolished, 
but  matters  moved  along  in  the  same  grooves.  Marshal 
Radetzky  had  been  nominated  Governor  General  of 
Lombardo-Venetia,  with  his  residence  at  Verona,  since 
Milan  and  Venice  had  ceased  to  be  the  capitals  of  their 
respective  States.  In  the  provinces  a  government  of 
delegates  had  succeeded  to  the  military  governors.  The 
administrative  forms  had  returned  to  what  they  were 
before  1848,  but  the  reactionary  military  spirit  con- 

233 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


tinued.  To  be  an  Italian  patriot  meant  to  have  a  gal- 
lows in  perspective,  more  or  less  near. 

We  had  a  serious  mission,  however;  it  was  to  learn 
what  the  Italian  emigrants  thought  of  recent  events. 
There  were  some  illustrious  men  among  them,  such  as 
Manin,  Sirtori,  Montanelli,  and  Maestri.  They  were 
living  in  the  most  important  center  of  European  poli- 
tics, and  could  rightly  value  the  sympathetic  utterances 
of  the  Emperor  for  Italy.  We  knew  that  they  had  be- 
come detached  from  Mazzini ;  but  we  did  not  understand 
what  direction  their  efforts  would  take.  When  we  ar- 
rived in  Paris,  we  sought  out  Pietro  Maestri,  who  be- 
came our  guide,  and  presented  us  to  several  important 
people. 

The  greater  part  of  the  Italian  emigrants  lived  very 
modestly,  in  small  apartments  or  in  little  pensions.  In 
such  habitations,  or  in  little  cafes,  where  they  dined  for 
thirty  sous,  we  found  several  personages  of  '48,  who  had 
been  ministers  or  generals.  I  desired,  especially,  to  make 
the  acquaintance  of  Sirtori;  but  I  was  not  able  to  do 
so  until  several  years  afterwards.  At  this  time  he  was 
living  in  retirement,  immersed  in  his  philosophical  and 
religious  meditations,  a  prey  to  a  melancholy  which 
made  his  friends  very  apprehensive  for  him. 

I  had  hoped  to  find  among  the  emigrants  a  uniform 
current  of  ideas,  which  would  guide  me,  as  my  opinions 
wavered  like  the  sea;  but  my  new  friends  were  as  nebu- 
lous in  their  views  as  I  was  myself.  They  had  become 
divided  through  misfortune,  and  had  not  yet  found 
a  leader  that  could  unite  them.  Nearly  all,  however, 
had  abandoned  Mazzini.  The  one  who  had  the  clearest 

234 


The  Victory  of  Tchernaya 

perception  of  the  future  was  Manin.  His  utterance, 
"Italia  Una  e  Vittorio  Emanuele,"  was  to  become  the 
formula  of  our  redemption.  In  the  mean  time  some 
emigrants  remained  unified,  or  federal,  republicans ;  some 
were  in  favor  of  a  kingdom  of  Upper  Italy;  and  some 
thought  it  might  be  wise  to  make  a  Murat  king  of 
Naples  in  order  to  gain  the  good  will  of  Napoleon.  Gen- 
eral Ulloa  was  at  the  head  of  this  faction.  On  the  whole 
the  greater  part  were  disposed  to  believe  that  our  future 
depended  upon  the  Empire  of  France  more  than  upon 
Piedmont.  They  inclined  to  the  theory  of  Giuseppe 
Ferrari,  who  considered  that  the  Italian  revolution  was 
dependent  upon  the  French. 

These  divergent  ideas  created  much  confusion  in  my 
mind,  especially  as  my  faith  in  my  youthful  convictions 
had  become  impaired,  and  I  no  longer  believed  that  the 
attainment  of  every  human  virtue  was  owing  to  the 
initiative  of  the  inferior,  and  less  educated,  classes.  My 
reason  began  to  feel  the  need  of  enlarging  its  horizon; 
but  it  was  difficult  to  free  myself  from  the  bonds  of  the 
sentimental  political  literature  which  had  enchained  my 
youth. 

The  evening  of  the  i6th  of  August  I  was  prome- 
nading with  some  compatriots  along  the  boulevards, 
when  suddenly  an  unusual  number  of  cries  were  heard, 
offering  copies  of  a  journal  that  had  just  appeared.  They 
contained  the  news  of  the  victory  of  Tchernaya.  In  a  mo- 
ment the  sidewalks  became  so  crowded  it  was  impossible 
to  move.  The  windows  were  illuminated  and  the  French, 
English,  and  Piedmontese  flags  were  given  to  the  wind. 
The  dispatch  was  from  General  Pelissier,  the  general- 

235 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


in-chief  of  the  French  expedition.  He  announced  the 
victory,  concluding  with  the  words:  "Les  Sardes  se  sont 
vaillamment  battus."  The  crowd,  to  their  cries  of  "Vive 
la  France!"  united  those  of  "Vive  PAngleterre!"  "Vive 
le  Piemont!" 

The  feeling  that  then  arose  in  my  soul  and  in  the  souls 
of  my  friends,  I  shall  never  be  able  to  express.  We  cried 
like  people  insane  for  joy:  "Viva  il  Piemonte!"  "Viva 
1*  Italia!"  The  way  was  found;  the  boulevard  had  be- 
come my  way  to  Damascus.  The  pride  in  the  thought 
of  an  Italian  victory  rescued  our  souls  from  a  sea  of 
dejection,  and  set  a  new  beacon  for  our  hopes. 

From  that  day  a  rapid  change  began  in  Italian  public 
opinion,  which  became  apparent  even  among  the  emi- 
grants. The  conversations  grew  more  benevolent  toward 
Piedmont  and  towards  Napoleon,  in  whom  they  saw  a 
future  friend.  Indeed,  they  spoke  of  him  no  more  as 
"the  man  of  the  2d  of  December,"  but  as  an  ally.  I 
speak,  of  course,  of  the  greater  number,  as  there  were 
some  who  would  not  give  up  hating  "the  tyrant"  even 
after  Magenta  and  Solferino.  These  people  pulled  their 
caps  over  their  eyes  when  they  met  the  Emperor;  I,  on 
the  other  hand,  began  to  raise  my  hat  to  him;  but  this 
was  a  thing  of  which  he  was  not,  alas !  aware. 

One  evening  when  the  Emperor,  the  Empress,  and  the 
Queen  of  England  were  to  attend  the  opera,  I  was  made 
happy  by  an  invitation,  sent  me  by  Donna  Teresa 
Kramer  Berra,  to  a  seat  in  her  box.  Signora  Kramer 
received  in  her  salon  many  notable  Italians  and  French- 
men, who  belonged,  principally,  to  the  republican  party. 
I  went  there  often  in  the  evening  with  my  brother;  and 

236 


At  the  Opera 


I  had  perceived  that  the  political  language  was  in  proc- 
ess of  modification.  This  evening  the  opera-glasses  of 
many  of  us  were  turned  to  the  imperial  box,  not  only 
to  admire  the  splendor  of  the  uniforms,  and  the  luster 
of  the  jewels  with  which  the  Empress  and  the  Queen 
were  adorned,  but  also  to  scrutinize  the  sphinx  from 
whom  we  Italians,  of  every  color,  were  now  expecting  an 
answer. 

The  pleasure  we  felt  in  the  amelioration  of  the  politi- 
cal situation  enabled  us  to  enjoy  the  novelty  of  Paris 
and  the  Universal  Exposition.  The  time  passed  by 
gayly.  Occasionally  we  even  had  little  festive  parties 
in  our  own  rooms.  We  did  not  invite  anybody;  for  it 
was  enough  for  Carlo  Mancini  to  seat  himself  at  the 
pianoforte,  and  to  leave  the  doors  open,  for  the  dancers 
to  come  in.  We  did  not  scrutinize  whether  they  were 
maids,  or  tailoresses,  or  laundresses  that  came  from  the 
upper  floors.  We  regarded  ourselves  as  students  of  the 
type  described  by  Paul  de  Kock. 

And  sometimes  we  amused  ourselves  in  searching  out 
the  hoaxes  which  never  lack  in  large  cities  to  entrap  the 
unwary.  One  day  we  entered  a  spectacle  that  was  an- 
nounced as  having  the  entrance  free;  but  we  had  to  pay 
for  the  exit.  On  another  occasion  we  went  to  an  elegant 
bathing  establishment  where  the  price  was  fifty  cen- 
times; but  we  had  to  pay  for  hot  water  and  cold  water; 
for  the  linen  and  for  the  service  —  in  all  four  francs. 
And  we  ordered,  once,  a  dinner  for  a  franc  that  cost  us 
six. 

We  returned  to  Milan  with  a  lot  of  news,  the  import- 
ance of  which  our  imaginations  greatly  magnified,  and 

237 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


we  were  eagerly  listened  to  by  our  mother  and  brother 
and  friends.  The  words  that  Napoleon  was  reported  to 
have  said  to  Conte  Arese  were  especially  appreciated. 
Conte  Arese  had  been  invited,  in  1852,  to  stop  at  the 
Tuileries.  It  was  said  that,  one  day,  the  Emperor  asked 
him,  "What  can  I  do  for  Italy?"  and  then  went  on 
with,  "  Tell  Victor  Emmanuel  to  come  to  Paris,  and  to 
count  upon  my  friendship."  These  words  were  actually 
said.  Several  years  afterwards  Arese  himself  assured 
me  of  this  fact. 

Public  fancy  added  other  remarks,  and  they  all  circu- 
lated from  mouth  to  mouth.  The  mysterious  tone  with 
which  they  were  repeated  made  them  the  more  ac- 
credited. To  keep  hope  alive,  in  the  long  struggle,  was 
our  supreme  task.  The  report  of  the  conversation  of  the 
Emperor  with  Arese,  and  the  diminution  of  the  hard- 
ships of  martial  law,  had  a  beneficial  effect  upon  our 
civic  life,  although  the  cholera  had  not  departed.  It 
was  evident  that  a  break  had  been  made  in  the  dark 
period  of  reaction. 

In  Valtellina,  too,  when  we  repeated  our  stories,  we 
aroused  great  enthusiasm  and  good  humor.  A  joke  which 
was  perpetrated  at  this  time  at  Tirano  was  long  remem- 
bered. There  was  a  little  theater  in  the  town,  where 
strolling  players  and  the  dilettanti  of  the  country  gave 
representations,  and  recited  verses.  A  tailor,  who  pas- 
sionately loved  the  buskin,  was  wont  to  recite  with 
the  comedians;  but  this  autumn  their  director  wanted 
nothing  to  do  with  him  under  the  pretext  that  he  had  a 
crooked  leg.  This  was  true;  but  the  tailor  would  not 
accept  his  dismissal,  and  bemoaned  himself  in  a  little 

238 


The  Eloquent  Tailor 


cafe  when  I  happened  to  be  present.  I  gave  him  the 
advice  to  vindicate  himself  by  reciting  a  monologue.  He 
received  my  counsel  with  gratitude,  and  appeared  the 
next  morning  in  my  study,  and  asked  for  the  monologue, 
although  he  did  not  know  what  it  was.  I  told  him  to  re- 
turn in  a  few  days  so  that  I  could  have  time  to  send  for 
one  from  Milan.  In  the  mean  time,  with  the  aid  of 
Emilio  and  Antonio  Delia  Croce,  I  put  some  verses  to- 
gether that  had  no  sense  or  just  enough  to  hoodwink 
the  poor  tailor.  When  he  came  I  gave  the  doggerel  to 
him,  and  instructed  him  how  to  declaim  it.  He  did  not 
perceive  the  joke;  and  I  can  still  recall  the  mornings 
when  the  poor  fellow  came  to  my  study  to  have  me  ex- 
plain some  abstruse  point,  and  to  instruct  him  in  the 
gestures  he  should  use. 

Finally,  he  went  upon  the  stage.  It  was  a  market- 
day,  and  the  theater  was  full,  not  only  of  people  of  the 
district,  but  also  from  the  surrounding  country.  His  suc- 
cess was  instantaneous.  To  this  his  figure,  as  well  as  his 
bow  of  salutation  and  ample  white  waistcoat,  contrib- 
uted. Then,  with  great  solemnity,  he  declaimed  the  poe- 
try, accompanying  it  with  the  gestures  and  poses  I  had 
taught  him.  At  first  the  public  laughed,  for  it  did  not 
understand;  then  some  persons  perceived  the  hoax,  and 
they  laughed  still  more,  and  applauded  vigorously.  But 
there  were  others  who,  although  they  laughed,  paid  no 
heed  to  the  sense  of  the  verses,  accustomed,  perhaps, 
to  pay  no  heed  to  the  sense  of  any  poetry.24 

The  applause  was  so  great,  the  tailor  had  to  repeat  the 
recitation  many  times  on  other  evenings.  The  good  man, 
as  long  as  he  lived,  remembered  the  success  of  his  efforts, 

239 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


and  let  no  one  pray  him  twice  to  recite  the  verses. 
He  never  suspected  the  joke,  and  no  one  revealed  it  to 
him.  I  have  found  in  few  people,  during  my  lifetime,  a 
thankfulness  more  lasting. 

At  the  end  of  autumn  the  receptions  in  the  salon  of  the 
ContessaMaffei  became  more  animated  and  gay.  Every 
one  spoke  of  the  journey  of  Vittorio  Emanuele  to  Lon- 
don and  Paris.  Even  outside  of  political  circles  the  epi- 
sodes of  the  visits  were  discussed  with  avidity.  Little 
by  little  his  popularity  had  increased  through  his  bold 
and  popular  sayings.  So  the  new  year  approached  under 
good  auspices. 

At  this  time  I  saw  Emilio  Dandolo  again,  and  renewed 
the  friendship  that  had  existed  between  us  since  our  stu- 
dent days.  He  had  gone,  as  I  have  said,  with  Lodovico 
Trotti  to  the  East.  When  he  returned,  in  1853,  he  pub- 
lished a  book  upon  Egypt  and  the  Sudan.  Upon  the 
breaking-out  of  the  Crimean  War  he  was  desirous  of 
putting  on  again  his  old  uniform  of  an  officer  of  the  Pied- 
montese  bersaglieri,  and  asked  Cavour  for  a  commis- 
sion. He  was  accredited  to  the  staff,  and  left  for  the 
Crimea ;  but  the  Austrian  Government  had  him  recalled, 
after  some  months,  under  a  threat  of  a  trial  and  seques- 
tration of  his  property  for  unlawful  emigration.25 


CHAPTER  XXI 

(1856) 

Casa  Carcano,  Casa  Dandolo,  Casa  Manara.  —  After  the  Crimean  War.  — 
Cavour  at  the  Congress  of  Paris.  —  A  new  direction  to  politics.  —  The 
"  Crepuscolo  "  and  Carlo  Tenca.  —  The  city  becomes  animated.  —  Festivities 
and  the  theaters.  —  The  Austrian  officers.  —  The  nickname  of  the  Milanese 
ladies.  —  A  tragedy  for  marionettes.  —  The  duel  of  Manfredo  Camperio. 

THE  hatred  of  foreign  rule,  and  the  resolve  to  main- 
tain the  struggle  to  be  free  were  nourished  in  more 
salons  than  that  of  Contessa  Maffei.  Among  them  I 
will  mention  those  of  Casa  Carcano,  Casa  Dandolo,  and 
Casa  Manara.  The  house  of  Donna  Giulia  Carcano, 
widow  of  Don  Camillo,  was  frequented  by  a  number  of 
young  students,  many  of  whom  were  companions  of  her 
sons.  Donna  Giulia  had  six  children,  three  boys  and 
three  girls.  The  last  were  lovely  and  sympathetic  young 
women,  who  contributed  much  to  make  the  society  of 
their  house  gay  and  attractive.  Two  of  the  sons,  Lodo- 
vico  and  Alfonso,  enlisted  as  cavalry  officers  in  the  wars 
for  independence.  Lodovico  was  killed  in  the  battle  of 
Custozza,  and  Alfonso  died  in  consequence  of  the  hard- 
ships of  the  Garibaldian  campaign  of  1860. 

That  which  distinguished  the  young  men  who  fre- 
quented Casa  Carcano  was  their  seriousness,  united 
with  a  gay  audacity.  As  a  squadron  of  bersaglieri  they 
were  always  ready  to  move  to  the  post  where  some 
patriotic  action  was  required.  I  went  usually  to  Casa 
Carcano  early  in  the  evening,  and  later  on,  to  Casa 
MafTei,  where  I  received  the  word  of  command  that  I 
transmitted  the  next  day  to  my  young  friends. 

241 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


To  Casa  Dandolo  a  part  of  the  society  of  Casa  Carcano 
resorted,  especially  the  part  which  was  made  up  of  the 
fellow  soldiers  of  the  Dandolo  brothers.  Conte  Tullio, 
their  father,  was  an  author  of  many  books.  He  was  very 
serious  but  tolerant,  and  generally  left  the  house  when 
he  saw  it  invaded  by  a  troop  of  light-headed  young  men. 
The  Contessa  Ermellina,  his  second  wife,  did  the  honors 
of  the  house.  She  was  much  younger  than  her  husband, 
was  kind  and  vivacious,  and  manifested  patriotic  sen- 
timents which  were  most  attractive.  Of  her  courage  she 
gave  proofs  that  will  never  be  forgotten.  Professor 
Angelo  Fava,  who  had  been,  as  I  have  said,  the  instruc- 
tor of  the  Dandolo  brothers,  had  emigrated  to  Piedmont. 
Fava  was  a  man  of  great  erudition,  and  had  formed,  or 
rather  had  exalted,  the  souls  of  these  young  men  with 
patriotic  and  religious  sentiments  that  had  made  them 
heroes.  Emilio  Morosini,  a  gentle  and  mystical  soul,  had 
been  associated  with  them.  He  had  died  at  twenty-two 
years  of  age  with  his  friend  Enrico  Dandolo,  at  the  siege 
of  Rome. 

Carmelita  Manara  Fe  occupied  herself  with  her  chil- 
dren (of  whom  the  last  was  born  after  his  father's 
death)  and  her  friends.  Her  little  salon  now  began  to 
be  much  frequented.  She  was  at  this  time  about  thirty 
years  of  age,  and  was  still  very  beautiful.  Over  her  white 
cheeks  a  flame  would  pass  and  her  celestial  eyes  would 
glow  when  she  was  informed  of  some  hopeful  news,  or 
was  reminded  of  an  event  in  her  sacred  past. 

Among  the  former  officers  of  the  Manara  battalion 
who  visited  her  besides  Emilio  Dandolo,  Lodovico  Man- 
cini,  and  Dr.  Signoroni,  I  recall  Gennaro  Viscontini  and 

242 


After  the  Crimean  War 


Alessandro  Mangiagalli.  The  history  of  this  last  is  one 
that  is  not  infrequent  in  revolutions.  Mangiagalli  was 
a  groom  in  Casa  Manara.  During  the  Five  Days  he  never 
left  his  master's  side;  and  he  followed  him  afterwards,  as 
a  volunteer,  to  the  fields  of  Lombardy  and  on  to  the 
walls  of  Rome.  His  bravery  and  his  aptitude  for  mili- 
tary affairs  won  for  him  the  admiration  of  the  battalion, 
in  which,  after  passing  through  the  lower  grades,  he 
became  an  officer.  From  that  day  he  studied  much,  and 
associating  with  his  brother  officers  learned  the  man- 
ners of  good  society.  After  he  returned  home  his  new 
friends  bought  him  a  riding-school,  and  introduced  him 
into  their  houses.  The  solidarity  that  existed  between 
the  different  classes,  in  the  name  of  patriotism,  was  re- 
markable. 

The  announcement  of  the  peace,  which  was  suddenly 
concluded,  cut  short  our  hopes  of  an  enlargement  of  the 
sphere  of  the  war  and  depressed  us;  but  this  depression 
did  not  continue,  as,  at  the  Congress  of  Paris,  Conte 
Cavour  brought  the  Italian  question  openly  before  the 
delegates. 

The  life  of  the  city  now  became  more  animated.  Con- 
tessa  MafFei  opened  her  salon  to  an  ever-increasing  circle 
of  acquaintances,  and  the  conversation  became  more 
varied  and  distinctly  patriotic.  The  influence  of  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  too,  was  constantly  augmenting.  To  this 
the  rule,  laid  down  by  Tenca,  to  ignore  Austrian  politics, 
greatly  contributed. 

Carlo  Tenca  was  a  handsome  young  man ;  by  origin, 
of  the  common  people;  yet  did  he  manifest  in  his  tastes, 
sentiments,  and  manners  a  certain  aristocratic  distinc- 

243 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


tion.  An  indefatigable  worker,  he  lived  modestly  off  the 
proceeds  of  his  pen.  At  no  period  of  his  life  did  he 
fall  below  the  highest  standards  of  honesty  and  dignity. 
Calm  and  cold,  he  exercised  a  large  influence,  and  was 
the  secret  soul  of  the  salon  of  the  Contessa  Maffei,  but 
had  the  good  taste  never  to  appear  to  be  it.  He  had 
been  a  friend  of  Mazzini,  but,  after  the  6th  of  February, 
he  abandoned  him,  and  was  holding  himself  in  reserve 
as  he  followed  sympathetically  the  unfolding  of  events 
in  Piedmont. 

Patriotism  had  now  become  gay  and  more  daring.  A 
joyous  carnival  was  announced,  and  many  patriotic 
families  reopened  their  drawing-rooms.  Among  the 
houses  that  were  opened  again  were  those  of  the  Du- 
chessa  Visconti  di  Modrone  and  of  her  sister,  the  Mar- 
chesa  Rescalli.  The  theater  of  the  Scala,  too,  became, 
as  it  was  before  '48,  the  principal  meeting-place  of 
society. 

But  opposition  to  foreign  rule  became  intense,  and  the 
attitude  of  the  young  men  stiffened  towards  the  Austrian 
officers  who  personified  it.  The  officers,  on  the  other 
hand,  irritated  by  the  people  who  kept  them  segregated, 
retaliated  as  best  they  could.  The  talk  of  the  officers 
against  the  Milanese  came  from  the  salon  of  the  Con- 
tessa Samoyloff.  It  was  the  only  one  that  was  open  to 
them. 

Contessa  Giulia  Samoyloff,  nata  Contessa  Palhen,  was 
a  Russian  who,  by  her  riches  and  extravagance,  had 
obtained  great  notoriety.  Her  maternal  grandmother 
had  married,  a  second  time,  Conte  Giulio  Litta,  of  Milan, 
who,  going  to  Russia  in  the  second  half  of  the  eighteenth 

244 


Austrian  Officers 


century,  had  become  an  admiral,  and  had  amassed  great 
riches.  Litta  returned  to  Milan  in  1830,  but  left  again 
for  St.  Petersburg,  where  he  died  in  1839.  He  left  an 
annuity  to  the  Contessa  of  a  hundred  thousand  francs 
a  year,  charged  upon  his  heirs.  Contessa  Samoyloff  had 
had  relationship  with  the  best  society,  but  when,  in  1848, 
she  manifested  her  sympathy  for  Austria,  she  alien- 
ated it.  In  the  course  of  her  life  she  had  thrice  be- 
come a  widow,  and  had  contracted  a  couple  of  bizarre 
marriages.  After  1859,  she  left  Milan  and  never  re- 
turned, except  for  a  short  time  many  years  after. 

One  evening  in  January,  at  the  Scala,  an  Austrian 
officer  pushed  contemptuously  Gustavo  Viola,  a  young 
friend  of  ours,  whose  mother,  the  Signora  Saulina  Viola 
Barbavara,  was  an  intimate  friend  of  the  Contessa 
MafTei.  He  had  returned  home  a  few  months  pre- 
viously, after  having  finished  his  studies  in  Germany. 
Viola  warmly  resented  this  act  of  discourtesy,  and  gave 
the  officer  his  card.  He  chose  as  his  seconds  my  bro- 
ther Emilio  and  Enrico  Besana,  and  the  day  following, 
a  meeting  of  the  seconds  oft  both  parties  was  held. 
They  fixed  upon  a  place  for  the  duel,  which  was  fought 
immediately;  Viola  received  a  blow  of  a  saber  on  his 
arm. 

The  duels  proceeded  always  in  the  most  perfect  form ; 
but  no  proposals  of  accommodation  were  ever  accepted 
by  our  young  men,  no  matter  how  futile  the  cause  for  the 
encounter  might  be.  After  the  duels  the  greatest  courtesy 
was  observed,  but,  in  taking  leave,  we  were  accustomed 
to  say:  "Here  our  relationship  ends;  from  this  moment 
we  know  one  another  no  longer,  we  salute  one  another 

245 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


no  more."  The  officers  were  wont  to  be  surprised  at  the 
chasm  which  lay  between  them  and  us.  During  these 
affairs  it  was  our  duty  to  show  ourselves  expert  in  the 
use  of  arms,  and  never  to  become  excited  when  brought 
face  to  face  with  officers  who  had  their  own  ways  of 
proceeding,  and  wanted  to  make  them  prevail.  There- 
fore we  circulated  among  ourselves  an  authoritive 
French  code,  in  which  all  sorts  of  cases  were  resolved 
with  indisputable  precision. 

The  duels,  as  I  have  observed,  were  regarded  as  com- 
bats of  individuals  that  were  substituted  for  a  war 
that  could  not  be  waged  against  the  Government.  The 
duel  of  Gustavo  Viola  was  discussed  with  concern  in 
Casa  Maffei  and  with  arrogance  in  Casa  SamoylofT.  In 
Casa  Samoyloff  it  was  reported  that  a  nickname  had 
been  given  to  the  patriotic  Milanese  ladies;  they  were 
called  oche*  after  the  geese  of  the  capitol  of  ancient 
Rome.  This  name  was  adopted  by  us,  as  a  title  of 
honor,  for  the  ladies  who  were  most  distinguished  for 
their  patriotism.  To  be  called  one  of  the  oche  was  the 
same  as  to  say  she  is  a  lady  of  the  highest  fashion. 

Our  warlike  feelings,  however,  did  not  interfere  with 
our  gayety  and  the  preparations  for  the  carnival.  Many 
meetings  were  held  in  Casa  Carcano  and  Casa  Dandolo 
where  we  improvised  little  fetes  and  suppers.  One 
evening,  after  supper  in  Casa  Carcano,  I  imitated  a 
marionette  in  reciting  some  of  the  triplets  of  Dante; 
whereupon  my  friends  declared  that  I  had  a  gift  for 
this  kind  of  acting,  and  proposed  that  we  should  recite 
a  tragedy  parodying  a  theatrical  troop  of  marionettes. 

*  Geese. 
246 


A  Tragedy  for  Marionettes 

So  we  all  set  to  work;  some  took  charge  of  the  costumes; 
some  of  the  decorations;  and  I  was  entrusted  with 
choosing  the  tragedy,  and  distributing  the  parts. 

When  I  thought  the  matter  over,  it  seemed  to  me  that 
the  tragedy  should  be  written  expressly,  and  that  it 
should  have  a  patriotic  intent.  I  put  myself  to  work, 
and  in  a  few  weeks  I  had  a  tragedy  in  five  acts  ready, 
in  which  all  was  a  parody,  the  subject-matter,  the  per- 
sonages, and  the  verses.  The  Crimean  War  had  just  come 
to  an  end,  and  the  Congress  of  Paris  had  not  concluded 
its  work.  I  chose,  therefore,  as  the  subject-matter  the 
recent  war,  and  called  my  tragedy  "Nicolo."  In  the  Em- 
peror Nicolo  I  despotism  was  personified,  and  the 
Russians,  of  course,  represented  the  Austrians.  The 
tragedy  was  so  comical  the  actors  had  to  pause  occa- 
sionally so  as  to  give  the  spectators  time  to  laugh.  The 
success  was  instantaneous,  and  the  tragedy-comedy  was 
repeated  before  much  larger  audiences;  but,  after  the 
third  representation,  I  was  summoned  by  the  police 
and  ordered  to  desist;  and  was  deprived  of  my  passport. 

We  laughed,  and  sometimes  a  laugh  is  a  weapon;  but 
behold  us  soon  engaged  in  another  duel.  It  was  the  duel 
of  Manfredo  Camperio  with  Captain  Schonhals,  which 
made  much  noise  because  of  the  attendant  circum- 
stances. Lest  I  might  have  forgotten  the  particulars 
after  so  many  years,  I  asked  Camperio  to  furnish  them; 
which  he  has  done  in  the  following  letter:  — 

SANTA  DI  MONZA,  January  6th,  1899. 

I  send  you,  my  dear  friend,  the  story  you  have  asked  for, 
of  my  duel  with  Baron  Schonhals,  who  died  last  year  in 

247 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Vienna  as  Chief-of-Staff.  It  was  in  the  winter  of  1856,  and 
I  had  just  returned  from  a  voyage  to  Australia,  where, 
finding  myself  without  funds,  I  had  embarked,  as  a  sailor, 
on  a  Dutch  ship  bound  for  Rotterdam. 

Upon  my  return  home,  my  uncle,  Baron  Ciani,  resolved 
to  give  a  ball  in  my  honor  in  his  house,  Corso  Venetia,  59. 
He  begged  his  grandchildren  and  me  to  send  the  invitations. 
The  ball  was  the  most  brilliant  fete  of  the  season.  I  went 
to  it  at  about  eleven  o'clock,  and  was  accorded  a  waltz  by 
a  charming  lady  of  my  acquaintance,  who  was  known  for 
her  patriotism,  the  Signora  Gerosa.  We  made  a  tour  of 
the  room,  when  suddenly  she  stopped  and,  pressing  my 
arm,  indicated  a  point  in  the  room.  I  looked  and  saw  an 
Austrian  officer,  in  full  uniform,  covered  with  medals,  lean- 
ing against  a  jamb  of  the  door. 

"Dio  mio,"  I  said,  "how  could  my  uncle  ever  have  in- 
vited him?  It  is  certainly  a  mistake."  * 

"That  may  well  be,"  said  the  lady,  "but  will  you  be 
good  enough  to  send  for  a  cab,  as  I  shall  not  remain  much 
longer;  and  my  carriage  is  ordered  for  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning." 

While  this  conversation  was  taking  place,  the  dance  had 
ended,  and  many  groups  of  ladies  were  forming,  as  all 
wanted  to  leave  the  room. 

So  I  said  to  my  partner,  "Calm  your  friends;  I  will 
charge  myself  with  sending  the  Austrian  away."  I  went 
directly  to  him  and  begged  him  to  go  out  with  me.  He 
followed  me,  much  surprised,  and  we  went  as  far  as  the 
landing-place  of  the  stairs,  where  I  made  him  understand, 
as  politely  as  I  could,  that  his  presence  in  uniform  dis- 
turbed the  fete,  and  that  the  ladies  had  determined  to 

*  The  captain  was  a  tenant  in  my  uncle's  house.  I  learned  after- 
wards that  he  had  that  day  paid  him  a  visit  with  his  wife,  a  lovely 
Englishwoman,  and  that  my  uncle  believed  that  he  ought  to  invite 
him  to  his  ball.  He  believed  also  that  the  captain  would  come  in 
civilian's  clothes. 

248 


Manfredo  Camperi(?s  Duel 

go  if  he  remained.  Then  I  asked  him,  as  a  gentleman,  to 
depart  so  that  the  ball  might  not  be  suspended. 

"How?"  he  replied  to  me  in  French  (I  had  spoken  to 
him  in  German).  "I  wear  the  uniform  of  your  Emperor. 
Do  you  wish  to  dishonor  it?" 

"It  is  not  a  question  of  honor,"  I  answered.  "And  all 
of  us  do  not  admit  that  you  wear  the  uniform  of  our  Em- 
peror, but  rather  the  uniform  of  the  Austrian  army  of 
occupation,  which,  we  hope,  will  not  remain  long  in  the 
country." 

The  captain  did  not  insist,  as  many  gentlemen  and 
ladies  were  listening  to  us,  and,  while  we  exchanged  cards, 
he  begged  some  one  to  go  and  bring  his  wife. 

"You  will  give  me,  I  hope,  satisfaction  for  this  strange 
procedure,"  he  said. 

"Certainly,  captain,"  I  replied,  "without  doubt." 

The  ball  recommenced,  but  fearing  that  the  police  would 
be  informed  of  what  had  taken  place,  and  would  surround 
the  house  to  capture  me,  I  left  for  the  Boschetti.  Here  I 
took  a  cab,  and  drove  to  a  shop  where  they  sold  masquer- 
ade costumes.  I  clothed  myself  in  "puff"  (a  costume  then 
very  common),  and  drove  to  the  Carcano  Theater,  think- 
ing that  this  was  the  best  way  to  throw  the  police  off  my 
trail.  After  an  hour  or  two  I  learned  from  my  friends,  Tar- 
larini  and  Venino,  that  the  police  were  looking  for  me. 

With  many  precautions  I  ran  to  my  house,  always 
dressed  in  puff,  to  get  some  money  and  to  say  good-bye  to 
my  people.  I  arranged  my  flight  by  the  aid  of  Besana  and 
Tarlarini,  the  latter  of  whom  changed  my  clothes  for  that 
of  one  of  his  peasants,  and  had  me  driven  to  one  of  his 
farms  in  a  cabriolet.  In  passing  through  one  of  the  city 
gates  I  experienced  considerable  emotion,  but  the  peasant, 
who  was  driving,  was  known  to  the  guards,  and  they  paid 
no  attention  to  his  companion.  I  went  directly  to  the 
house  of  the  Marchese  Luigi  d'  Adda  at  Ozzero,  whither 
a  messenger  had  preceded  me  to  say  that  I  should  be  given 

249 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


hospitality.  The  same  night  I  was  conducted  by  a  trusted 
boatman  of  the  Marchese  across  the  Ticino  and  went  to 
Vigevano,  to  the  house  of  a  former  companion  in  arms, 
Captain  Gusberti.  Before  I  left  the  ball  Carlo  Prinetti 
(now  a  senator)  and  Emilio  Dandolo  had  offered  their  serv- 
ices as  my  seconds,  whenever  the  duel  should  take  place. 

I  went  to  bed  at  Vigevano  with  a  high  fever,  the  result 
of  a  wicked  cold  I  had  caught,  the  preceding  night,  in  the 
intense  cold  of  the  drive  to  Ozzero  in  a  peasant's  jacket. 
The  day  after,  word  came  to  me  that  Captain  Schonhals 
had  gone  from  Casa  Ciani  to  a  reception  in  the  house  of 
General  Giulay,  where  he  had  told  his  story;  whereupon 
the  general  had  commanded  a  squadron  of  hussars  (who 
always  kept  their  horses  saddled)  to  surround  my  uncle's 
house.  The  police,  who  had  not  been  able  to  follow  my 
trail,  thanks  to  my  disguises,  now  knew  that  I  was  in  Pied- 
mont. 

Two  days  after,  while  I  was  still  in  bed,  I  was  informed 
by  my  seconds  that  the  Austrian  officers,  who  had  called 
upon  them,  had  begged  me  to  fight  on  Lombard  territory, 
since,  as  officers,  they  could  not  pass  the  frontier.  They 
gave  their  word  of  honor  that  I  would  have  nothing  to  fear 
upon  the  part  of  the  Government.  I  accepted,  as  I  held  the 
word  of  an  officer  to  be  sacred.  Still  suffering  from  fever, 
I  crossed  the  Ticino  with  my  friend.  After  having  marched 
for  nearly  an  hour  on  the  sand  of  the  river's  bank,  I  met 
my  seconds  who  conducted  me  to  the  place  that  had  been 
agreed  upon  for  the  meeting. 

We  were  only  three  Italians,  as  the  friend  who  had  ac- 
companied me  hid  himself  in  the  bushes.  On  the  other 
side  a  large  number  of  Austrian  officers  appeared  and  two 
soldiers  also,  who  carried  baskets,  in  which  were  sabers, 
swords,  and  pistols.  After  the  usual  salutes,  the  seconds 
retired  to  make  the  choice  of  arms,  and  to  arrange  the 
conditions  for  the  encounter.  The  discussion  was  long 
because  a  Captain  Wagner,  who  had  been  at  college  with 

250 


Manfredo  Camperid*s  Duel 

me  in  Dresden,  said  that  I  was  a  strong  swordsman  in 
point,  and  insisted  that  thrusting  should  be  expressly 
excluded.  My  seconds  would  not  consent  to  this  condi- 
tion. The  seconds  of  Schonhals  were  two  colonels,  and 
one,  I  believe,  was  the  Lichtenstein  who  was  so  well 
known  for  the  beautiful  horses  he  loved  to  display  on  the 
cor  so. 

We  placed  ourselves  on  guard.  My  fever  and  cough  left 
me  the  moment  I  attacked.  The  sabers,  brought  by  the 
officers,  were  so  light  they  bent  at  every  blow;  and  though 
I  gave  my  adversary  two  cuts  on  the  breast  it  was  with  the 
flat  side  of  the  weapon,  as  the  blade  turned  in  its  handle. 
I  showed  my  saber  to  my  seconds,  and  they  ordered  another 
to  be  given  me.  It  went  to  pieces  at  the  third  blow,  and 
they  handed  me  a  third.  I  was  furious.  I  attacked  the 
captain  with  all  my  might,  aiming  a  blow  at  his  head.  I 
do  not  remember  what  effect  my  attack  had,  but  I  think 
I  struck  him  on  the  ear.  The  saber  broke  in  pieces,  as  the 
one  before  had  done,  and  Schonhals  gave  me  a  slight  cut 
over  the  right  eye. 

The  seconds  intervened.  After  I  had  given  my  hand  to 
Captain  Schonhals,  since  I  had  nothing  against  him  per- 
sonally, I  gained,  without  looking  backwards,  my  hospit- 
able boat  with  my  friend;  and  we  quickly  arrived  at  the 
Piedmontese  shore. 

This,  dear  Visconti,  is  the  story  of  my  duel,  which  at  the 
time  made  a  great  deal  of  noise,  even  in  Paris,  where  the 
Congress  was  being  held. 

In  a  duel  which  took  place  before  mine,  my  friend  Delia 
Porta  was  killed.  He  was  slender  in  person,  and  was  little 
practiced  in  the  use  of  arms,  while  his  adversary  was  a 
colossus.  Poor  Delia  Porta!  I  should  have  been  sorry 
not  to  have  avenged  him.  Other  duels  with  the  Aus- 
trian officers  preceded,  and  followed,  mine,  among  which 
were  those  of  Viola,  Ropolo,  Mancini,  Battaglia,  and 
Fadini. 

251 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


But  who  remembers,  now,  the  young  men  such  as  were 
the  Dandolo,  the  Besana,  the  Prinetti,  the  Mancini,  the 
Simonetta,  the  Morosini,  Battaglia,  and  a  thousand  others 
that  we  have  known? 

MANFREDO  CAMPERIO. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

(1856) 

The  popular  subscription  for  one  hundred  cannon.  —  The  Mazzinian  subscrip- 
tion for  ten  thousand  guns.  —  My  second  journey  to  France.  —  The  Italian 
emigration  at  Paris.  —  The  various  factions.  —  Montanelli,  Maestri,  Sirtori. 
—  The  announcement  of  a  visit  from  the  Austrian  Emperor.  —  Proposals  for 
festivities.  —  Subscription  for  a  monument  to  the  Piedmont  army.  —  Casa 
d'  Adda. 

THE  part  taken  by  Cavour  at  the  Congress  of  Paris, 
and  the  development  of  the  strength  of  Piedmont, 
became  continually  of  greater  consequence  in  our  minds. 
"Within  three  years  we  shall  have  war,"  Cavour  was 
reported  to  have  said.  This  saying  irritated  Austria, 
and  disposed  it  to  attack  Piedmont, — a  thing  which  Ca- 
vour desired  to  have  come  to  pass.  Austria  began  to 
threaten  as  the  relations  between  Cavour  and  the  Italian 
patriots  became  closer.  The  speeches  made  in  the  Sar- 
dinian Parliament,  the  characters  of  the  Piedmontese 
statesmen,  and  the  things  that  happened  beyond  the 
Ticino  became  the  subject-matter  of  our  conversation. 
We  received  the  newspapers  from  Turin  by  the  hands  of 
the  smugglers.  Milan  rejoiced  in  heart  in  the  fetes  that 
Turin  gave  to  General  La  Marmora  and  the  troops  that 
returned  from  the  Crimean  War. 

The  "Gazzetta  del  Popolo"  had  initiated  a  subscrip- 
tion for  giving  the  Government  a  hundred  cannon  for 
the  fortress  of  Alessandria.  It  was  regarded  as  a  demon- 
stration against  Austria;  so  the  proposal  was  received 
with  enthusiasm.  At  Milan  a  suggestion  was  made  that 
each  Lombard  city  should  give  a  cannon;  and  immedi- 

253 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


ately  committees  were  everywhere  formed.  Offerings 
were  made  in  every  circle,  but  no  names  were  given.  In 
agreement  with  Torelli  and  Guicciardi,  who  were  in 
Turin,  we  resolved  to  send  a  cannon  from  the  province 
of  Sondrio.  The  directing  classes  in  the  various  provinces 
were  not  large,  but  they  were  energetic  and  influential. 
In  several  there  were  some  of  the  survivors  of  1821  and 
1830,  many  of  whom  had  joined  in  the  revolution  of 
1848. 

Mazzini  did  not  appreciate  the  importance  of  concord, 
nor  did  he  understand  what  was  going  on.  To  the  sub- 
scription of  a  hundred  cannon  he  opposed  one  of  his  own, 
which  he  called,  "of  ten  thousand  guns."  But  this  sub- 
scription, as  the  one  before,  had  only  a  meager  result. 
Giacomo  Medici  wrote  to  Garibaldi:  "We  are  on  the 
eve  of  another  Mazzinian  folly The  man  ruins  every- 
thing; he  does  nothing  good  himself,  and  he  hinders 
others  from  doing  it.  Mazzini  desires  to  rule  like  a  Tzar 
of  Russia."*  There  had  been  ill-feeling  between  Maz- 
zini and  Garibaldi  for  some  time  past.  Little  by  little 
Manin,  Montanelli,  Sirtori,  Orsini,  La  Farina,  Giorgio 
Pallavicino,  and  General  Guglielmo  Pepe  had  separated 
from  him. 

The  old  Mazzinian  conspirators  were  in  great  embar- 
rassment. They  did  not  want  to  deny  "the  master"; 
and  yet  they  could  not  help  but  see  that  Cavour  had 
accomplished  something;  so  they  gave  their  mite  for 
the  monarchical  cannon  and  subscribed  also  for  the  re- 
publican guns.  If  they  were  mistrustful  of  Cavour  it  was 
because  he  was  making  no  preparations  for  an  uprising. 

*  Bersezio,  Storia  del  Regno  di  Fittorio  Emanuele,  vol.  vi,  p.  415. 

254 


My  Second  Journey  to  France 

When  the  month  of  July  came  around,  I  felt  the  need 
of  taking  an  outing,  after  having  passed  my  examina- 
tions at  Pa  via;  so  I  resolved  to  accompany  my  friend 
Costantino  Garavaglia  to  Marseilles,  Lyons,  and  Paris, 
whither  he  was  going  on  business.  I  wanted,  too,  to 
know  what  people  were  thinking  of  the  Italian  question 
in  France.  We  traveled  by  short  stages,  and  I  profited 
by  them  to  talk  politics  with  the  people  I  met,  and 
to  ask  them  what  they  thought  of  our  affairs.  They 
thought  nothing  at  all  about  them.  My  surprise  was 
very  great  when  I  learned  how  ignorant  the  people  were 
of  what  had  taken  place  beyond  their  own  frontiers.  A 
few  persons,  inspired  by  the  things  the  Emperor  had 
caused  to  be  inserted  in  the  journals,  expressed  sym- 
pathy for  Italy,  but  it  was  very  vague;  and  when  I 
spoke  of  the  eventuality  of  war,  they  looked  scandalized. 

I  found  that  there  were  three  currents  of  opinion 
among  the  Italians  in  Paris,  namely  the  Sardinian,  the 
Muratian,  and  the  republican.  The  Sardinian  party 
was  the  strongest.  At  its  head  was  Daniele  Manin  with 
his  formula:  "Unita  e  Monarchia;  Italia  e  Vittorio 
Emanuele."  It  was  this  formula  that  was  to  become  the 
device  of  the  new  National  Party.  I  heard  that  Manin 
saw  Cavour  when  he  was  in  Paris,  and  had  come  to  an 
agreement  with  him;  and  that  Garibaldi  had  gone  to 
Turin  in  July,  and  had  had  an  interview  with  Cavour, 
whom  he  afterwards,  in  writing  to  La  Farina,  called 
"our  great  friend." 

Manin  was  opposed  by  a  small  group  of  men  who  fa- 
vored Prince  Murat;  whose  programme  was  to  drive  out 
the  Bourbon  dynasty,  and  place  Murat  upon  the  throne 

255 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


of  Naples,  in  order  to  gain  Napoleon.  Among  these  were 
Saliceti,  Lizabe,  Ruffoni,  and  Ulloa.  Ulloa  returned  to 
Italy  in  1 859,  and  received  command  of  the  little  Tuscan 
army,  which,  united  to  the  corps  of  Prince  Napoleon,  ad- 
vanced as  far  as  Mantua.  After  the  peace  of  Villafranca, 
Ricasoli  called  Ulloa  to  Modena,  where,  becoming  dis- 
contented with  him,  he  deprived  him  of  his  command, 
and  gave  it  to  Garibaldi.  Ulloa  eventually  went  to 
Naples,  and  from  anger  or  jealousy  or  because  of  his 
federal  ideas  offered  his  sword  to  the  Bourbon  king 
against  his  rival. 

I  made  the  acquaintance  also  of  Montanelli,  who  had 
been  a  staff-officer  of  the  republican  party.  He  now 
began  to  advance  towards  Cavour.  He  was  a  good  man, 
and  suffered  much  in  separating  himself  from  his  former 
friends;  but  he  found  his  compensation  in  his  honest 
intention. 

Maestri  was  more  decided  in  his  adherence  to  the 
formula  of  Manin,  and  proclaimed  it  resolutely.  He  was 
an  old  republican,  and  had  been,  as  we  have  seen,  a 
member  of  the  Committee  of  Defense  in  1848.  Maestri 
gave  me  some  sad  news  of  Sirtori.  Giuseppe  Sirtori  was  a 
native  of  the  Brianza,  and  had  been  a  priest  up  to  1848, 
when,  overtaken  by  doubt,  he  went  to  Paris  to  confer 
with  Lamennais.  Although  he  retained  his  faith,  he  put 
off  his  sacerdotal  dress  and  mixed  in  republican  circles. 
He  took  an  active  part  in  the  revolution  against  Louis 
Philippe.  He  returned  afterwards  to  Italy,  and  became 
a  soldier  in  Venice,  where  he  performed  prodigies  of 
valor. 

Now,  Maestri  said,  a  disturbance  of  his  political  faith 

256 


Maestri  and  Sirtori 


was  joined  to  that  of  his  religious  belief;  that  he  no 
longer  trusted  Mazzini,  had  a  poor  opinion  of  Garibaldi, 
and  could  find  no  reasons  for  believing  in  Cavour,  Na- 
poleon, and  Vittorio  Emanuele;  that  he  was  so  tor- 
mented he  had  lost  his  equilibrium,  and  had  become  so 
strange  that  he  was  watched. 

Later  on,  when  the  war  for  the  unification  of  Italy  set 
its  seal  upon  the  agreements  between  Napoleon  and 
Cavour,  Sirtori  regained  his  calmness  and  went  to  Turin. 
His  lofty  mind  became  lucid  again,  and  his  patriotic 
conscience  had  no  more  doubts.  He  saw  that  salvation 
for  his  country  lay  in  a  united  monarchy,  and  gave  it  his 
support.  He  had  a  noble  character.  Although  he  thought 
that  he  had  been  injured  by  the  imperial  police,  when 
the  city  of  Milan  undertook  to  erect  a  statue  to  Napo- 
leon he  was  one  of  the  first  contributors. 

I  passed  one  month  in  Paris  and  gathered  enough 
information  to  serve  for  two  months  of  conversation.26 
Some  news  came  unexpectedly  in  the  autumn  to  excite 
us.  It  was  said  that  the  Austrian  Emperor  would  come 
to  Milan  in  January,  and  that  he  would  abolish  martial 
law  and  inaugurate  a  new  regime.  It  was  also  said  that 
the  Government,  suspicious  of  an  agreement  between 
Napoleon  and  Cavour,  and  solicitous  of  England,  desired 
to  allay  the  Italian  question  by  bringing  order  into  Lom- 
bardo-Venetia.  The  first  intimation  of  this  change  of 
attitude  was  a  circular,  addressed  to  the  noble  families 
of  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  asking  them  to  declare 
whether  they  desired  to  take  part  in  the  festivities  of  the 
imperial  and  royal  visit,  so  that  they  might  receive  in- 
vitations to  the  same, 

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This  circular  had  the  effect  of  a  stone  thrown  into  a 
hornets'  nest:  no  one  talked  of  anything  else  for  several 
weeks.  Among  the  patriotic  families  the  word  ran  to  re- 
fuse all  the  invitations  that  might  come  from  the  Gov- 
ernment or  the  Court,  and  to  abstain  from  all  the 
festivities.  It  was  important  that  this  programme  should 
be  followed  by  as  large  a  number  of  people  as  possible, 
so  that  a  great  demonstration  should  be  made.  As  very 
few  replies  were  returned  to  this  circular,  a  second  one 
was  sent  out,  which  was  followed  by  visits  of,  and  pres- 
sure exerted  by,  the  provincial  delegates. 

To  this  urgency  of  the  authorities  the  most  distin- 
guished families  opposed  themselves  energetically,  and 
the  programme  of  resistance  to  flattery  gained  ground, 
although  it  had  to  face  increasing  difficulties.  But  ab- 
stention was  not  enough;  it  was  necessary  to  do  some- 
thing, and  to  do  it  quickly.  So  we  determined  to  show  our 
sympathy  for  Piedmont;  and  to  this  end  to  collect  money 
wherewith  to  erect  a  monument  to  the  Piedmontese 
army,  and  present  it  to  the  city  of  Turin.  It  was  Cesare 
Correnti  who  suggested  the  idea.  The  oche,  as  they  were 
still  called,  received  the  money,  and  in  a  short  time 
obtained  a  sufficient  sum.  The  commission  for  the  statue 
was  given  to  the  sculptor  Vela,  and  news  of  it  was  quickly 
diffused  throughout  Italy  and  foreign  lands.  The  dem- 
onstration was  as  the  sound  of  a  trumpet,  which  or- 
dered the  country  to  stand  on  guard  against  the  blandish- 
ments of  Austria. 

In  the  house  of  Carlo  d'  Adda,  with  whom  I  began  this 
year  an  intimate  friendship,  the  approaching  visit  of 
the  Austrian  Emperor  became  the  subject-matter  of  the 

258 


Casa  d*  Adda 


warmest  discussions;  of  discussions,  however,  in  which 
we  were  all  of  one  mind.  Carlo  d'  Adda  was  the  third 
son  of  the  Marchese  Febo,  to  whom  Parini  dedicated 
his  "Ode  to  the  Muses"  in  1795.  His  mother,  nata 
Contessa  Kevenhiiller,  was  a  Viennese.  He  formed, 
with  Cesare  and  Rinaldo  Giulini,  Carlo  and  Alessandro 
Porro,  Anselmo  Guerrieri  Gonzaga,  the  Prinetti,  the 
Mainoni,  and  some  others  of  the  Milanese  aristocratic 
and  middle  classes,  the  advance  guard  of  the  National 
Party. 

When  the  revolution  of  1848  broke  out,  he  was  in 
Turin.  In  agreement  with  Correnti  he  had  left  a  few 
days  before  with  Conte  Enrico  Martini  to  solicit  aid  from 
Carlo  Alberto.27  After  1848  he  remained  absent  from 
home  for  long  periods  of  time.  He  had  married  one  of  his 
nieces,  Donna  Mariquita,  daughter  of  Principe  Antonio 
Falco,  a  Spaniard  domiciled  in  Milan.  Donna  Mari- 
quita was  very  beautiful,  and  Carlo  d'  Adda  was  a  hand- 
some young  man.  He  was,  moreover,  distinguished  for 
the  simplicity  and  loyalty  of  his  character,  and  for  the 
frankness  and  vivacity  of  his  conversation.  The  resolute 
way  in  which  he  expressed  his  opinions  led  those  who 
did  not  know  him  to  believe  that  he  was  intolerant;  but 
this  wa§  not  so;  he  was  intolerant  only  of  vulgarity.  A 
friend  of  Bertani  and  of  some  others,  who  did  not  fight 
on  his  side,  he  was  accustomed  to  say:  "I  respect  all 
sorts  of  patriots,  but  I  prefer  those  who  wash  and 
fight."  28 

Donna  Mariquita,  who  was  also  of  a  frank  and  open 
nature,  exercised  a  great  fascination  upon  the  society 
which  surrounded  her.  For  many  years  she  received 

259 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


only  in  her  bedroom  (kept  there  by  an  infirmity) ;  but 
this  room  was  ever  the  rendezvous  of  the  most  distin- 
guished patriotic  society  of  Milan. 

A  large  part  of  those  who  frequented  Casa  d'  Adda 
had  been  invited  and  solicited  to  do  homage  to  the  Em- 
peror on  the  occasion  of  his  approaching  visit.  They  were 
the  targets  for  the  fine  shots  of  Carlo  d'  Adda  and  of  the 
ironies  of  Donna  Mariquita.  The  struggle  became  acute, 
and  was  to  prolong  itself  during  the  following  year 
against  the  Archduke  Maximilian. 

D'  Adda  became  one  of  the  most  esteemed  members  of 
the  party  of  the  liberal  monarchy.  After  1859,  Cavour 
nominated  him  Governor  of  Turin.  In  Milan  he  held 
successively  a  number  of  civic  positions,  and  filled  them 
with  the  zeal  and  good-will  that  distinguished  him.  He 
left  his  mark  in  every  post  he  occupied  because  of  his 
initiative  and  wise  reforms. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

(1857) 

Measures  taken  by  the  Government  to  celebrate  the  coming  of  the  Emperor.  — 
Arrangements  for  resistance  made  by  the  patriotic  Milanese.  —  Dandolo, 
Soncino,  Mancini,  Carcano,  and  others  banished.  —  The  "Crepuscolo" 
admonished.  —  The  entry  of  the  Emperor.  — The  behavior  of  the  people.  — 
In  Casa  Dandolo.  —  Photographs  of  the  monument  to  the  Piedmontese 
army.  —  The  reception  at  court.  —  The  Emperor's  suite.  —  Conte  Archinto. 

—  Buol  recalls  the  Austrian  Minister  from  Turin.  —  Piedmont  follows  suit. 

—  Amnesty  extended  to  the  political  prisoners.  —  The  police  encourage  a 
demonstration. — Thereturnof  friendsfrom  Josephstadt  and  Theresienstadt. 

—  Marshal  Radetzky  relieved  of  his  command.  —  Partial  suppression  of  the 
"Crepuscolo."  —  La  Marmora  proposes  to  fortify  Alessandria,  and  Cavour, 
Spezia.  —  La  Farina  founds  the  National  Society.  —  The  landing  of  Pisacane 
at  Sapri.  —  Nomination  of  the  Archduke  Maximilian  as  Governor-General. 

—  His  arrival  in  Milan.  —  The  medal  of  St.  Helena. 

CAVOUR  now  gave  the  national  cause  a  new  impulse 
forward.  His  aim  was  to  free  it  from  the  control  of 
the  Committee  of  London,  and  to  lift  it  out  of  the  in- 
trigues wherein  it  was  easy  for  the  Powers  to  ignore  it. 
He  accused  Austria  of  keeping  Italy  in  a  revolutionary 
state,  while  he  demonstrated  that  Piedmont  represented 
order.  He  said,  too,  that  Austria  had  exceeded  the  man- 
date that  had  been  given  her  in  Italy  by  the  treaties 
of  Vienna,  and  defended  the  country,  on  conservative 
grounds,  in  the  cabinets  of  Europe. 

Austria  saw  the  point;  therefore  the  coming  of  the 
Emperor  was  determined  upon,  not  so  much  as  a  matter 
of  internal,  as  of  external,  politics.  It  was  a  concession  to 
the  apprehensions  of  certain  European  Powers,  espe- 
cially of  England,  which  desired  the  amelioration  of  the 
conditions  of  life  in  the  Italian  States,  although  she  did 
not  want  them  to  become  a  cause  of  war.  She  had  ex- 

261 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


pressed  surprise  at  the  energetic  attitude  of  Piedmont 
and  at  the  restlessness  of  France. 

The  persons  who  directed  public  opinion  in  Milan 
solicited  advice  from  Turin  as  to  what  course  should  be 
taken  regarding  the  Emperor's  coming;  and  the  word 
came :  we  should  work  hard  to  render  the  imperial  plans 
useless,  so  that  the  Emperor's  journey  should  lose  its  ob- 
ject and  appear  a  failure.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  that 
the  most  notable  people  of  the  governing  class  should 
hold  themselves  apart,  and  to  this  end  it  was  insisted 
that  no  one  should  yield,  either  to  flattery  or  to  pres- 
sure. Great  was  the  agitation  in  every  circle  of  society. 
In  the  fashionable  the  oche  were  most  active.  Not  to  be 
in  the  Fronde  was  not  to  be  a  la  mode.  How  much  good 
did  these  ladies  do!  In  the  salons  we  discussed  inces- 
santly the  questions  how  we  should  behave,  and  what 
demonstrations  we  could  make.  We  even  threatened 
the  uncertain  and  the  timid,  and  told  them  that  they 
would  not  be  received,  or  saluted,  by  their  friends 
if  they  should  yield.  In  Case  Maffei,  Dandolo,  Car- 
cano,  d'  Adda,  Crivelli,  and  many  others  that  were  fre- 
quented by  the  young  men  of  the  town,  the  agitation 
was  so  great  it  seemed  as  if  we  were  preparing  for  a 
battle. 

My  brother  Emilio,  who  had  just  entered  general 
society,  came  every  evening  to  Casa  Maffei  with  his  bul- 
letin of  news.  Who  goes  ?  who  will  not  go  ?  were  the  ques- 
tions. Debates  arose,  and  even  bets  were  made,  whether 
some  signora  would  yield  to  the  pressure  of  a  timid 
father,  or  father-in-law,  who  might  want  to  send  her 
to  court.  Nor  less  excited  were  the  Austrian  authorities, 

262 


Dandolo  and  Others  banished 

who  were  continually  spying  upon  us,  and  sending  orders 
and  circulars,  now  menacing,  now  flattering. 

Several  weeks  before  the  coming  of  the  Emperor,  the 
police  banished  some  of  our  best-known  young  men. 
Among  them  were  Emilio  Dandolo,  Massimiliano 
Stampa  Soncino,  Lodovico  Mancini,  and  Costanzo 
Carcano.  The  names  of  the  others  I  cannot  now  recall. 
They  ordered  them  to  remain  in  the  respective  places  to 
which  they  were  sent  until  the  Emperor  should  have  de- 
parted. The  greatest  concern  of  the  authorities  was  to 
induce  some  of  the  ladies  of  the  aristocracy  to  attend  the 
court  reception,  and  I  relate  the  following  episode  of 
their  manoeuvres. 

The  Marchese  Carlo  Ermes  Visconti,  who  had  been 
married  but  a  short  time  to  the  lovely  and  cultured 
Contessa  Teresa  Sanseverino  Vimercati,  was  one  day 
calling  upon  an  uncle  of  his  wife,  the  Principe  Porcia. 
This  gentleman  had  some  feudal  property  in  Austria, 
and  had  been  a  member  of  its  House  of  Lords;  but  he 
lived  in  Milan,  and  had  married,  at  an  advanced  age,  the 
Contessa  Vimercati  Bolognini,  sister  of  Conte  Ottaviano, 
and  mother  of  the  future  Duchessa  Eugenia  Litta.  The 
young  Marchese,  during  his  call,  came  face  to  face  with 
Baron  Burger,  then  the  Lieutenant  of  Lombardy.  Bur- 
ger led  the  conversation  to  the  approaching  visit  of  the 
Emperor,  and  said  abruptly  to  Visconti:  "I  hope  you 
will  bring  your  wife  to  court?"  Visconti  very  frankly  re- 
plied: "No,  Baron,  I  do  not  intend  to  go."  Burger  in- 
sisted, at  first  very  courteously,  and  then  with  a  high- 
and-mighty  air.  At  last  Visconti  said : "  If  I  should  go  to 
court  I  would  do  something  contrary  to  my  convictions 

263 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


and  to  my  country's  interest.  After  such  an  action 
nothing  would  remain  for  me  to  do  but  to  expatriate 
myself."  Burger  said  nothing  more,  and  the  conversa- 
tion was  dropped. 

A  police  measure  that  was  much  discussed  at  the  time 
was  the  summoning  of  Carlo  Tenca.  The  Director  said 
that  the  Lieutenant  hoped  that  the  coming  of  the  Em- 
peror would  be  properly  announced  in  the  "Crepuscolo." 
Tenca  replied  that,  as  his  journal  did  not  concern  itself 
with  the  internal  affairs  of  Austria,  he  saw  no  reason 
why  he  should  mention  it.  To  this  the  Director  an- 
swered that,  as  the  imperial  visit  was  an  event  with 
which  European  public  opinion  would  occupy  itself,  the 
silence  of  the  "Crepuscolo"  would  have  the  character  of 
opposition,  and  that  this  the  Government  could  not 
tolerate.  Tenca,  who  was  a  man  of  few  words,  made  no 
further  reply,  and  went  away.  Again,  on  the  eve  of  the 
Emperor's  arrival  he  was  admonished,  and  threatened 
with  the  suppression  of  his  journal;  but  he  replied  as 
firmly  as  before,  and  would  not  yield. 

On  the  1 5th  of  January,  Francis  Joseph  made  his 
solemn  entry  into  Milan.  He  stopped  first  at  the  Piazzale 
di  Loreto,  where  he  was  received  by  the  Podesta,  Conte 
Sebregondi,  and  the  other  municipal  authorities.  Thence 
proceeding,  he  entered  the  city  by  Porta  Orientale ;  and, 
traversing  the  Corso  Francesco,  now  Vittorio  Emanuele, 
he  went  to  the  Palazzo  di  Corte.* 

*  The  Corso  Francesco  was  the  official  name,  but  it  was  generally 
called  Corsia  de'  Servi,  since  on  the  actual  Piazza  di  San  Carlo  existed 
a  church  called  Santa  Maria  dei  Servi,  which  was  joined  to  a  convent  of 
the  Serviti.  The  church  of  San  Carlo  was  opened  in  1847. 

264 


The  Emperor  enters  Milan 

The  tacit  agreement  between  the  citizens  was  that 
there  should  be  no  decorations  along  the  streets  through 
which  the  imperial  procession  should  pass,  and  that  the 
blinds  should  be  closed.  A  little  before  the  time  the  pro- 
cession was  scheduled  to  pass,  I  went  through  the  streets, 
from  the  Piazza  del  Duomo  to  Porta  Orientale,  to  see  if 
the  agreement  had  been  kept.  I  saw  that  it  had  been,  in 
great  part,  maintained,  and  I  saw,  also,  a  commissary  of 
police  enter  the  houses,  one  by  one,  along  the  route,  and 
make  the  inmates  open  their  blinds  and  decorate  their 
windows  with  carpets  and  draperies.  In  the  streets  I  saw 
only  a  number  of  the  common  people;  the  educated  class 
avoided  the  corso.  My  destination  was  the  apartment  of 
the  Contessa  Dandolo,  which  was  in  the  second  story  of 
the  house  of  the  Marchese  Luigi  Crivelli,  precisely  on  the 
corso  of  the  Porta  Orientale.  When  I  arrived  I  found 
the  Contessa  and  several  friends,  all  very  happy  in  the 
knowledge  that  the  major  part  of  the  citizens  had  re- 
mained quiescent. 

All  at  once  a  servant  entered  the  salon  to  announce  a 
visit  from  a  commissary.  He  came  to  say  that  the  blinds 
must  be  opened  immediately,  and  the  windows  draped. 
The  Contessa  let  the  commissary  depart;  then  she  took 
a  tiger  skin,  and  hung  it  out  of  a  window  for  adorn- 
ment. All  who  passed  and  saw  it,  laughed.  A  crowd 
began  to  gather,  when  behold !  the  commissary  ran  into 
the  salon,  with  his  eyes  bulging  out  of  his  head,  and 
ordered  the  skin  to  be  removed.  The  Contessa  pro- 
tested that  she  had  no  other  decoration.  In  the  mean 
time  the  procession  of  the  Emperor  had  arrived.  There 
was  no  applause,  although  the  rabble  usually  applauds 

265 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


every  one.  Only  some  boys  cried  something  which  might 
be  taken  for  ewiva.  Whereupon  Giulio  Venino,  who  was 
with  us,  uttered  a  sonorous  hiss  which  made  the  people 
in  the  procession  look  up.  The  train  proceeded  through 
a  cold  and  silent  crowd  of  people. 

During  the  day  a  rumor  ran  that  the  Emperor  had 
scarcely  arrived  when  it  was  reported  that  the  munici- 
pality of  Turin  had  accepted  the  monument  which  had 
been  presented  by  the  Milanese  deputation.  This,  per- 
haps, explained  his  bad  humor  and  the  curt  words  of  wel- 
come with  which  he  greeted  the  Podesta.29 

Some  days  previously  Emilio  had  received  a  package 
of  photographs  of  the  monument,  which  he  gave  out  in 
such  a  way  as  to  have  copies  come  into  the  hands  of  peo- 
ple in  the  suite  of  the  Emperor.  Some  were  placed  in  the 
lodgings,  and  even  on  the  desks,  of  the  ministers. 

A  few  days  after,  a  reception  was  held  at  court,  in 
which  the  authorities  and  the  invited  guests  were  to 
be  presented.  The  reception  was  held  in  the  daytime. 
Many  young  men  and  ladies  of  society  (most  of  whom 
had  received  invitations)  met  in  the  Piazza  del  Duomo 
in  order  to  see  the  arrivals.  The  carriages  of  the  Aus- 
trian and  Italian  authorities  and  officials  passed  amid 
indifference.  The  ironic  laughter  of  the  spectators  was 
turned  upon  the  invited  guests,  of  whom  indeed  there 
were  but  few.  Some  sank  back  in  the  corners  of  their 
carriages,  and  some  drew  their  curtains.  In  the  evening 
no  one  talked  of  anything  but  the  reception,  and  all  were 
in  good  spirits  because  the  deserters  had  been  few,  and 
several  of  them  were  excused  because  of  extraordinary 
circumstances. 

266 


The  Reception  at  Court 


These  things  may  seem  insignificant  to  those  who 
look  upon  them  from  the  standpoint  of  to-day;  but  they 
were  of  great  moment  at  the  time,  especially  if  the  end  to 
which  they  were  directed  is  considered.  The  reception 
had  failed,  and  the  Austrian  authorities  were  furious. 
But  we  were  elated.  For  many  families  of  the  aristoc- 
racy the  abstention  was  a  meritorious  act,  for  in  some  of 
them  there  were  ties  of  friendship,  and  in  others  of  rela- 
tionship, with  the  families  of  Austria.  In  the  preceding 
century  Maria  Teresa,  who  busied  herself  with  the 
private  affairs  of  her  subjects,  had  arranged,  and  occa- 
sionally imposed,  marriages  between  some  of  the  noble 
families  of  Austria  and  Lombardy.  The  ties  which  arose 
out  of  these  marriages  were  broken  in  1848;  and  this 
fact  ought  to  be  remembered  in  a  patriotic  history  of  our 
country. 

A  number  of  ministers  accompanied  the  Emperor  in 
order,  it  was  reported,  to  study  the  condition  of  the 
country.  To  do  this  they  conferred  with  some  old  func- 
tionaries, whom  they  knew;  but  from  the  quality  of  the 
persons  consulted,  we  understood  that  the  Government 
had  no  serious  intention  of  doing  anything  for  the  benefit 
of  the  provinces.  It  was  evident  that  it  was  thought  suf- 
ficient to  delude  the  people  with  illusory  promises,  and 
thus  to  avoid  the  scrutiny  of  the  diplomatic  world. 

Among  the  people  whom  they  consulted,  knowing 
that  he  was  of  no  account,  was  Conte  Giuseppe  Archinto. 
He  belonged  to  the  old  patriciate,  and  had  squandered 
a  fortune  through  his  mania  to  play  a  great  role.  The 
Emperor  had  sent  him  to  the  King  of  the  Belgians  to  ask 
the  hand  of  the  Princess  Charlotte  for  his  brother  the 

267 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Archduke  Maximilian.  Conte  Archinto,  at  his  own  ex- 
pense, displayed  a  magnificence  that  was  talked  of  for 
a  long  time.  The  Government  showed  him,  therefore, 
much  deference,  which  the  Conte  accepted  as  an  hom- 
age, and  treated  the  most  exalted  personages  of  the 
empire  on  a  footing  of  equality.  He  complained  that  the 
Emperor  himself,  while  he  was  in  Milan,  treated  him 
with  too  much  confidence ;  and,  when  he  was  invited  to 
dinner,  he  returned  the  compliment  to  the  ministers  and 
courtiers  immediately,  saying:  "I  will  show  them  that, 
if  one  eats  at  court,  one  dines  in  Casa  Archinto."  In  his 
house  he  had  introduced  the  customs  and  etiquette  of 
a  ruling  prince. 

To  feed  the  vanity  of  this  decorative  personage,  he 
was  invited  to  propose  an  organization  of  the  Lom- 
bardo-Venetian  kingdom,  that  would  satisfy  the  com- 
mon people.  The  Conte  accepted  the  charge,  and  pro- 
posed an  arrangement,  similar  to  that  which  had  existed 
in  the  seventeenth  century  in  the  time  of  the  Spaniards, 
of  a  senate  composed  of  the  exalted  personages  of  the 
aristocracy,  with  a  president,  whose  power  should  be 
supreme.  It  was  easy  to  discover  who  the  president  was 
to  be.  The  ministers  also  consulted  some  other  people 
on  the  state  of  the  country;  but  they  always  kept  within 
a  restricted  circle,  both  of  persons  and  of  ideas. 

To  counterbalance  the  efforts  of  the  Emperor  to  make 
Europe  believe  that  his  Italian  States  were  pacified,  and 
that,  therefore,  the  Italian  question  was  allayed,  Ca- 
vour,  the  day  of  the  imperial  entrance  into  Milan,  ap- 
proved the  Liberal  proposals  of  the  Piedmontese  poli- 
ticians; and  had  the  newspapers  announce  the  gifts,  of 

268 


Amnesty  to  Political  Prisoners 

the  war  monument  to  Turin,  and  of  the  one  hundred 
cannon  to  Alessandria.  A  few  days  after,  the  Austrian 
Minister  Buol  sent  a  disdainful  dispatch  to  the  Sardin- 
ian Cabinet,  and  recalled  his  char ge-d?  affaires;  and 
Cavour  did  the  same.  These  able  moves  of  Cavour 
helped  us  greatly  to  continue  the  struggle  in  the  difficult 
months  that  were  to  follow. 

In  these  days  I  saw  some  of  the  old  Mazzinians  reap- 
pear in  my  brother's  study.  Emilio  was  always  looked 
upon  as  the  head  of  the  young  conspirators;  and  these 
old  acquaintances  were  inclined  towards  him  both  be- 
cause of  the  past  and  of  a  presentiment  that  some  new 
event  was  in  preparation  for  the  future.  There  was  also 
in  them  the  idea,  though  they  did  not  confess  it,  that  the 
new  head  of  the  revolution  would  be  Cavour;  whom 
they  tacitly  accepted,  but  on  condition  that  he  would 
do  something  quickly.  To  effect  this  they  repeatedly 
brought  forward  some  plan  of  the  Mazzinian  type. 
They  did  not  want  to  let  the  presence  of  the  Emperor 
pass  without  trying  some  coup,  were  it  only  another  6th 
of  February  in  favor  of  some  Cavourian  policy.  Emilio 
heard,  and  dissuaded,  them.  I  can  still  recall  his  calm- 
ness and  patience,  and  the  reasons  he  gave,  why  no 
heedless  act  should  be  done. 

The  police,  on  the  other  hand,  attempted  to  make  a 
demonstration.  On  the  i8th  of  January  a  proclamation 
of  amnesty  of  the  political  prisoners  was  published.  The 
sequestration  of  the  goods  of  the  emigrants  had  been 
raised  some  weeks  before.  The  police  wanted  to  en- 
courage an  illumination  that  would  appear  to  be  a  spon- 
taneous expression  of  gratitude;  and  to  this  end  they 

269 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


sent  their  emissaries  from  house  to  house  to  order  that 
the  windows  should  be  lighted  up.  Some  people  obeyed, 
but  many  more  refused,  even  after  repeated  injunctions. 
Among  the  palaces  where  the  blinds  remained  closed, 
were  those  of  the  d' Adda  family,  on  the  cor  so  then  called 
of  the  Port  a  Nuova,  now  Via  A.  Manzoni.  The  police 
had  these  palaces  especially  in  view,  and  directed  against 
them  a  stream  of  miserable  people  whom  they  had  in- 
duced to  cry:  Fuori  i  lumi*  This  rabble  broke  the 
blinds  and  the  windows  of  the  palaces  of  the  d'Adda 
with  stones.  Some  other  palaces  received  a  similar 
treatment. 

Carlo  d'  Adda,  many  years  after,  recalled  the  assault 
upon  his  palace  at  a  session  of  the  Common  Council. 
While  he  was  speaking,  upon  I  do  not  recall  what  sub- 
ject, with  his  accustomed  frankness,  some  hisses  were 
directed  against  him  from  the  audience.  He  turned 
towards  the  offenders,  and  looking  haughtily  at  them, 
said:  "It  is  the  second  time  I  have  been  hissed;  the  first 
was  by  the  canaille  for  not  having  illuminated  my  house 
in  honor  of  the  Emperor." 

A  few  days  after  the  publication  of  the  proclamation 
of  amnesty,  our  friends  returned  from  the  fortresses  of 
Theresienstadt  and  Josephstadt.  Cruelly  treated  during 
the  trials,  their  imprisonment  in  the  fortresses  had  been 
less  hard,  because,  as  they  were  condemned  by  tribunals 
of  war,  they  were  considered  almost  as  military  prison- 
ers; and,  indeed,  they  had  had  as  their  companions  in 
confinement  several  Hungarian  officers  of  the  honveds. 
The  severe  treatment  of  the  fortress  of  Spielberg  was 
*  Forth  with  the  lights. 
27O 


Marshal  Radetsky  relieved 

not  meted  out  to  them.  Great  was  our  joy  in  seeing  our 
friends,  who  had  miraculously  escaped  from  the  gallows, 
and  who  had  been  in  chains  for  five  years.  Our  questions 
were  endless.  But  they  were  very  reserved,  except  with 
their  most  intimate  friends.  Above  all  they  were  loath 
to  speak  of  the  trials,  especially  of  the  parts  taken 
therein  by  the  weaklings  and  the  traitors.  The  best  had 
forgiven  them  in  their  hearts;  but  they  were  averse  to 
speaking  of  them.  As  Dr.  Luigi  Pastro  justly  observed: 
"We  cannot  enter  into  conspiracies  unless  we  have  pre- 
viously made  a  sacrifice  of  our  lives." 

The  struggle  between  the  Austrian  authorities  and 
the  directing  classes,  the  first  to  make  the  visit  of  the 
Emperor  appear  to  be  successful,  and  the  second  to 
keep  the  country  irreconcilable  to  foreign  rule,  continued 
throughout  the  winter.  What  would  be  the  outcome  no 
one  could  foretell;  hence  the  proscriptions  and  condem- 
nations of  the  patriotic  society  became  inexorable.  If 
some  concessions  were  made  they  were  not  mentioned. 
Public  opinion  sometimes  became  unjust,  and  had  to  be 
rectified.  If  at  this  long  distance  of  time  some  of  our 
acts  seem  to  have  been  exaggerated,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  we  looked  upon  ourselves  as  in  a  state  of  war.30 

On  the  28th  of  March,  1857,  Marshal  Radetzky  was 
retired  from  his  post  of  Commander-in-Chief  and 
Governor-General,  and  was  given,  as  a  residence  in 
Milan,  the  Villa  Reale.  With  the  announcement  of  this 
retirement  a  report  came  from  Vienna  that  great  things 
were  under  consideration  for  the  good  of  the  Italian 
provinces.  At  the  same  time,  to  divert  public  attention, 
certain  municipal  works  were  promoted,  among  which 

271 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


were  the  Giardini  Pubblici  and  the  Central  Railway 
Station. 

In  these  days  Carlo  Tenca  was  again  summoned  by 
the  Lieutenant,  and  again  he  was  told  that  his  journal 
must  concern  itself  with  the  Emperor  and  his  journey. 
As  he  refused  to  comply,  the  Lieutenant  withdrew  his 
permission  that  the  "  Crepuscolo  "  should  be  a  political 
review.  This  was  a  mortal  blow,  for  its  political  articles 
secured  its  great  circulation,  as  there  was  no  other  poli- 
tical journal  except  the  "Gazzetta  Ufficiale."  The  pa- 
triotic firmness  of  Tenca  was  admirable,  since  he  lived  on 
the  proceeds  of  his  work,  and  especially  of  his  journal. 
He  knew  that  its  clientele  would  fall  away;  as,  indeed, 
it  did.  From  that  day  the  "Crepuscolo"  began  to  de- 
cline. 

Among  the  duels  which  took  place  during  this  winter 
and  spring  I  must  recall  that  of  Giacomo  Battaglia. 
Battaglia  was  a  collaborator  on  the  "Crepuscolo."  His 
duel  was  with  pistols,  and,  fortunately,  was  without 
consequence.  His  friends  were  very  anxious  for  his 
safety,  as  he  was  afflicted  with  myopia,  which  after- 
wards became  fatal  to  him  in  the  battle  of  S.  Fermo. 

No  sooner  had  the  Emperor  left  Milan  than  it  was 
reported  that  the  provinces  of  Lombardo-Venetia  would 
be  reorganized,  and  that  the  Archduke  Maximilian 
would  come  as  Governor-General.  It  was  announced 
that  we  were  to  have  a  large  measure  of  autonomy;  and 
some  people  even  said  we  should  be  placed  upon  a  semi- 
independent  basis.  The  patriots  received  all  this  infor- 
mation with  incredulity,  allied  to  fear,  because  it  was 
foreseen  that  such  concessions  would  be  dangerous  for 

272 


"The  National  Society 


the  cause  of  independence.  Therefore  we  looked  even 
more  intently  at  Piedmont  to  see  what  was  in  progress 
there. 

La  Marmora  presented  to  Parliament  the  law  concern- 
ing the  fortifications  of  Alessandria;  Cavour  proposed 
the  creation  of  a  naval  port  at  Spezia,  and  the  tunnel- 
ing of  Monte  Cenisio;  and  La  Farina,  in  agreement  with 
the  Conte,  instituted  the  Societa  Nazionale,  which 
quickly  became  diffused  throughout  all  Italy.  Its  aim 
was  to  rally  the  country  under  the  formula  of  Manin: 
"Italia  una  con  Vittorio  Emanuele."  But  Manin  was 
not  to  see  the  development  of  his  programme,  as  he  died 
at  Paris  in  September,  1857. 

As  if  to  render  the  authority  of  Cavour  more  secure, 
Mazzini  continued  to  promote  his  accustomed  vain 
enterprises.  The  landing  of  Pisacane  at  Sapri,  however 
heroic,  finished  miserably;  and  the  attempted  uprising 
at  Genoa  aggravated  public  opinion  still  more. 

The  great  reforms  which  were  to  follow  the  Emperor's 
visit  were  limited  to  the  nomination  of  his  brother  as 
Governor-General.  It  is  true  that,  according  to  the  offi- 
cial report,  the  reforms  were  to  come  afterwards.  The 
Archduke  Maximilian  was  a  handsome  young  man,  and 
the  Archduchess  was  a  beautiful  young  woman.  Who 
would  have  prophesied  the  destiny  which  awaited  them 
a  few  years  later  in  Mexico?  Their  coming  to  Milan  was 
the  first  stage  on  the  road  to  the  terrible  denouement. 

The  Milanese  paid  but  little  heed  to  the  coming  of  the 
Archduke;  it  was  not  until  some  months  after  that  we 
began  to  occupy  ourselves  with  him.  In  fact  the  greater 
part  of  the  leading  people  were  out  of  town,  living  in 

273 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


their  villas.  We  had  gone  to  the  Valtellina;  therefore  I 
did  not  see  him  until  late  in  the  autumn. 

At  this  time  there  was  a  great  awakening  which  spread 
through  Milan  and  all  the  provinces.  In  Valtellina  my 
brother  Emilio  and  I  had  long  conversations  with  our 
patriotic  friends;  and  I  charged  myself  with  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  medals  of  St.  Helena.  The  Emperor 
of  the  French,  who  sought  continually  to  evoke  the 
Napoleonic  memory,  had  instituted  a  commemorative 
medal  called  the  "Medal  of  St.  Helena."  It  was  destined 
for  the  veterans,  whether  French  or  not,  who  had 
served  under  the  great  Conqueror.  To  the  officers  who 
had  served,  a  decoration  of  the  Legion  d'Honneur  was 
given.  By  the  aid  of  the  French  Legation  at  Turin,  as  I 
understood,  it  was  planned  to  place  a  medal  in  the 
hands  of  every  veteran  in  Lombardo-Venetia,  as,  with 
the  distribution,  it  was  hoped  to  revive  the  glorious 
memories  of  the  battles  fought  against  the  Austrians 
by  the  Italian  rank  and  file.  With  the  aid  of  my  Valtel- 
linese  friends,  I  succeeded  in  distributing  to  the  soldiers 
who  had  been  discharged,  and  to  those  who  were  known 
to  have  been  under  arms,  nearly  a  hundred  of  these 
medals.  The  giving  of  them  was  made  with  great  pre- 
caution, be  it  understood,  so  as  not  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  the  police. 

The  medals  were  received  with  the  greatest  enthusi- 
asm. The  memory  of  the  sufferings  of  past  hardships, 
even  of  the  Russian  campaign,  disappeared  before  the 
fascination  of  the  ancient  glories;  and  above  all  before 
the  name  of  Napoleon  I.  Several  of  his  old  soldiers 
spoke  of  him  still  with  emotion,  and  adored  him  as  a 

274 


The  Medal  of  St.  Helena 

demigod.  Louis  Napoleon  made  no  mistake  in  distribut- 
ing the  medals  of  St.  Helena.  The  popularity  of  his  uncle 
devolved  upon  him.  In  fancy  we  saw  the  Emperor  of  the 
French  cross  the  Alps  and  chase  our  rulers  away.  Only 
a  Napoleon,  it  was  said,  could  drive  the  Austrians  out 
of  Italy. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

(1858) 

The  Archduke  as  Governor-General.  —  He  endeavors  to  attract  the  conspicuous 
citizens.  —  The  agreement  for  the  Italo-Austrian  railways.  —  Cesare  Cantu. 
—  The  struggle  of  the  patriotic  Milanese  against  Maximilian.  —  In  Casa 
Maffei.  —  Conte  Giulini  in  the  years  of  resistance.  —  Words  of  Cavour  to 
Giulini  and  Dandolo.  —  Casa  Crivelli  and  Casa  Dandolo.  —  Fears  re- 
kindled. —  More  duels  proposed. 

THE  year  1858  began,  as  the  preceding  one,  with  a 
strong  feeling  of  apprehension  on  the  part  of  the 
leading  patriotic  citizens.  The  year  before,  we  had  been 
exercised  by  the  thought  of  the  coming  of  the  Emperor; 
now  we  were  concerned  with  the  presence  of  the  Arch- 
duke. As  I  have  said,  he  was  handsome,  tall,  and  fair; 
and  he  was  dressed  usually  in  the  uniform  of  an  officer  of 
the  navy.  He  was  reported  to  be  intelligent,  affable,  and 
active,  and  to  be  full  of  good  intentions  and  liberal  ideas. 
Official  rumors,  too,  gave  out  that  he  had  larger  powers 
than  he  appeared  to  have;  and  in  this  deception  the 
Archduke  unwittingly  participated.  In  his  heart  he 
exaggerated  his  mission,  deceiving  himself  with  the  idea 
that  he  could  perform  the  things  of  his  fancy.  Some- 
what cultured,  he  was  fantastic  and  Utopian,  as  his 
tragic  adventure  in  Mexico  afterwards  proved.  He  did 
not  perceive  that  matters  were  looked  upon  differently 
in  Vienna  from  the  way  he  looked  upon  them  himself, 
and  that  his  mission  was  only  a  feint.  He  thought  that 
he  was  to  become  the  prince  of  a  semi-independent 
state;  whereas  he  was  sent  to  resume  the  role  of  the  pup- 
pet Viceroys  before  1848.  In  order  that  Austria  should 

276 


The  Archduke  as  Governor-General 

really  change  her  methods  the  battles  of  Solferino  and 
Sadowa  were  needed. 

The  death  of  Radetzky,  which  occurred  on  the  5th  of 
January,  contributed  to  the  Archduke's  illusion.  The 
old  Marshal  had  reorganized  the  Lombard  and  Venetian 
provinces,  and  had  been  their  civil  and  military  Gov- 
ernor since  1848.  He  represented  the  policy  of  absolu- 
tism and  reaction,  that  is,  the  policy  of  Metternich 
intensified.  Radetsky  was  a  man  of  mediocre  capacity; 
but  he  was  a  good  officer,  and  was  blindly  devoted  to  his 
Imperial  Master.  He  was  kind  to  his  soldiers,  and  was 
beloved  by  them;  but  he  was  hard  to  his  adversaries. 
"Three  days  of  blood  will  assure  thirty  years  of  peace," 
he  is  reported  to  have  said  on  the  eve  of  the  Five  Days. 
There  is  no  doubt  but  that  he  was  convinced  of  it.  In- 
vested with  unlimited  powers,  he  oppressed  the  country 
many  years  without  a  thought  of  the  morrow.  He  gov- 
erned it  as  a  land  that  is  occupied  in  time  of  war,  forget- 
ting that  it  was  one  of  the  most  important  parts  of  the 
empire.  His  letters  to  his  daughter  Federica,  which 
were  published  after  his  death,  are  full  of  paternal  care 
and  affection  for  her,  yet  of  iron  and  fire  and  hanging 
for  the  discontented  Italians.  His  death  was  opportune. 
It  seemed  to  signalize  the  end  of  a  gloomy  past  and  the 
beginning  of  a  more  engaging  future. 

Maximilian  went  immediately  to  work.  For  several 
months  he  was  let  alone  by  the  Government,  and  found 
himself  alone  in  Milan.  He  endeavored  to  attract  the 
people,  and  to  learn  something  of  the  subjects  he  was 
sent  to  govern;  but  it  was  too  late.  The  first  opportun- 
ity that  offered  itself  to  him  was  the  agreement  entered 

277 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


into  at  Vienna  for  the  working  of  the  railways  that  were 
built,  and  were  to  be  built,  in  Lombardo-Venetia.81 
Among  the  signers  was  the  Duca  Lodovico  Melzi.  The 
Archduke  offered  him  an  influential  place  in  the  admin- 
istration. Melzi  accepted,  but  on  condition  that  the 
persons  he  nominated  for  positions  should  be  appointed. 
Later  on,  the  Director  of  the  Police  observed  that  all  of 
the  nominations  of  the  Duke  were  of  suspected,  or  of 
compromised,  persons.  Indeed,  many  of  the  young  men 
he  named  had  fought  on  the  patriotic  side,  and  some  had 
just  returned  from  prison  or  exile.  As  often  as  Maxi- 
milian made  appointments  he  said:  "Now,  I  hope  that 
these,  at  least,  will  come  to  me."  But  they  always  found 
pretexts  for  remaining  away.  The  Archduke  ought  to 
have  perceived,  from  the  first,  that  he  would  obtain  no 
"commanded"  thanks. 

Among  his  projects  was  one  of  founding  a  journal, 
which  was  to  be  entitled  the  "Gazzetta  Italiana."  The 
name  "Italiana"  was  conceded,  although  "Austriaca" 
was  understood.  Some  said  that  the  editorship  of  this 
periodical  would  be  given  to  Cesare  Cantu  (whom,  in- 
deed, the  Archduke  wanted) ;  others  averred  that  much 
higher  duties  were  reserved  for  him.  Cantu  denied  all 
these  reports,  and  the  facts  proved  that  they  were  with- 
out foundation.  The  journal  was  to  be  the  organ  of  the 
policies  of  the  Archduke,  and  was  to  be  directed  by  the 
professional  journalist  Menini,  assisted  by  other  editors, 
among  whom  was  the  Triestino  Emilio  Treves.  The 
first  number  was  printed  as  a  sample  of  what  the  others 
were  to  be,  and  was  sent  to  Vienna.  An  immediate  pro- 
hibition came;  so  the  gazette  died  before  it  was  born,  and 

278 


Cesare  Cantu 


the  Archduke  was  discredited,  a  thing  which  invariably 
happened  when  he  attempted  to  carry  out  his  policy, 
which,  as  we  have  seen,  was  founded  upon  a  misunder- 
standing of  his  powers. 

Still  he  went  intrepidly  forward,  and  turned  for  sup- 
port to  the  most  noted  members  of  the  Clerical  party. 
He  secured  some  followers  among  them;  and  they,  to 
justify  themselves,  gave  reasons  for  their  adherence 
which  were  often  very  specious.  They  said  that  it  was 
high  time  to  rouse  the  country  from  its  inertia,  and  to 
put  it  on  the  road  of  economic  progress;  that  it  was 
Utopian  to  trust  to  Piedmont,  which  was  not  able  to  help 
us;  that  we  should  avail  ourselves  of  the  presence  of  the 
Archduke,  who  had  come  to  solve  our  questions;  and 
that  autonomy  and  liberty  should  be  sought  for  in  other 
ways  than  in  the  past. 

The  mirage  placed  before  a  country  that  for  forty 
years  had  either  languished  in  rigid  absolutism,  or 
fought  hopelessly  against  it,  was  a  grave  peril.  For 
nearly  ten  years  the  city  had  awaited  a  recovery,  and 
signs  of  it  had  begun  to  appear.  The  language  and  con- 
duct of  Maximilian  were  seductive;  and  many  had  begun 
to  ask  themselves  whether  they  ought  not  to  support 
him.  They  were  not  among  the  people  who  had  be- 
longed to  the  party  of  militant  patriotism ;  rather  were 
they  those  who  had  followed  its  lead,  and  who,  though 
cherishing  Italian  sentiments,  had  compromised  with 
the  Government.  They  were,  generally  speaking,  medi- 
ocre persons,  who  disappeared  in  the  high  tide  of  our 
national  revival. 

It  was  reported  that  Cesare  Cantu  was  among  the 

279 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


supporters  of  the  Archduke.  Cantu  was  an  indefatiga- 
ble worker,  and  lived  within  the  circle  of  his  intimate 
friends.  As  a  young  man  he  had  been  imprisoned  by  the 
Austrians,  but  in  after  years  he  did  not  consort  with  the 
patriots.  He  was,  however,  an  adversary  of  the  Aus- 
trian Government,  but,  disdainful  of  the  opinion  of 
others,  he  did  not  join  in  the  opposition  to  Maximilian. 
The  public,  on  the  other  hand,  regretting  that  it  did  not 
have  with  it,  in  this  struggle,  an  eminent  citizen,  was 
severe,  and  believed  that  which  was  not  true.32 

The  Milanese  had  occupied  themselves  very  little 
with  their  governors  and  their  policies ;  but  it  was  neces- 
sary to  take  notice  of  the  Archduke,  as  they  had  to  fight 
him  in  order  to  make  the  execution  of  his  plans  impos- 
sible. Though  his  work,  probably,  would  have  proved 
itself  to  be  illusory,  he  himself  was  a  danger  to  the  cause 
of  independence  and  a  hindrance  to  the  policy  of  Pied- 
mont. His  flatteries  might  have  induced  us  to  abandon 
the  ten  years  of  resistance  upon  which  so  much  of  the 
politics  of  the  nation  was  at  present  founded.  The 
Archduke  was  far  more  formidable  than  the  Marshal 
with  his  military  law  and  prisons  and  gallows;  so  the 
command  went  forth:  "Combat  Maximilian  in  every 
way  and  at  every  cost." 

Fifteen  years  later,  when  Vittorio  Emanuele  went  to 
Vienna  to  visit  the  Emperor,  an  Austrian  minister  spoke 
of  the  ten  years  of  resistance,  with  my  brother  Emilio, 
who  accompanied  the  king.  It  seemed  to  him  that  the 
directing  classes  had  entered  into  an  organized  con- 
spiracy in  order  to  keep  the  country  firm  in  its  continued 
struggle.  My  brother  said:  "  There  was  no  permanent 

280 


In  Casa  Maffei 


conspiracy;  there  were  some  especial  ones,  but  they  were 
of  short  duration,  and  were  composed  of  but  few  persons. 
There  was  a  great  natural  and  spontaneous  conspiracy 
of  all.  Firmness  and  discipline  were  preserved  in  our 
ranks  by  your  antiquated  methods  of  government;  by 
your  police  and  your  generals.  Only  once  did  it  become 
difficult  to  maintain  our  resistance;  it  was  when  you 
sent  us  the  Archduke  Maximilian." 

Nowhere  was  the  campaign  against  the  Archduke 
directed  more  gayly  and  efficaciously  than  in  Casa 
Maifei.  The  winter  of  1858  is  a  memorable  date  in  the 
history  of  the  salon  of  the  Contessa.  The  republican 
color  had  disappeared,  and  patriotism  had  definitely 
united  itself  to  faith  in  Vittorio  Emanuele  and  Cavour. 
"Casa  Maffei"  was  synonymous  with  the  political  and 
warlike  society  of  Milan.  Some  outsiders  believed  it  to 
be  a  reunion  of  pedants  and  letterati,  but  it  was  nothing 
of  the  kind.  It  is  true  that  we  discussed  literature  and 
art,  but  we  also  joked  and  laughed  and  commented 
upon  the  gossip  of  the  town.  The  distinguishing  mark 
was  the  patriotic  turn  that  was  given  to  all  conversa- 
tion. 

Chiarina  Maffei,  though  intelligent  and  cultured,  was 
not  a  woman  of  letters;  but  she  was  an  enthusiast  for 
all  that  was  beautiful  and  good.  When  her  modest 
means  did  not  permit  her  to  do  all  that  her  heart 
prompted,  she  had  recourse  to  her  rich  friends,  above 
all  to  Cesare  Giulini,  whose  generosity  was  inexhaustible. 
Giulini  was  as  high-minded  as  he  was  charitable.  His 
culture  was  really  vast,  and  his  memory  was  most 
extraordinary,  as  was  also  his  absentmindedness.  His 

281 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


duty  to  his  country  was  a  religion,  and  he  acted  a  great 
part  in  the  years  between  1848  and  1857.  When  his 
county  became  united,  Cavour  wanted  to  make  him  a 
governor  or  a  minister,  but  he  would  not  accept  any  po- 
sition, and  died,  in  1862,  in  the  forty-eighth  year  of  his 
age.  At  this  time  he  was  constantly  taking  trips  to 
Turin,  now  openly,  now  secretly,  and  brought  back  to 
us  from  his  friends  items  of  news  which  were  a  great 
source  of  comfort.  He  had  had  an  interview  with 
Cavour  apropos  of  Maximilian;  and  he  told  us  that  the 
Minister  had  whispered:  "You  must  have  Milan  placed 
again  under  martial  law." 

This  saying  came  as  a  sort  of  command,  and  quickly 
passed  from  mouth  to  mouth  with  patriotic  indiscretion. 
In  the  mean  time  Emilio  Dandolo  was  called  to  Turin  by 
Cavour,  who  said  to  him:  "Dear  Dandolo,  we  have  ar- 
rived. Napoleon  has  promised  me  that,  if  the  Austrians 
should  put  their  feet  upon  Piedmontese  soil,  he  will  come 
to  our  aid.  You  must  do  your  best  to  have  your  friends 
keep  the  fire  of  patriotism  alive;  and  you  must  agitate." 

The Marchese  Luigi  Crivelli  (of  the  "red  beard")  and 
his  wife,  the  Marchesa  Carolina,  nata  Medici  di  Mari- 
gnano,  gathered  a  numerous  company,  chiefly  of  young 
people,  in  their  house  who  were  resolutely  and  noisily 
patriotic.  The  effect,  in  Casa  Crivelli,  of  the  words  of 
Cavour,  whispered  in  great  secrecy  by  all,  can  be 
imagined. 

In  spite  of  all  his  efforts,  the  Archduke  had  not  yet 
succeeded  in  giving  a  fete  or  a  reception.  Every  time  an 
affair  of  public  interest  presented  itself,  he  turned  to  the 
people  who  were  best  known  for  their  talent  or  admin- 

282 


Casa  Dan  Job 


istrative  power,  and  he  had  the  simplest  gentlemen  in- 
vited to  court  on  the  most  futile  pretexts.  So,  once  in  a 
while,  we  learned  that  some  little  fish  had  been  caught 
or  that  some  recruit  had  visited  the  Archduke.  "We 
must  put  a  stop  to  these  desertions,"  we  said;  "they 
might  create  a  situation  that  would  become  dangerous 
to  our  plans  for  independence."  But  how  were  we  to  do 
this? 

After  the  theater,  many  of  our  set  gathered  in  Casa 
Dandolo,  where  we  smoked  and  gossiped  until  a  late 
hour,  and  discussed  our  little  conspiracies.  One  evening, 
as  were  we  speaking  of  the  Archduke  and  of  those  who 
had  taken  his  bait,  some  one,  perhaps  it  was  Emilio 
Dandolo,  suggested  that  if  the  breaking  of  the  ties  of 
friendship  and  public  reprobation  were  not  a  sufficient 
deterrent,  we  must  do  something  else.  It  should  be 
observed  that  our  concern  for  the  breaches  that  had 
been  made  in  the  hitherto  inflexible  patriotic  ranks  was 
the  reflex  of  the  preoccupation  of  those  who  were  wiser 
than  we.  They  knew  that  a  truce  in  the  resistance  of 
Lombardo-Venetia  to  foreign  rule  would  be  fatal  to  the 
politics  of  Cavour. 

But  what  could  we  do?  Could  we  not  do  something 
that  would  make  a  noise  —  challenge,  for  one  thing,  the 
men  who  went  voluntarily  to  court  or  who  yielded,  in 
any  way,  to  the  policies  of  the  Archduke?  This  notion 
met  with  an  instantaneous  reception,  as  the  bravado 
seemed  beautiful.  It  was  on  a  level  with  the  tempera- 
ture of  our  heads,  and  of  the  times  in  which  we  lived. 
We  separated  that  night  filled  with  thoughts  of  duels. 


CHAPTER  XXV 

(1858) 

The  Marchese  Luigi  d'  Adda  visits  Maximilian.  —  Alfonso  Carcano  challenges 
him.  —  I  am  one  of  the  seconds.  — Threatened  by  the  police. —  We  go  to 
Piedmont.  —  The  duel.  —  The  Archduke  asks  Stefano  Jacini  to  report  on 
conditions  in  Valtellina.  —  Jacini  writes  an  excellent  book.  —  Rumor  of  a 
mission  to  Napoleon  given  by  Maximilian.  —  The  departure  of  Principe 
Porcia.  —  Cavour  at  Plombieres.  —  He  requests  Giulini  and  Dandolo  to 
come  to  him.  —  His  plans  for  the  next  year.  —  The  last  month  of  the  life  of 
Emilio  Dandolo.  —  The  family  Lutti  of  Riva.  —  Arrangements  for  sending 
recruits  to  Piedmont.  —  The  Societa  Nazionale  Italiana. 

THE  Archduke  proceeded  along  his  seductive  way 
frankly,  and,  occasionally,  successfully,  when  an 
interruption  occurred,  a  few  days  after  our  understand- 
ing in  Casa  Dandolo.  There  was  living  at  Milan  a 
Marchese  Luigi  d'Adda  Salvaterra,  a  brother  of  the 
Marchese  Gerolamo,  the  noted  bibliophile.  Luigi  d' Adda 
was  nicknamed  "Mazeppa,"  and  was  famous  for  his 
horsemanship.  He  rode  every  day  on  the  city  bastions, 
then  the  rendezvous  of  society,  to  display  one  or  the  other 
of  his  beautiful  Arab  horses. 

One  day  Maximilian  sent  an  aide  to  say  to  the 
Marchese  that  he  would  like  to  see  his  mount.  When 
d'Adda  approached,  he  requested  him,  with  many 
compliments,  to  send  his  horses  to  the  court  manege  so 
that  he  might  try  them.  After  this,  upon  various  pre- 
texts, he  invited  the  Marchese  to  court,  and  eventually 
to  luncheon.  D'Adda  accepted  the  invitation.  This 
action  which,  under  other  circumstances,  would  not 
have  been  noticed,  made  people  talk  so  much  that  to 
some  of  us  the  occasion  seemed  to  have  arisen  to  make  a 

284 


Carcano  challenges  Luigi  d*  Adda 

beginning  of  our  programme.  "We  will  commence,  then, 
with  d'  Adda,"  we  affirmed. 

"What  boys!"  some  people  will  exclaim;  but  such 
were  the  young  men  of  those  days ;  and  one  can  be  indul- 
gent when  one  recalls  that,  a  few  months  after  this 
episode,  they  left  their  homes  to  confront  a  thousand 
perils,  some  never  to  return.  There  was  some  sort  of  fes- 
tivity at  the  Scala,  and  Alfonso  Carcano,  who  was  the 
youngest  of  our  set,  went  masked.  He  met  d'  Adda,  and, 
after  a  short  conversation  regarding  his  delinquency,  in- 
sulted him.  Then  he  raised  his  mask  and  gave  him  his 
card.  D'  Adda  was  in  a  box  with  two  strangers,  who  were 
astounded.  The  news  of  Carcano's  act  passed  immedi- 
ately through  the  theater;  and  no  one  talked  of  anything 
else  for  days. 

The  next  morning  Donna  Giulia  and  Costanzo  Car- 
cano, the  mother  and  the  brother  of  Alfonso,  called  on 
me,  and  said  that  they  desired  that  the  Marchese  Mas- 
similiano  Stampa  Soncino  and  I  should  act  as  his 
seconds.  Donna  Giulia  was  in  tears,  and  begged  me  to 
assist  her  son.  Two  days  afterwards  the  seconds  held  a 
meeting.  For  d'  Adda  the  two  gentlemen  who  had  been 
in  the  box  with  him  acted.  They  were  Delia  Rocca,  a 
former  Spanish  officer,  and  a  Cervis  of  Novara.  In  the 
mean  time  I  had  been  summoned  by  the  police.  The 
Director  received  me  standing,  and  said  abruptly:  — 

"I  know  all.  The  Marchese  Luigi  d'Adda  was  in- 
sulted the  other  night  in  the  Scala  by  a  young  man  in  a 
mask  ...  we  know  who  he  was,  and  we  know  the  cause 
for  the  insult.  There  is  talk  of  a  duel;  and  it  is  said  that 
you  are  to  be  one  of  the  seconds  .  .  .  but  I  tell  you  this 

285 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


duel  will  not  take  place.  Do  you  understand?  ...  It 
would  be  scandalous.  It  would  force  me  to  arrest  you 
and  your  two  friends,  and  institute  a  double  proceeding 
against  you;  one  for  dueling,  and  one  for  political  misde- 
meanor. .  .  .  Now  I  ask  you  to  give  me  your  word  that 
this  duel  will  not  take  place,  or,  at  least,  that  you  will 
take  no  part  therein.  Answer  me!" 

"Of  the  duel  of  which  you  speak,"  I  replied,  "up  to 
the  present  time  I  know  nothing;  but  I  cannot  give  you 
my  word  not  to  act  in  it.  You  are  a  gentleman,  and  you 
ought  to  understand  that,  if  a  friend  should  ask  me  to 
assist  him,  I  cannot  refuse." 

We  talked  for  some  time;  he  with  an  air  ever  more 
menacing,  and  I  with  the  air  of  a  victim  to  friendship. 
The  Marchese  Soncino  was  also  summoned  the  same 
morning,  and  questioned,  and  threatened.  He  gave  the 
same  replies,  as  they  had  been  agreed  upon  between  us. 

It  seemed  at  first  to  d'  Adda's  seconds  that  an  alterca- 
tion at  a  festival  could  be  settled  over  some  bottles  of 
champagne ;  but  they  soon  perceived  that,  under  the  ap- 
parent quarrel,  there  was  a  political  difference  and  that 
the  duel  was  inevitable.  It  was  agreed  that  it  should  be 
fought  with  pistols,  and  that  it  should  take  place  beyond 
the  Ticino.  But  the  question  was  how  to  get  there,  as  we 
were  watched  by  the  police. 

We  agreed  to  leave  the  same  evening;  and,  so  as  to 
avoid  suspicion,  to  go  to  the  Scala,  and  show  ourselves 
until  the  appointed  hour.  We  all  left  together,  and  went 
to  the  Piazza  Fontana  where  two  carriages  were  waiting 
for  us.  There  was  no  railway  as  far  as  the  Ticino  at  this 
time,  and  it  was  in  the  month  of  February.  It  snowed, 

286 


The  Duel 

and  I  wore  a  dress-coat,  white  cravat,  and  pumps!  I 
froze.  I  had  no  passport,  so,  when  we  arrived  at  the 
frontier,  I  mounted  the  box  of  one  of  the  carriages,  and 
Delia  Rocca  passed  me  through  as  his  domestic. 

In  a  village  beyond  the  frontier  we  found  a  Pied- 
montese  cavalry  officer,  who  had  been  requested  by  my 
colleague  to  bring  the  pistols.  He  conducted  us  to  a 
grove,  distant  about  a  kilometre,  whither  we  all  marched 
in  the  wind  and  snow.  Oh!  my  pumps!  and  oh !  how  cold 
I  was.  Scipione  Signoroni  accompanied  us  as  the  sur- 
geon. The  two  adversaries  were  placed  at  a  distance  of 
twenty  paces,  and  aimed  at  one  another;  whereupon  the 
word  was  given:  "One,  two,  three."  At  the  word 
"three"  two  shots  were  fired.  Fortunately  the  balls 
struck  the  neighboring  trees ;  they  had  shown  more  sense 
than  we.  For  our  excuse,  I  repeat  we  considered  our- 
selves to  be  at  war.  If  the  Milanese  had  always  con- 
ducted themselves  with  prudence,  the  Austrians  would 
still  have  been  walking  our  streets.  The  pistols  were 
recharged ;  but  d' Adda's  seconds  came  forward  and  said, 
"That,  regard  being  had  to  the  cause  of  the  meeting,  we 
could  stop  the  duel  and  reconcile  the  adversaries."  To 
this  proposal  Soncino  and  I  agreed,  as  a  sufficient  pro- 
test had  been  made.  Thereupon  d'Adda  insisted  upon 
justifying  himself;  and  we  all  shook  hands  and  returned 
to  Milan. 

Some  hours  after  our  return,  Soncino  called  upon  me, 
and  reported  that  he  had  again  been  summoned  by  the 
Director  of  the  Police,  who,  to  his  surprise,  knew  no- 
thing of  what  had  taken  place.  The  Director  threatened 
him  as  before,  and  as  before,  Soncino  kept  quiet  and 

287 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


shrugged  his  shoulders.  "Oh!  what  a  comedy!"  we  said 
to  one  another.   "How  will  the  matter  end?" 

For  several  days  nothing  but  the  meeting  was  talked 
of,  and  we  did  not  know  what  to  do;  but,  as  we  had  all 
agreed  to  deny  that  there  had  been  any  duel,  the  police 
could  obtain  no  proof  of  it;  and  we  concluded  that  we 
could  remain  at  home.  Later  on,  we  learned  that  our 
arrest  had  been  vetoed  by  the  Lieutenant,  who  had  ob- 
served to  the  police  that,  as  they  had  not  succeeded  in 
preventing  the  duel,  it  was  best  to  feign  that  they  knew 
nothing  of  it,  so  much  the  more  as  a  trial  would  raise  a 
question  that  it  was  wise  to  let  alone. 

But  the  Archduke  continued,  as  before;  occasionally 
summoning  even  people  whom  he  knew  to  belong  to  the 
opposite  camp,  among  whom  was  Stefano  Jacini,  an  in- 
timate friend  of  Casa  MafFei.  The  reason  for  this  invita- 
tion was  such  as  made  a  refusal  difficult.  The  province 
of  Sondrio  had  suffered,  now,  for  nine  consecutive  years, 
the  loss  of  its  principal  product.  Its  celebrated  vine- 
yards had  become  destroyed  by  the  oi'dium,  against 
which  no  remedy  had  been  found.  Besides,  the  Austrian 
Government,  intending  to  increase  its  revenue  in  Lom- 
bardy,  had  devised  a  new  scheme  of  assessment,  and 
had  begun  to  apply  it  to  the  province  of  Sondrio,  as  it 
was  the  smallest.  Thus  it  came  about  that,  as  there 
was  a  failure  of  the  principal  product,  the  land  scarcely 
sufficed  to  pay  the  taxes.  The  little  proprietors  gradu- 
ally became  indebted,  and  the  moderate  fortunes  rap- 
idly disappeared.  Many  people  who  had  been  in  easy 
circumstances  sank  into  misery;  and  many  peasants 
who  could  not  emigrate  languished  in  hunger  and  want. 

288 


Stefano  JacinPs  Commission 

In  the  course  of  these  years  entire  families  disappeared. 
Inheritances  remained  often  undistributed  because  the 
heirs  could  not  pay  the  imposts.  And  in  some  districts 
the  population  diminished  as  if  it  had  been  afflicted 
by  a  plague. 

These  things  had  greatly  stirred  public  opinion;  but 
the  Government  had  paid  little  heed  to  them,  content- 
ing itself  with  applying  its  new  tax !  Now  the  Archduke 
became  interested  in  the  evil,  and  recommended  a  lot- 
tery in  the  whole  kingdom  of  Lombardo-Venetia  in 
order  to  raise  funds  to  succor  the  necessitous.  And  he 
determined,  also,  to  have  the  conditions  of  the  Valtel- 
lina  studied  by  the  economist  Stefano  Jacini,  whose 
book  on  the  "Condizioni  dei  Contadini  in  Lombardia" 
had  gained  the  prize  of  the  Institute. 

When  Jacini  accepted  this  commission  his  friends 
were  greatly  vexed.  The  irreconcilable  patriots  did  not 
want  Maximilian  to  find  an  adherent  in  any  one,  above  all 
in  regard  to  measures  that  appeared  to  be  good.  Jacini 
excused  himself  by  saying  that  many  things  were  not  yet 
ended.  He  had  just  returned  from  a  long  journey,  and 
was  not  aware  how  determined  society  was  in  opposition 
to  the  Archduke.  One  day  he  took  me  under  the  arm, 
and  we  promenaded  a  long  time  together.  He  told  me  he 
had  traveled  through  England,  France,  and  Germany, 
and  had  conversed  everywhere  with  important  people 
upon  Italian  affairs ;  that  they  had  invariably  expressed 
the  opinion  that  Italy  should  dismiss  every  desire 
of  a  recovery  by  means  of  an  insurrection  or  of  Pied- 
montese  assistance,  as  all  Europe  was  against  a  war; 
that  they  considered  that  to  the  Lombardo-Venetians  an 

289 


Memoirs  of  Touth 


unexpected  good  fortune  had  presented  itself  in  the 
desire  of  an  intelligent  Archduke  to  obtain  their  admin- 
istrative autonomy  under  his  rule;  and  that  the  Italians 
should  second  his  efforts  if  they  did  not  wish  to  rivet 
their  chains  in  following  a  chimera.  This  was  precisely 
the  theory  of  the  timid,  and  the  tired,  and  the  partisans 
of  the  Archduke. 

I  asked  Jacini  if  he  had  talked  with  Giulini,  who  had 
just  returned  from  Turin.  "Not  yet,"  he  replied. 
Whereupon  I  requested  him  to  do  so  as  soon  as  possible. 
Jacini  wrote  an  excellent  book;  but  he  did  not  call  a 
second  time  upon  the  Archduke.  Outside  of  the  lottery, 
the  Valtellina  obtained  no  succor  or  relief,  and  was 
abandoned  to  its  fate. 

Later  on,  the  National  Government  began  to  make 
experiments  and  to  diffuse  instructions  how  to  fight  the 
blight,  and  it  passed  a  law  granting  relief  through  a  re- 
duction of  the  taxes.  The  promoters  of  this  enactment 
were  Guicciardi,  Torelli,  Allievi,  Correnti,  Bonfadini, 
Jacini,  Scialoia,  and  Emilio,  who  had  been  commissioned 
to  prepare  the  measures  of  legislation.  The  Valtellina 
received  an  immense  benefit  from  it,  and  was  able  to 
advance  along  the  road  to  an  economic  recovery. 

Maximilian's  role  became  ever  more  difficult,  as  he 
met  with  opposition  not  only  in  Milan,  but  also  in 
Vienna ;  so  much  so  that  it  was  said  that  he  had  turned 
to  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  had  sent  him  a  confiden- 
tial ambassador  to  ask  whether  he  could  count  on  his 
support  in  his  plans  for  Lombardo-Venetia.  It  was  ru- 
mored that  the  gentleman  charged  with  this  mission  was 
the  Duca  Lodovico  Melzi  d'  Eril,  and  that  Melzi  had 

290 


The  Departure  of  Principe  Portia 

accepted  it  in  good  faith.  Melzi  went  frequently  to  Paris, 
where  the  Emperor  received  him  with  many  honors  as 
the  descendant  of  the  Vice-President  of  the  Italian 
Republic.  At  the  Tuileries  he  was  announced  as  the 
Duca  di  Lodi,  a  title  that  was  given  to  Conte  Francesco 
Melzi  by  Napoleon  I.  Of  this  mission,  however,  nothing 
positive  is  known,  as  it  had  no  result  and  has  left  no 
trace. 

Of  what  was  thought,  in  the  circle  of  the  Archduke 
and  of  his  Lieutenant,  of  the  state  of  affairs,  we  some- 
times had  an  inkling  given  us  by  the  Principe  Porcia. 
It  was  Porcia  who  told  us  that  Burger  was  opposed  to 
the  police  making  any  arrests  because  of  the  Carcano- 
d'  Adda  duel.  But  very  shortly  after  this  an  incident 
occurred  which  put  a  stop  to  the  Principe's  relationship 
with  Maximilian.  One  day  he  met  the  Archduke  while 
he  was  walking  with  some  friends,  who  did  not  salute 
him.  Porcia  either  did  not  notice  the  meeting,  or  he  did 
not  want  to  act  differently  from  the  others ;  anyway,  he 
did  not  salute  Maximilian.  The  next  day  he  received  an 
order  to  leave  Milan  immediately,  and  to  betake  himself 
to  his  Austrian  estates. 

No  matter  how  much  the  Archduke  strove,  one  by  one 
his  efforts  failed,  and  his  impotence  became  more  appar- 
ent every  day.  He  arrived  at  one  of  the  fatal  moments 
when  a  governor  is  already  condemned  because  of  the 
errors  and  wrongful  acts  of  his  predecessors.  Resistance 
gradually  gained  the  advantage,  and  a  certainty  arose 
that  the  patriotic  Milanese  had  won  a  dangerous  and 
difficult  battle. 

One  day  in  May  I  had  a  visit  from  a  man  called  Pa- 

291 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


gani,  who  came  to  talk  of  the  Societa  Nazionale.  It  was 
an  association  planned  like  a  secret  society,  and  had,  as 
one  of  its  aims,  unification  with  the  Mazzinian  societies. 
Its  objective  point  was  the  unity  of  Italy,  under  the 
House  of  Savoy,  through  the  leadership  of  Cavour.  The 
Societa  was  very  active,  and  soon  extended  itself 
throughout  the  whole  country.  Later  on  I  heard  that 
Cavour  had  said  to  La  Farina:  "I  have  faith  to  believe 
that  Italy  will  become  a  state  with  Rome  as  its  capital. 
Let  it  come  from  me  in  secret,  and  if  diplomacy  learns 
and  complains  of  this  utterance,  I  shall  deny  it  as  did 
St.  Peter."  (See  also  Bersezio's  history.) 

I  helped  Pagani  to  secure  some  friends  and  acquain- 
tances, especially  those  who  liked  secret  societies,  and 
had  had  ties  with  the  old  republican  associations.  As  for 
myself,  I  had  always  abhorred  a  mysterious  and  anony- 
mous subjection,  and  preferred  to  regulate  my  own  con- 
duct; therefore,  though  the  Societa  Nazionale  inspired 
faith  because  of  its  honest  principles,  I  did  not  enter  it. 

At  this  time  no  one  talked  of  Freemasonry.  It  had 
been  associated  with  the  movements  of  the  Carbonari 
and  of  Giovane  Italia,  but  it  had  nothing  whatever  to  do 
with  the  insurrection  of  1848.  After  this  year  it  nearly 
disappeared ;  and  was  not  to  flourish  again  until  at  a 
much  later  period. 

It  is  to  be  observed  that  the  Archduke's  effort  to 
attract  conspicuous  people  was  not  more  successful  at 
Venice  than  it  was  at  Milan,  while  Cavour's  field  of 
activity  constantly  increased.  In  July,  1858,  he  was  at 
Plombieres,  and  had  the  famous  interview  with  Na- 
poleon in  which  a  basis  for  an  alliance  and  a  future  war 

292 


Cavour*s  Plans  for  the  Next  Tear 

was  laid.  Then  he  returned  home  by  way  of  Switzerland, 
scarcely  avoiding  a  demonstration  of  triumph.  A  little 
while  after,  he  asked  Giulini  and  Dandolo  to  come  to 
Turin,  and  told  them  of  his  negotiations  with  Napoleon, 
so  that  they  could  instruct  their  friends  how  they  could 
best  help  him.  Among  the  things  Cavour  reported  that 
the  Emperor  had  said  was,  that  in  order  to  justify  the 
war  to  France,  which  was  reluctant,  he  deemed  it  neces- 
sary that  Piedmont  should  be  attacked  and  invaded  by 
Austria.  "  Faites-vous  attaquer,"  he  had  said  repeatedly. 

Cavour  asked  Giulini  whether  it  was  possible,  when 
Austria  should  make  its  next  levy,  for  the  Lombard  pro- 
prietors to  send  their  peasants  to  enlist  in  Piedmont. 
"I  will  enroll  all  who  come,"  said  he,  "in  the  Piedmont- 
ese  regiments.  .  .  .  Austria  will  ask  for  their  extradition. 
...  I  will  refuse;  and  then  Austria  will  invade  Pied- 
mont ! "  Giulini  replied  that  the  plan  would  be  studied  by 
himself  and  his  friends;  that  they  would  do  their  best 
to  further  it  and  would  be  able  to  do  so;  if  not  wholly, 
in  part.  They  were  not,  however,  the  conscripts  that 
passed  the  Ticino  and  enlisted  in  the  Sardinian  regi- 
ments; but  they  were  the  volunteers.  It  was  their  dis- 
armament that  Austria  demanded,  which  demand,  when 
it  met  a  refusal,  became  the  cause  of  war  and  of  the 
invasion. 

When  Cavour  told  Dandolo  the  outcome  of  his  nego- 
tiations at  Plombieres,  he  requested  him  to  come  to  an 
understanding  with  the  young  men  of  authority  in 
Milan,  especially  with  those  who  had  had  relations  with 
the  Mazzinian  societies.  The  Minister  wanted  to  draw 
to  himself  the  living  forces  of  the  nation,  to  destroy  sec- 

293 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


tarianism,  and  to  unite  all  in  the  formula  of  a  union  of 
Italy  with  the  monarchy  of  Savoy.  Dandolo,  therefore, 
had  a  long  interview  with  my  brother  Emilio,  and  told 
him  of  Cavour's  plans  for  unity;  informing  him,  at  the 
same  time,  of  the  Conte's  desire  to  be  the  judge  of  the 
ways  and  the  opportunities  for  attaining  it.  My  brother, 
in  his  turn,  reported  the  conversation  with  Dandolo  to 
his  friends,  who,  with  the  plans  of  Cavour  laid  before 
them,  ceased  longer  to  hesitate,  but  determined  to 
follow  the  new  lead.  Dandolo,  thereupon,  presented 
Emilio  to  Cavour. 

Thus  Cavour  not  only  laid  the  foundation  for  the  in- 
dependence, the  unity,  and  the  liberty  of  Italy,  but 
he  created  a  new  national  party  that  was  both  liberal 
and  monarchical,  and  that  gradually  drew  into  its  ranks 
the  most  eminent  persons  of  Italy.  With  its  aid  he  ac- 
complished many  things;  and  his  more  illustrious  suc- 
cessors were  able  to  continue  and  finish  his  work.  To 
one  who  lived  in  these  times,  and  who  followed  the 
march  of  events,  the  conviction  must  come  that  Cavour 
directed  every  movement,  and  that  he  was  the  great 
artificer  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Italy. 

"The  war  next  spring"  now  became  the  preoccupa- 
tion of  the  initiated.  We  talked  of  nothing  else,  and  we 
planned  to  raise  a  subscription  to  be  used  to  help  it  come 
to  pass.  When  we  talked  of  the  approaching  conflict  in 
Casa  Dandolo,  the  pale  cheeks  of  poor  Emilio  would 
flush.  His  health,  alas !  was  rapidly  declining.  He  was 
consumptive,  and  he  understood  his  condition;  yet  he 
was  determined  to  go  to  Piedmont,  as  soon  as  possible,  to 
secure  his  former  post.  "  I  do  not  wish  to  die  in  bed,"  he 

294 


The  Family  Lutti  of  Riva 

was  wont  to  say.  "  I  wish  to  die  as  a  soldier  on  the  field 
of  battle."  His  desire  just  missed  being  fulfilled.  In  a 
few  months  more  of  life  he  would  have  seen  the  dawn  of 
our  common  hopes. 

I  passed  the  month  of  August  in  Casa  Lutti,  at 
Campo,  in  the  Giudicarie,  near  Riva  di  Trento.  My 
friend  Vincenzo  Lutti  di  Sant'  Alessandro  was  one  of  the 
important  persons  of  the  new  national  party  in  the  Tren- 
tino,  and  he  and  his  family  received  in  their  villas,  now 
at  Riva,  now  at  Campo,  now  at  Sant'  Alessandro  on 
Lago  di  Garda  many  noteworthy  people  from  every 
part  of  Italy.  Andrea  Maffei,  the  husband  of  the  Con- 
tessa,  had  his  accustomed  abode  in  Casa  Lutti,  and  one 
often  met  there  the  noted  alienist  Andrea  Verga  and 
the  poets  Prati  and  Gazzoletti.  The  mother  of  Vin- 
cenzo, Donna  Clara,  was  an  old  lady  who  loved  to  pose 
as  the  friend  and  protectress  of  the  letterati.  She  had 
two  daughters,  one  of  whom,  Francesca,  was  an  au- 
thoress. To  Lutti  and  his  friends  I  communicated,  of 
course,  the  news  I  had  received  from  Giulini;  so  in  the 
Trentino,  also,  arrangements  were  made  to  send  re- 
cruits to  Piedmont  in  the  spring.  Some  months  after- 
wards Alberto  dei  Marchesi  Incisa  della  Rocchetta  came 
to  Campo,  in  behalf  of  the  Piedmontese  Ministry  of 
War,  to  make,  with  Lutti,  a  survey  of  the  country. 

When  I  returned  to  Milan  in  the  autumn  I  heard  in 
Casa  Maffei  that  the  plan  of  sending  conscripts  to  Pied- 
mont had  been  abandoned,  and  that,  in  its  stead,  it  was 
agreed  by  the  leaders  of  the  Societa  Nazionale  and  of  the 
young  men  that  the  volunteers  of  '48  and  '49,  and  as 
many  others  as  desired,  should  go  to  Piedmont  and  en- 

295 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


list  in  the  regular  troops  or  in  the  volunteers.  The  So- 
cieta  Nazionale  was  indefatigable  in  making  known  this 
plan,  and  in  putting  it  into  effect.  The  subscription,  in- 
stituted a  few  months  previously,  took  on  vast  propor- 
tions; huge  sums  were  secretly  subscribed;  and  a  con- 
spiracy, with  many  ramifications,  was  formed  to  facilitate 
the  flight  of  the  young  men  to  the  Piedmontese  frontier. 
In  this  conspiracy  people  of  every  class,  in  every  dis- 
trict of  Lombardy  and  Venetia,  participated.  The  work 
was  carried  on  for  nearly  three  months,  and  was  known 
to  many  simple  people,  who  were  active  in  it,  —  drivers, 
boatmen,  and  smugglers;  yet  the  police,  though  on  its 
track,  did  not  succeed  in  preventing  it.  There  was  no 
betrayal. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

(1859) 

The  New  Year.  —  Speeches  of  Napoleon  and  of  Vittorio  Emanuele. — 
"Norma,"  and  the  demonstration  at  the  Scala.  —  Organization  to  assist  the 
volunteers.  —  Their  departure.  —  The  death  of  Emilio  Dandolo.  —  The 
funeral  procession,  and  the  tricolored  crown.  — The  orations  at  the  cemetery. 
—  Casa  Bargnani  is  searched,  and  a  letter  of  my  brother  is  found.  —  The 
police  come  to  our  house  to  arrest  Emilio  and  me.  —  My  brother,  who  was 
not  at  home,  escapes.  —  I  go  to  Casa  Maffei.  —  The  Contessa  and  Tenca 
help  me  to  leave  the  city.  —  A  first  misfortune.  —  By  a  series  of  relays  I 
arrive  at  Lonato  Pozzuolo.  —  My  host.  —  He  presents  me  as  a  railway 
engineer.  —  I  cross  the  Ticino  by  the  permission  of  the  police.  —  I  arrive  at 
Oleggio,  and  depart  for  Turin. 

THE  year  1859  opened  joyously.  Some  bands  of 
music  went  early  in  the  morning  to  greet  the 
authorities,  as  was  the  custom,  and,  returning,  marched 
through  several  streets,  saluting  the  new  year.  Among 
the  pieces  they  played  was  a  popular  song,  that  had  just 
come  to  us,  called  the  "Bella  Gigogin."  The  music  was 
facile,  and  the  words  were  silly,  but  there  was  a  chorus 
which  ran,  "Go  a  step  in  advance,  my  heart's  delight," 
—  words  which  the  public  heard  with  joy,  as  they  gave 
them  a  patriotic  significance.  The  "Bella  Gigogin" 
went  forward  triumphantly  as  an  augury  for  the  future. 
The  song  became  so  popular  that  the  French  bands 
played  it  when  Napoleon  entered  Milan  after  the  battle 
of  Magenta.  They  called  it  the  "Milanaise." 

But  the  best  auguries  were  to  come  from  Paris  and 
Turin.  In  the  New  Year's  reception  of  the  diplomatic 
corps,  Napoleon  turned  to  Baron  Hiibner,  the  Austrian 
ambassador,  and  said :  "  I  am  sorry  our  relations  are  not 
so  good  as  they  were  formerly."  These  words  of  the  taci- 

297 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


turn  Emperor  reverberated  throughout  all  Europe,  as  if 
they  were  an  announcement  of  war.  Austria  replied  by 
immediately  sending  another  army  corps  and  six  bat- 
talions of  Croats  into  Lombardy.  A  few  days  after,  i.e., 
on  the  loth,  Vittorio  Emanuele,  in  his  speech  at  the 
opening  of  Parliament,  said:  "I  am  not  insensible  to  the 
cry  of  grief  that  comes  to  me  from  every  part  of  Italy"; 
words  which  were  said  in  agreement  with  Napoleon. 

News  of  this  utterance  came  to  Milan  the  very  day  it 
was  spoken.  I  was  at  the  Theater  della  Scala ;  and  all  at 
once  I  noticed  people  talking  to  one  another  in  an  ex- 
cited way,  and  at  the  same  time  I  perceived  an  air  of 
surprise  on  the  faces  of  the  Austrian  officers  and  func- 
tionaries. The  nervous  tension  that  was,  so  to  speak,  in 
the  air  and  in  us  all  was  to  break  out  a  few  evenings  later 
in  the  same  theater.  The  opera  "Norma"  was  given, 
and  the  Druids  had  scarcely  begun  to  sing  the  chorus  of 
"Guerra,  guerra"  (war,  war),  when  the  whole  house 
rose  up.  The  ladies  waved  their  handkerchiefs,  and  all, 
with  one  voice  and  one  cry,  shouted  "Guerra!  guerra!" 
The  chorus  was  repeated,  again  and  again,  amid  frantic 
enthusiasm. 

The  officers,  who,  as  usual,  occupied  the  front  rows  of 
the  stalls,  did  not  at  first  understand  the  reason  for  this 
outburst.  They  looked  inquiringly  to  the  boxes  where 
General  Giulay  and  several  of  his  superior  officers  sat. 
These  quickly  understood  the  matter,  and  began  like- 
wise to  applaud.  Giulay  gave  the  signal,  as  he  struck 
his  sword  against  the  floor.  Who  would  have  prophesied 
that  war  would,  indeed,  soon  break  out,  and  that  five 
months  later  he  would  have  lost  the  battle  of  Magenta! 

298 


Assistance  for  the  Volunteers 

Imagine  the  uproar.  On  one  side  people  cried,  "Viva 
la  guerra,"  and  called  for  repetitions  of  the  chorus;  on 
the  other  they  beat,  in  a  way  equally  defiant,  their 
swords  upon  the  floor.  The  theater  was  soon  surrounded 
by  troops,  and  General  Giulay  departed  in  the  midst  of 
his  staff  and  officers,  as  if  they  were  banded  in  his  defense. 

In  the  interim  we  continued  to  make  arrangements  for 
sending  as  many  young  men  as  possible  into  Piedmont. 
The  Lombard  towns  were  to  send  their  recruits  to  Milan, 
and  from  Milan  they  were  to  be  directed  to  the  frontier, 
at  the  Ticino,  or  the  Po,  or  by  way  of  Switzerland.  Cer- 
tain points  along  the  roads  were  fixed  upon,  where  car- 
riages, and,  occasionally,  lodgings,  could  be  had.  The 
men  were  to  receive  pieces  of  playing-cards,  or  of  sticks, 
which,  when  fitted  to  other  pieces,  would  serve  as 
means  of  recognition  to  those  who  received  them. 
With  these  tokens,  and  with  occasional  gifts  of  money, 
nearly  all  who  left  Lombardy  for  Piedmont  arrived  at 
their  destination  without  any  mishap.  The  number  in 
all  was  about  ten  thousand. 

A  secret  trust  fund  provided  for  the  expenses.  The 
fund  was  confided  to  a  number  of  citizens,  who  passed  it 
frequently  from  one  to  the  other;  for  it  was  a  perilous 
trust  to  him  who  had  it,  as  there  was  a  coming  and  going 
of  young  men  which  aroused  the  suspicions  of  the  police. 

Not  all,  of  course,  of  the  ten  thousand  recruits  received 
aid  from  the  fund;  many  traveled  at  their  own  expense; 
but  many  again  were  assisted.  In  this  work  the  spon- 
taneous connivance  of  all,  as  in  1848,  played  a  great  part. 
The  richer  classes  then  contributed  generously;  now 
they  gave  much  more;  and  all  was  done  in  secret. 

299 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


One  evening  I  was  in  the  house  of  the  Marchese  Cri- 
velli,  and  we  talked,  as  usual,  of  going  to  Piedmont, 
when  some  one  asked:  "When  shall  we  begin?  Shall  we 
go  immediately?"  Whereupon  Giulio  Venino,  a  student 
of  mathematics,  who  afterwards  became  a  captain  of 
artillery,  said:  "If  I  go  in  a  couple  of  days,  shall  I  do 
right?"  We  all  said  yes;  and  a  few  days  after  I  learned 
that  he  had  left,  and  had  enlisted  as  a  simple  soldier  in 
the  artillery.  I  desire  to  recall  Venino's  name  because 
his  noble  action  immediately  bore  fruit.  Shortly  after, 
the  father  of  Gaetano  Negri,  an  old  friend  of  our  family, 
came  to  tell  my  mother  of  the  departure  of  his  only  son, 
a  boy  of  twenty  years.  He,  too,  enlisted  in  the  artillery, 
and,  the  year  after,  had  become  a  second  lieutenant,  and 
had  gained  his  first  medal  for  bravery.  These  young 
men  were  followed  by  many  others  who  belonged  to  the 
aristocracy  of  Milan,  whose  examples  again  were  fol- 
lowed by  the  youth  of  every  class  and  condition.  Before 
the  end  of  February  the  volunteers  could  be  counted  by 
thousands.  Those  who  could  go,  and  did  not,  hid  them- 
selves; but  there  were  few  who  could  resist  the  im- 
pulse. In  the  roll  of  the  enlisted  the  best  names  of  the 
Lombard  and  Venetian  provinces  can  be  found. 

This  great  demonstration  of  patriotism  merits  to  be 
recorded  as  one  of  the  noblest  in  the  history  of  our 
Risorgimento.  The  Austrian  authorities,  accustomed  as 
they  were  to  laugh  at  our  demonstrations,  became  aston- 
ished, and  feared,  though  they  admired,  a  thing  so  new. 

Every  one  of  our  group  of  friends  had  made  his  pre- 
parations to  journey  to  Piedmont;  but  some  had  to  wait 
in  order  to  increase  the  secret  fund,  and  to  take  charge  of 

300 


The  Death  of  Emilio  Dandolo 

the  provincial  recruits  for  fear  of  mischance  or  of  a  dis- 
covery by  the  police.  The  matter  was  discussed  in  Casa 
Dandolo  around  the  armchair  of  Emilio,  who  was  rapidly 
approaching  his  end,  surrounded  by  the  loving  care  of 
his  parents,  his  priest,  and  his  friends,  among  whom  was 
Scipione  Signoroni,  his  physician,  who  was  himself 
afflicted  by  the  phthisis  which  was  to  cut  short  his 
career.33 

As  I  have  said,  Dandolo  did  not  deceive  himself  in 
regard  to  his  condition.  He  no  longer  hoped  to  put  on  his 
old  bersaglieri  uniform,  but  Cavour  had  promised  him  a 
place  on  the  staff,  and  all  his  thoughts  turned  to  war  and 
to  the  hope  of  dying  on  the  field  of  battle.  In  one  of  our 
last  talks  he  told  me  of  some  information  he  had  trans- 
mitted to  Cavour  on  the  forces  and  movements  of  the 
Austrian  army.  As  late  as  the  previous  autumn  two  cap- 
tains of  the  Piedmontese  staff  had  come  to  Milan,  where 
they  had  relatives  and  friends,  upon  the  dangerous  mis- 
sion of  obtaining  information.  They  were  Alberto  Incisa 
della  Rocchetta  (whom  I  have  already  mentioned)  and 
Govone,  both  of  whom,  afterwards,  attained  the  rank  of 
general.  Later  on,  Conte  Giulini  assisted  them  to  ac- 
complish a  still  more  dangerous  enterprise.  Knowing 
the  country  between  Milan,  the  Ticino,  and  the  Nova- 
rese,  where  he  had  properties,  when  the  Austrian  troops 
entered  Piedmont  he  aided  them  to  follow  their  move- 
ments, and  to  send  information  thereof  to  La  Marmora. 

Emilio  Dandolo  died  quietly  the  morning  of  the  2Oth 
of  February.  The  sad  news  was  rapidly  diffused,  and, 
with  it,  a  command  that  all  should  render  the  honors  due 
to  him.  In  the  mean  time  the  family  and  friends  watched 

301 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


by  the  remains,  and  made  arrangements  for  the  funeral. 
It  was  desired  that  my  brother  Emilio  should  speak  at 
the  grave;  but,  as  he  was  engaged,  the  morning  of  the 
obsequies,  as  second  in  the  duel  of  Gerolamo  Fadini,  he 
was  obliged  to  cede  the  sad  duty  to  Conte  Gaetano 
Bargnani,  a  relative  of  the  Dandolo  family.  When  the 
body  was  in  the  coffin,  Carmelita  Manara  placed  upon 
his  breast  the  tricolored  cockade  her  husband  had  car- 
ried, and  Ermellina  Dandolo  attached  a  garland  of 
flowers  of  the  same  three  colors.  Moreover,  the  Con- 
tessa  requested  Ignazio  Crivelli  to  procure  for  her  some 
red  and  white  camellias;  with  which,  and  some  green 
leaves,  she  made  a  crown.  She  thought  of  placing  this 
upon  the  coffin  when  it  should  leave  the  house,  and  had 
some  nails  driven  into  it  upon  which  to  fasten  the  crown; 
but  as  there  arose  a  fear  lest  it  might  be  seized  by  the 
police,  she  determined  to  have  it  attached  when  the  pro- 
cession should  leave  the  church.  Thus  the  crown  would 
be  seen  by  all,  and  the  police  would  have  difficulty  in 
seizing  it. 

The  funeral  took  place  the  morning  of  the  22d,  and  the 
bier  was  carried  to  the  church  of  San  Babila  dalla  Casa 
Crivelli,  upon  the  Corso  di  Porta  Orientale.  During  the 
service  the  crowd,  for  which  there  was  no  room  in  the 
church,  began  to  increase  in  the  piazza,  occupying  grad- 
ually the  neighboring  streets  and  the  corso.  It  was  a 
dense  crowd,  silent  and  imposing.  The  police  became 
alarmed,  and,  as  they  could  not  disperse  it,  sent  word 
that  the  procession  should  be  suspended.  The  order  was 
scarcely  issued  before  there  arose  a  noise  of  impatient 
protest  which  decided  Costantino  Garavaglia,  Lodovico 

302 


Dandolcfs  Funeral  Procession 

Mancini,  and  other  friends  to  go  to  the  sacristy  where  a 
commissary  of  police  was  stationed, to  endeavor  to  per- 
suade him  to  let  the  procession  go  on.  After  a  long  and 
fruitless  dispute,  Conte  Tullio  Dandolo  and  the  Du- 
chessa  Giovanna  Visconti  went  to  the  Lieutenant  to  try 
to  persuade  him  that,  in  the  interest  of  public  order, 
he  should  permit  the  funeral  to  proceed.  Burger,  after 
many  recommendations  of  caution,  consented. 

The  bier,  carried  upon  the  bearers'  shoulders,  moved 
forward.  At  one  of  the  doors  there  stood  a  group  of  the 
friends  of  the  deceased,  in  the  midst  of  whom  was  the 
porter  of  Casa  Crivelli,  a  patriotic  little  man,  who  had 
the  crown  concealed  under  his  cloak.  As  the  procession 
was  starting,  Lodovico  Mancini  took  the  crown  and  fixed 
it  to  the  coffin,  making  it  fast  to  the  nails.  Scarcely  had 
the  bier  with  the  tricolored  crown  appeared  when  a 
roaring  was  heard  in  the  crowd,  and  a  prolonged  cry 
arose,  frantic  and  terrible,  which  was  repeated  far  and 
wide  by  the  thousands  of  persons  that  had  come  to  pay 
a  last  tribute  to  the  dead. 

It  was  not  easy,  in  the  midst  of  the  crowd,  to  form  a 
train.  Biers  were  then  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of 
friends,  and  twelve  of  us  had  agreed  to  fulfill  this  office, 
relieving  one  another  from  time  to  time.  By  our  side 
walked  the  learned  Barnabite,  Father  Piantoni ;  and  be- 
hind, a  squadron  of  the  old  officers  and  soldiers  of  the 
Manara  Battalion  followed.  Some  of  them  were  cripples. 
This  squadron  caused  the  pressure  of  the  multitude  to 
increase  so  that  we  could  scarcely  proceed.  Above  all, 
the  people  wanted  to  see  the  tricolored  crown  which,  at 
every  step,  incited  a  cry  which  was  strangely  in  contrast 

303 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


to  the  feeling  of  sorrow  which  was  felt  by  all.  The  pro- 
cession of  grief  seemed  to  be  one  of  triumph;  and,  in  a 
measure,  it  was  so,  a  triumphant  homage  offered  to  the 
heroic  spirit  of  Emilio  Dandolo. 

The  throng  became  so  dense  that  we  were  afraid  lest 
we  might  be  overthrown  and  trampled  upon;  for  the 
gendarmes,  the  guards,  and  the  police  had  disappeared. 
It  was  impossible  for  them  to  face  the  excited  and  reso- 
lute crowd  which,  from  the  church  to  the  ancient  ceme- 
tery of  San  Gregorio,  had  everything  its  own  way.  When 
we  arrived  at  the  end  of  our  route,  we  found  the  ceme- 
tery occupied  and  surrounded  by  troops.  Only  the  bier 
and  a  few  of  those  who  followed  it  could  enter  the  gates. 
The  coffin  was  buried,  provisionally,  in  a  common  grave, 
and  over  it  courageous  patriotic  addresses  were  pro- 
nounced by  Conte  Bargnani  and  Antonio  Allievi.  The 
next  day  Conte  Tullio  obtained  permission  to  transport 
the  remains  to  his  villa  of  Adro,  in  the  province  of  Brescia, 
and  they  were  privately  exhumed  in  the  presence  of  the 
police.  The  Contessa  also  was  present,  and  was  able  to 
secure  the  crown  and  hide  it  under  her  cloak.  Sometime 
after,  Conte  Tullio  was  invited  to  Turin  to  assist  at  a 
funeral  service,  which,  at  the  suggestion  of  Cavour, 
was  celebrated  in  behalf  of  his  son.  Among  the  promot- 
ers of  this  honor,  besides  Cavour,  were  La  Marmora, 
Azeglio,  Durando,  Lanza,  and  Sella. 

It  was  foreseen  that  the  Government  would  hasten  to 
make  some  one  pay  for  this  great  demonstration,  against 
which  it  had  been  powerless.  So,  the  day  after,  some 
police  officers  called  at  Casa  Bargnani,  and  asked  for  the 
Conte.  Bargnani,  however,  had  been  advised  of  their 

304 


Casa  Bargnani  is  searched 

intended  visit,  and  had  gone  to  my  brother,  who  gave 
him  a  letter  to  a  gentleman  in  Pavia,  the  awocato  Cara- 
vaggio  (afterwards  Prefect  and  Senator),  who  devoted 
himself  to  aid  the  patriots  to  pass  the  frontier.  Bargnani, 
before  leaving,  returned  home,  and  he  had  scarcely  gone 
out  a  second  time  before  the  police  arrived.  After  hav- 
ing vainly  looked  for  him,  they  searched  the  house,  and 
even  rummaged  in  the  pockets  of  his  clothes.  They  found 
in  a  pocket  of  the  suit  he  had  changed,  the  letter  my 
brother  had  written,  which  Bargnani  had  forgotten. 

Contessa  Bargnani,  who  was  present  during  the 
search,  after  the  police  had  left,  ran  to  our  house  to  tell 
Emilio  that  his  letter  had  been  found.  Emilio,  in  his 
turn,  advised  Allievi  of  Bargnani's  flight,  believing  that 
the  police  wanted  to  arrest  him  because  of  his  Dandolo 
address.  In  my  turn,  I  exhorted  my  brother  to  leave, 
telling  him  that,  after  the  seizure  of  his  letter,  the  air  of 
Milan  would  do  him  no  good;  but  he  was  averse  to  tak- 
ing precaution  for  himself,  and  preferred  to  wait.  The 
evening  of  the  following  day,  after  the  representation  at 
the  Scala,  as  we  were  with  a  number  of  friends  in  Cafe 
Cova,  Emilio  narrated  the  story  of  the  letter,  and  said 
that  he  had  met  the  Director  of  the  Police  in  a  corridor 
of  the  theater,  who  looked  at  him  in  a  way  that  seemed 
to  say:  "And  you  are  still  in  Milan?" 

Thereupon  we  all  exhorted  him  to  decamp,  or,  at 
least,  not  to  return  home  that  evening;  and  our  friends 
offered  him  the  hospitality  of  their  houses.  After  some 
hesitation,  he  decided  to  go  home  with  one  of  them,  and 
he  wanted  me  to  do  likewise;  but  an  engagement  pre- 
vented me.  I  remembered  that,  early  the  next  morning, 

305 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


some  young  Brescians,  sent  by  Zanardelli,  were  to  call  on 
me  to  secure  the  tokens  necessary  to  enable  them  to  pass 
the  frontier.  And,  besides,  I  wanted  to  transfer  the 
trust  fund,  which  was  then  in  my  possession,  to  my 
friend  Carlo  Cagnola ;  so  I  returned  home,  but  did  not 
go  immediately  to  bed.  I  had  a  presentiment  that  the 
police  might  come  at  any  moment,  and  gave  a  look  at 
Emilio's  writing-desk,  and  burned  some  of  his  papers. 
Then  a  thought  came  into  my  head  that  proved  to  be 
useful :  it  was  to  lock  Emilio's  door  and  to  hide  the  key. 

A  little  before  daylight  I  was  aroused  by  the  noise  of 
steps  in  the  next  room ;  then  the  door  was  thrown  open, 
and  my  servant  entered.  He  held  a  flickering  light  in  his 
hand,  and  was  followed  by  some  people,  who  immedi- 
ately surrounded  my  bed.  They  were  two  commissaries 
and  four  police  guards.  One  of  the  commissaries  said 
that  I  must  rise,  as  they  were  about  to  make  a  search. 
While  they  rummaged  among  my  papers  and  books 
and  clothes,  I  dressed,  and  opening  the  windows,  looked 
down  into  the  street.  Before  the  door  of  the  house  two 
guards  were  posted  with  a  carriage.  The  carriage  pro- 
claimed that  an  arrest  was  to  be  made. 

One  of  the  commissaries  asked  me  whether  we  were 
not  two  brothers,  and  I  replied  that  we  were  three; 
which  answer  appeared  to  confuse  him,  for  he  began  to 
confab  with  his  companion.  Then  he  asked  me  to  lead 
him  to  the  room  of  my  elder  brother.  When  they  found 
themselves  before  a  door  that  was  locked,  and  had  no 
key,  they  were  furious.  They  asked  me  a  million  ques- 
tions to  which  I  replied  as  best  I  could.  At  the  end  I 
requested  my  servant  to  call  a  locksmith.  The  servant 

306 


I  elude  Arrest 


departed,  waited  awhile,  and  then  returned,  saying  that 
the  shops  were  not  yet  open,  and  that  he  could  find  no 
locksmith.  The  commissaries  became  even  more  furious, 
and  ordered  the  guards  to  break  in  the  door. 

"As  ever!"  they  exclaimed  when  they  saw  the  bed 
still  made;  "but  your  brother  was  at  the  theater  last 
evening! "  "And  we  came  out  together,"  I  replied,  "but 
he  went  to  the  cafe,  and  I  came  home." 

Not  having  found  Emilio,  and  learning  that  we  were 
three,  and  not  two,  brothers  made  the  commissaries  hes- 
itate and  whisper  together.  Then  one  of  them  left,  say- 
ing he  would  return  shortly,  and  the  other  began  to 
make  a  search  of  the  room.  In  the  interim,  I  was  gossip- 
ing with  the  guards,  devising  a  plan  of  escape;  when, 
all  at  once,  I  heard  the  bell  of  the  door  on  the  landing- 
place.  A  suspicion  that  it  might  be  the  Brescians  came 
to  me,  as,  accompanied  by  a  guard,  I  opened  the  door. 
True  enough,  it  was  they;  and  I  can  still  recall  their 
amazement  when  they  saw  the  guard.  They  must  have 
believed  that  they  had  fallen  into  a  trap.  I  winked  at 
them,  and  said,  sotto  voce,  "Later  on";  and  they  quickly 
ran  downstairs.  Later  on,  my  brother  Enrico  received 
them  in  my  stead.  He  knew  where  I  had  concealed  the 
tokens  and  the  fund,  and  took  care  of  everything. 

There  were  two  courts  to  the  house  in  which  we  lived, 
adjoining  two  streets,  and  a  back  stairs  to  our  apart- 
ment, so,  while  I  promenaded  up  and  down,  gossiping 
with  my  guards,  a  plan  for  decamping  came  into  my 
head  which  I  resolved  to  put  into  effect  before  the  second 
commissary  should  return.  Profiting  by  a  momentary 
distraction  of  my  guards,  I  passed  stealthily  through  a 

307 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


blind-door  into  an  adjacent  room;  then  I  took  the  lit- 
tle stairway,  descended  into  the  court  by  which  the  po- 
lice had  not  come,  and,  opening  the  wicket  in  the  door 
with  a  key  I  had  taken  the  precaution  to  secure,  I 
escaped. 

Although  the  day  had  begun  to  dawn,  the  streets  were 
deserted,  and  I  could  accelerate  my  flight;  but  where 
was  I  to  go?  This  was  my  first  thought  after  having 
slackened  my  pace  to  gain  my  breath.  Where  was  I  to 
go?  I  went  first  to  the  house  of  my  friend  Costantino 
Garavaglia;  but  when  I  arrived  at  his  door  I  found  the 
porter  greatly  distracted.  He  recognized  me,  and  whis- 
pered: "Signor  Garavaglia  has  been  arrested;  they  took 
him  away  a  half-hour  ago."  Then  I  went  to  Casa  Car- 
cano,  where  I  found  a  similar  state  of  affairs.  "The 
police  came  to  take  Don  Costanzo  this  very  night,"  said 
the  trembling  porter.  "He  tried  hard  to  evade  them, 
but  they  recaptured  him." 

But  where  was  I  to  go?  I  had  scarcely  moved  when  I 
saw  a  domestic  of  Casa  Dandolo,  who  was  making  a  tour 
of  the  city  by  order  of  the  Contessa,  to  advise  the  Car- 
cano  brothers,  myself,  and  other  friends  that  the  police 
had  made  a  search  of  Casa  Dandolo,  and  had  arrested 
the  Negro  Latif.  Emilio  Dandolo  had  brought  Latif 
back  with  him  from  his  voyage  in  Egypt.  The  police  had 
arrested  the  Negro  in  order  to  learn  how  the  conspiracy 
of  the  funeral  had  originated,  and  who  the  conspirators 
were.  But  the  poor  black  boy  remained  in  prison  some 
time  without  scarcely  opening  his  mouth.  He  had 
learned  something  of  the  Milanese  dialect,  and  to  every 
question  he  replied:  Mi  soo  nient  (I  know  nothing).  He 

308 


I  escape  from  the  City 


died  within  a  short  time  of  consumption,  like  his  mas- 
ter, to  whom  he  had  been  devotedly  attached.  I  told 
the  domestic  to  salute  the  Contessa  for  me,  and  to  say 
that  I  hoped  to  make  good  my  escape. 

The  idea  now  arose  in  my  mind  of  going,  by  the  side 
streets,  to  Casa  Maffei,  feeling  sure  that  I  would  obtain 
there  the  needed  assistance.  The  Contessa,  whom  I  had 
awakened  by  her  maid,  received  me  at  once,  knowing 
that  something  important  must  have  happened  to  bring 
me  to  her  house  at  so  early  an  hour.  In  a  few  words  I 
told  her  my  story,  and  she  sent  for  Tenca.  While  the 
Contessa  was  dressing,  I  recalled  that  I  had  departed 
from  home  without  a  sou  in  my  pockets,  an  unfortunate 
circumstance  for  him  who  is  preparing  for  flight.  As  the 
Contessa  had  but  little  money  by  her,  I  ran  to  the  house 
of  Donna  Laura  Scaccabarozzi  d' Adda,  who  lived  a  few 
steps  off,  who,  I  knew,  could  easily  assist  me.  She  gave 
me  all  I  could  possibly  need,  and,  moreover,  said  she 
would  tell  my  mother  and  Emilio  all  that  had  taken 
place  as  soon  as  she  knew  I  had  departed.  When  I  re- 
turned to  Casa  Maffei,  I  found  that  Tenca  had  come. 
He  went  at  once  to  call  upon  a  common  friend,  the  en- 
gineer Achille  Villa,  who  had  horses  and  carriages. 

In  less  than  half  an  hour,  Villa  was  at  the  door  with  a 
carriage  and  a  good  horse.  We  left  at  a  brisk  trot,  and 
were  soon  out  of  the  city,  by  the  Porta  Nuova,  without 
being  noticed,  in  the  midst  of  the  many  carts  and  wagons 
which,  at  this  early  hour,  thronged  the  gates.  As  we 
sped  along,  Villa  said  he  would  take  me  to  a  farm,  two 
miles  from  the  city,  where  a  certain  person  lived  whose 
name  I  cannot  now  recall.  He  gave  me  his  card  to  pre- 
309 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


sent  to  this  person,  and  said  that  some  one  would  be 
charged  with  sending  me  beyond  the  Ticino. 

We  arrived  at  the  farm;  bade  one  another  good-bye; 
and,  in  a  twinkling,  the  engineer  and  his  carriage  had 
disappeared.  Behold  me,  then,  alone  in  the  courtyard  of 
a  big  farm,  before  a  dog  that  barked,  and  a  flock  of  geese 
that  ran  away.  A  little  while  after,  a  man  on  horse- 
back appeared. 

"Are  you  the  landlord?"  I  asked. 

"  The  landlord  ?  My  master  is  not  here.  He  went  to 
Milan  yesterday,  and  will  not  return  for  several  days." 
Then  he  turned  his  shoulder  and  entered  a  stable. 

"This  commences  badly,"  I  thought.  "What  am  I  to 
do?  Shall  I  tip  the  horseman,  and  send  him  to  Milan 
with  a  letter  to  Villa  to  tell  him  my  mischance?"  — 
"Hello!  my  good  man!"  I  exclaimed,  as  the  horseman 
disappeared.  "I  want  to  ask  a  favor  of  you." 

The  horseman  scrutinized  me;  then  said  in  a  low  voice, 
"Are  you  one  of  those  young  men  who  are  going  away 
—  who  are  going  beyond?"  And  he  made  a  gesture  in 
the  direction  of  the  Ticino. 

"Precisely,"  I  replied. 

"  Then  wait  a  moment.  I  will  hitch  up  a  horse,  and 
we  will  go  at  once.  Hey!  but  I  have  guided  many  young 
men,  in  these  days,  who  were  going  to  enlist." 

A  little  while  after,  we  were  speeding  towards  Pied- 
mont, avoiding  the  principal  roads,  as  they  were  pa- 
trolled. My  conductor  said  he  would  drive  me  to  a  little 
place,  of  which  I  cannot  recall  the  name,  where  I  would 
find  another  carriage  that  would  take  me  a  stage  farther 
along  my  way.  I  journeyed  till  near  evening,  changing 

310 


I  arrive  at  Lonato  Pozzuolo 

my  conveyance  three  times.  The  carriages  were  fur- 
nished by  people  I  did  not  know,  and  always  without 
any  explanation,  and  my  drivers  invariably  took  the  lit- 
tle crooked  routes,  far  out  of  the  way. 

As  night  fell  my  last  driver  said  to  me:  "Do  you  see 
that  place?  That  is  Lonato  Pozzuolo.  I  am  going  to  take 
you  there,  and*  all  will  be  ended."  Then  suddenly  he 
pointed  to  the  shining  points  of  some  helmets  (the  gen- 
darmes then  wore  helmets  like  the  Prussian  soldiers). 
"The  gendarmes!"  he  said.  "Get  down  quickly;  go 
through  that  hedge,  cross  that  field,  and  you  will  see 
an  old  house;  enter  it."  No  sooner  had  he  spoken  than 
we  both  jumped  down  from  the  carriage,  and,  pushing 
through  the  hedge,  one  ran  in  one  direction,  and  one 
in  another. 

In  a  few  minutes  I  came  to  the  old  house,  and  entered 
its  great  door. 

"Who  is  there?  What  do  you  want?"  asked  an  an- 
cient maidservant. 

"Is  the  master  of  the  house  at  home?"  I  answered. 

"Enter  by  the  kitchen  door,  and  you  will  find 
him." 

Seated  under  the  mantelpiece  of  a  great  chimney, 
smoking  a  pipe  and  stirring  up  the  fire,  sat  a  little  man 
of  about  fifty  years  of  age  who  looked  me  over,  and  then 
came  forward  and  said,  "With  whom  have  I  the  pleasure 
of  speaking?" 

"With  one,"  I  replied,  "who  asks  for  your  hospi- 
tality." 

My  host  looked  me  over  again,  and  gave  an  interroga- 
tive glance  at  my  hat.  I  ought  to  say  that,  in  flying 

3" 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


from  the  house,  I  had  hurriedly  caught  up  a  high  hat.  It 
had  attracted  the  curiosity  of  my  drivers,  and  of  many 
others  I  had  met  on  the  little  country  roads. 

"I  am  a  young  man  who  would  like  to  go  beyond," 
and  I  made  a  gesture  towards  the  west.  "But  there 
is  more ;  the  police  came  to  arrest  me  this  morning,  and 
I  fled  from  Milan.  Then  again  a  little  while  ago  I  saw 
some  gendarmes  who  may  have  seen  me." 

"You  have  done  well  to  tell  me  so;  I  will  shut  the 
great  door,  and  you  need  bother  yourself  no  more  about 
them." 

"Here  I  am,"  he  continued,  as  he  returned  from  shut- 
ting the  door;  "then  you  have  news  from  Milan?" 

"First  I  will  tell  you  who  I  am,"  and  I  began  to  look 
for  a  card. 

"No  matter,  no  matter,"  he  said.  "  They  want  to 
arrest  you.  That's  sufficient.  We  are  all  patriots,  and 
viva  P  Italia." 

I  did  not  know  who  he  was,  nor  he  me;  but  it  was 
enough  that  we  spoke  the  same  language  to  feel  that  we 
were  friends  and  brothers. 

"  There  is  much  news  from  Milan,"  he  continued. 
"They  talk  of  a  funeral  that  turned  into  a  great  demon- 
stration. Tell  me  about  it." 

"  Certainly,  and  it  is  probably  because  of  this  demon- 
stration that  I  am  wanted  by  the  police.  I  can  tell  you 
much  news." 

"Good !  I  will  call  two  of  my  friends  who  are  as  greedy 
for  information  as  I  am;  one  is  a  priest,  and  the  other  an 
engineer,  and  you  will  tell  us  the  news  and  we  will  make 
a  night  of  it.  But  how  is  your  appetite?" 

312 


I  pass  as  a  Railway  Engineer 

"Excellent;  I  dined  twenty-four  hours  ago,  and  I  have 
swallowed  some  bits  of  bread  by  the  way." 

"It  is  too  bad  that  you  arrived  after  I  had  finished 
supper;  but  we  will  see  what  we  can  find." 

A  little  while  after,  my  host  placed  half  a  pigeon,  some 
sausages,  and  a  piece  of  cheese  upon  the  table,  and  then 
went  away  to  call  his  friends.  In  the  mean  time  the  an- 
cient maid  brought  four  glasses  and  six  bottles,  which 
were  to  serve  for  our  evening's  festivities. 

We  talked  until  a  late  hour,  when  finally  my  host  took 
pity  upon  my  fatigue,  and  showed  me  to  my  bedroom. 
When  he  came  the  next  morning,  the  sun  was  high  and  I 
was  yet  sleeping.  He  told  me  that  he  had  made  a  little 
tour  of  inspection,  and  had  ascertained  that  the  passage 
of  the  Ticino  had  become  almost  impossible ;  that  the 
banks  of  the  river  were  patrolled  by  the  hussars,  and 
that  the  boatmen  did  not  dare  to  move.  "Neverthe- 
less," he  assured  me,  "you  will  cross.  I  have  helped 
more  than  one  young  man  to  do  so." 

When  we  arrived  at  the  river,  I  saw,  a  little  way  off,  a 
custom's  officer  and  a  commissary  of  police.  My  host 
knew  the  commissary,  and  had  already  visited  him, 
and  told  him  that  the  chief  engineer  of  a  projected 
railway  had  arrived  to  examine  the  neighborhood.  I 
was  the  engineer.  We  went  boldly  to  the  custom-house, 
and  the  commissary,  who  had  seen  us  approach,  met 


us. 
tt 


Is  it  true  that  you  are  planning  the  continuation 
of  the  horse-railway  from  Tornavento?"  he  queried. 

"I  am  studying  it,"  I  answered,  with  the  air  of  a  man 
who  does  not  want  to  particularize. 

313 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  commissary  was  obsequious  and  talkative,  and  I 
maintained  an  air  of  reserve. 

"I  said  to  Signor  Ernesto,  this  morning,  that  this 
would  be  a  fortunate  meeting  for  me  if  you  could  employ 
my  son  in  your  company.  I  would  not  have  dared  to 
recommend  him,  but  Signor  Tirinanzi  gave  me  courage." 

I  learned  now  that  my  host  was  called  Signor  Ernesto 
Tirinanzi.  So  I  told  my  obsequious  interlocutor  to  send 
by  Signor  Tirinanzi  a  regular  and  documented  petition, 
and  at  the  same  time  I  took  out  my  portafogli  and 
made  some  notes  therein.  As  the  commissary  bowed  and 
thanked  me,  Signor  Ernesto  asked  whether  I  desired  to 
go  to  the  opposite  bank  of  the  river  to  look  about. " 

"It  is  impossible,"  interjected  the  commissary;  "how- 
ever— " 

"Oh!"  I  said,  "I  am  in  no  hurry;  some  other  time." 

"No,  Signor  Engineer,"  the  commissary  replied,  "if 
you  wish  to  go  to  the  other  side  it  is  best  to  do  so  now, 
while  there  are  no  soldiers";  and  he  called  some  of  the 
customs'  guards. 

A  little  while  after,  with  the  guards  and  Signor  Tiri- 
nanzi, I  entered  a  customs'  boat,  while  the  commissary 
excused  himself  for  being  unable  to  accompany  us.  In  a 
few  moments  we  touched  the  Piedmontese  shore. 

As  we  complimented  one  another  for  having  acted  so 
well  our  parts  in  the  little  comedy,  I  said  to  Signor  Ti- 
rinanzi: "I  am  safe;  but  you  will  have  to  return.  How 
will  you  arrange  matters  with  the  commissary?" 

"  The  commissary  will  understand  that  I  have  hoaxed 
him,  but  he  will  do  well  to  keep  quiet.  Now  you  must 
go  to  Oleggio,  then  to  Novara,  where  you  can  take  the 

3H 


At  Olewio 

&c> 


railway  to  Turin.  I  will,  however,  accompany  you  part 
of  the  way  for  fear  that  you  may  go  astray  in  the  woods." 
At  Oleggio  I  said  good-bye  to  Signer  Tirinanzi,  and 
tried  to  tell  him  how  thankful  I  was  for  all  he  had  done 
for  me.  We  corresponded  for  several  years,  and,  occa- 
sionally we  saw  one  another.  I  shall  always  remember 
the  cordiality  of  his  reception  and  the  patriotic  assist- 
ance he  rendered  me,  as  if,  indeed,  I  had  been  his  son. 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

(1859) 

I  find  my  brother  in  Turin.  —  The  story  of  his  escape.  —  Letter  from  G.  B.  Guy. 

—  The  volunteers.  —  The  commission  of  enlistment.  —  Giuseppe  Massari. 

—  Casa  Arese  and  Casa  Correnti.  —  Sirtori.  —  The  trial  because  of  the 
Dandolo  funeral.  —  The  examination  of  Contessa  Ermellina.  —  An  inter- 
view with  Cavour.  —  Formation  of  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi.  —  The  streets 
of  Turin.  —  Dubious  rumors  from  Paris.  —  Public  anxiety.  —  The  Austrian 
envoys  demand  disarmament.  —  Refusal  of  Piedmont.  —  Cavour  asks  for 
full  powers.  —  A  declaration  of  war,  and  the  proclamation  of  the  king.  — 
Napoleon  breaks  off  relations  with  Austria.  —  Mezzacapo  asks  several  young 
men  to  go  with  him  to  the  Romagna.  —  Cavour  nominates  a  committee  of 
Lombards  to  arrange  for  the  decrees  with  which  to  begin  the  new  govern- 
ment in  Lombardy.  —  I  am  asked  to  take  part  therein.  —  The  arrival  of  the 
first  French  troops.  —  Their  enthusiastic  reception.  —  The  farewell  of  Carlo 
De  Cristoforis. 

FROM  Novara  to  Turin,  I  found  myself  in  a  railway 
carriage  with  some  young  men  who,  like  myself,  had 
just  passed  the  frontier.  All  related  their  experiences 
and  sang  the  refrain  of  the  "Bella  Gigogin."  Among 
these  youths  was  Caroli  of  Bergamo,  who  was  the  most 
joyous  of  them  all.  Poor  young  man !  who  would  have 
predicted  his  tragic  end  ?  After  the  campaign,  he  had  a 
dispute  with  Garibaldi,  and  was  regarded  with  disfavor 
by  the  Garibaldians ;  so  he  went  to  Poland,  where  he 
took  part  in  an  insurrection,  and  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  condemned  to  be  shot.  Our  ambassador,  Pepoli, 
saved  his  life,  but  he  was  deported  to  Siberia  where  he 
soon  after  died. 

I  arrived  at  Turin  early  in  the  evening,  and  put  up  at 
the  Hotel  Europa,  where,  by  good  fortune,  I  found  my 
brother.  We  related  our  adventures  with  no  fears  for  the 
future,  so  convinced  were  we  that  our  country  would  soon 

316 


The  Story  of  my  Brother's  Escape 

be  free.  What  had  been  my  brother's  fortunes  after  our 
conversation  at  Cafe  Cova  ?  Emilio  had  been  assisted  by 
his  friend  G.  B.  Guy,  to  whom  I  have  turned  for  the  par- 
ticulars of  his  escape.  This  is  his  reply  to  my  letter:  — 

MY  DEAR  FRIEND:  — 

At  your  request  I  send  you  all  I  can  gather  from  my 
notes  and  my  memory.  In  1859, 1  lived  in  the  Via  Rovello, 
in  Casa  Cagnola.  The  26th  of  February,  I  was  asked  by 
my  landlord,  Battista  Cagnola,  who  knew  that  I  had  a 
villa  and  a  farm  near  Belgiojoso,  whether  I  was  willing  to 
conduct  a  "big  fish"  to  safety.  I  took  counsel  with  my 
father  and  uncle,  who  had  often  hunted  in  the  forests  of 
the  Po,  and  replied  that  I  would  undertake  the  task,  and 
gave  my  word  that  I  would  do  all  I  could  to  succeed  in  it. 
I  was  now  told  the  name  of  the  "big  fish,"  and  I  learned 
with  pleasure  that  it  was  that  of  my  friend  Emilio,  with 
whom  I  had  been  to  school  in  the  Boselli  Institute.  I  stip- 
ulated that  I  should  be  supplied  with  a  carriage  and  horses 
so  as  not  to  attract  attention  by  the  equipage  of  my  tenant, 
which  was  known  far  and  wide. 

We  left  on  the  2/th,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  and 
arrived  in  the  night  at  Filighera,  and  descended  at  my  house 
called  "  the  Palazzo,"  to  the  great  surprise  of  the  custodian's 
family,  and  told  them  the  story  we  had  concocted  for  the 
benefit  of  the  country  people.  We  then  broke  our  fast  as  best 
we  could.  Afterwards  I  went  to  Belgiojoso,  to  the  brothers 
Strambio,  my  fellow-soldiers  of  1849,  and  asked  them  the 
safest  way  to  smuggle  Emilio  through  the  lines.  They  told 
me  that  it  would  be  difficult,  since  the  Croats  had  begun  to 
fire  upon  the  boats  that  tried  to  pass  the  river.  The  only 
plan  they  could  think  of  was  to  attempt  the  crossing  with 
Emilio,  in  hiding,  under  a  pile  of  wood.  This  proposal  did 
not  suit  me,  as  Emilio  was  not  small,  and  was  short- 
sighted into  the  bargain.  After  various  suggestions  it  was 
concluded  that  it  was  best  to  try  the  direct  way. 

317 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


In  spite  of  the  severity  of  the  cordon,  there  was  a  con- 
tinual exchange  of  fuel,  of  wine,  and  of  Parmigiano  cheese 
between  the  two  river-banks.  The  following  morning, 
Emilio  and  I  got  into  an  old  hunting-chaise  and  went  to 
the  Po  by  Belgiojoso  and  Sostegno.  When  we  arrived  at 
the  dike  a  Croatian  corporal  asked  us  where  we  were 
going. 

"We  are  going,"  I  answered,  "to  sell  cheese  at  Stradella, 
and  expect  to  return  this  evening." 

The  corporal  turned  his  shoulders.  It  was  touch  and  go. 
The  flatboat  for  crossing  was  at  the  opposite  shore;  and  we 
left  the  chaise,  and  awaited  its  coming.  All  at  once  we 
heard  a  humming  of  cannon.  What  could  it  be?  Emilio 
exclaimed:  "The  cannon  are  thundering  at  Milan,  and  I 
am  flying.  I  must  return." 

"It  is  impossible  to  hear  cannon  so  far  off,"  I  replied; 
but  as  he  insisted  I  continued,  "  I  have  given  my  word  that 
I  would  take  you  to  Stradella.  From  there  you  can  return 
if  you  please." 

Emilio  was  troubled  but,  by  chance,  a  woodman  came 
along,  and  told  us  that  the  reports  came  from  Piacenza, 
where  the  artillery  were  practicing  at  firing.  When  the 
flatboat  came  we  embarked,  and  were  soon  at  the  opposite 
shore,  and  a  half-hour  later  here  at  Stradella.  I  returned 
by  the  same  route,  and  saw  the  same  corporal,  who  never 
asked  me  a  word  about  the  other  merchant.  Late  in  the 
evening  of  the  same  day,  I  presented  myself  to  your 
mother  and  said  only,  "Emilio  left  for  Turin  at  three 
o'clock."  She  took  me  in  her  arms,  and  embraced  me. 
Fraternally  yours, 

G.  B.  GUY. 

Turin  was  very  animated;  under  its  porticoes  all  the 
dialects  of  Italy  were  heard;  and  a  continual  sound  of 
revelry  arose,  as  the  young  men  met  and  related  the 
vicissitudes  of  their  flights.  I  met  nearly  all  my  friends; 

318 


The  Volunteers 


some  of  them  the  best-known  people  of  the  Milanese  so- 
ciety. Indeed,  the  streets  were  full  of  the  representatives 
of  the  most  illustrious  families  of  Lombardy  and  Venetia 
who  had  come  to  ask  for  posts  of  honor  in  the  ranks  of  the 
the  Piedmontese  army.  Those  who  had  served  in  '48 
and  '49  obtained  their  grades,  and  the  new  men  were  en- 
rolled, as  simple  soldiers,  in  the  cavalry,  or  in  some  other 
arm  of  the  service.  Many  enlisted  in  the  volunteers  that 
were  being  organized;  of  which  the  first  were  called  the 
"Cacciatori  delle  Alpi."  They  were  commanded  by 
Garibaldi.  General  Cialdini  had  charge  of  their  forma- 
tion, and  Colonel  Cosenz  had  command  of  their  first 
post  which  was  located  at  Cuneo.  The  stream  of  volun- 
teers soon  became  a  torrent.  In  a  short  space  of  time 
nearly  three  thousand  of  them  arrived. 

The  Government  appointed  a  recruiting  committee 
and  charged  it  with  sifting  out  the  young  men,  and  send- 
ing them,  according  to  the  exigencies  of  their  respective 
cases,  to  the  regular  army,  or  to  the  volunteers.  This 
committee  was  composed  of  some  officers  and  some  ci- 
vilians, of  whom  I  was  one.34  For  the  youths  who  had 
received  their  doctor's  degree,  or  an  equivalent  diploma, 
a  school  for  the  education  of  officers  was  established 
at  Ivrea.  I  immediately  made  a  demand  to  be  admitted 
and,  being  declared  able,  I  began  to  study  the  military 
regulations.  Emilio,  when  I  informed  him  of  my  de- 
cision, embraced  me  with  tears  in  his  eyes. 

I  soon  began  to  know  masses  of  people  from  all  parts 
of  Italy;  and  Emilio,  moreover,  presented  me  to  Giu- 
seppe Massari,  who  knew  everybody  and  everything. 
Massari  saw  Cavour  frequently,  and  was  occasionally 

319 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


employed  by  him.  He  had  friends,  also,  among  the  min- 
isters, so  his  information  was  most  reliable.  I  passed  the 
evenings  usually  in  the  cafes,  where  I  met  my  friends; 
and  sometimes  I  visited  the  houses  Arese  and  Correnti. 
Francesco  Arese  had  emigrated  in  1848.  At  his  house  the 
staff,  if  I  may  so  speak,  of  the  immigrants,  and  the  prin- 
cipal statesmen  of  Piedmont  met.  The  conversation 
was  always  very  patriotic,  but  it  was  also  very  circum- 
spect. Arese,  to  whom  the  cause  of  independence  owes 
so  much,  understood  the  difficulties  in  which  Napoleon 
(who  was  suspected  in  Europe,  and  isolated  in  France) 
had  to  proceed. 

More  in  accord  with  popular  feeling  was  the  conver- 
sation in  Casa  Correnti.  There  the  young  and  the  old, 
the  Albertisti  and  the  converted  Mazziniani,  came  to- 
gether. There  came,  also,  some  of  the  Parisian  exiles, 
who  now  flocked  to  Turin,  convinced  that  Cavour  was 
to  lead  European  politics.  I  knew  many  of  the  brave 
men  of  '48  and  '49  who  had  come  from  abroad,  and  also 
from  every  part  of  Italy. 

At  last  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  Sirtori.  The 
former  ardent  republican  now  proclaimed  that  Italy 
should  henceforth  have  faith  in  Vittorio  Emanuele  and 
in  Napoleon.  Differing  from  some  other  military  chiefs 
of  the  quarantotto,  he  did  not  desire  to  join  the  volun- 
teers, since,  at  this  time  ( I  do  not  know  why) ,  he  was  not 
on  friendly  terms  with  Garibaldi.  Later  on,  however,  he 
became  reconciled  with  him,  and  embarked  with  the 
Mille.*  Sirtori's  manners  and  his  voice  greatly  affected 
me.  Tall,  lean,  with  the  long  hair  of  a  Nazarene,  when 

*  "The  Thousand"  who  went  with  Garibaldi  to  Sicily. 
320 


^  Sirtori 

he  spoke  in  his  modest,  gentle  way,  he  seemed  inspired. 
Men  talked  of  his  acts  of  bravery  during  the  siege  of 
Venice,  of  his  high  character,  and  of  the  purity  of  his 
life.  Though  he  had  abandoned  the  priesthood,  he  al- 
ways kept  his  sacerdotal  vows. 

I  must  note  that,  upon  the  warm  atmosphere  of  our 
enthusiasm,  many  a  cold  breeze  of  doubt  blew.  They 
came  from  the  hostility  of  the  Powers,  or  the  aversion  of 
France  to  embark  upon  a  war  for  Italy.  Cavour  knew, 
better  than  any  other  person,  in  what  a  perilous  sea  he 
was  navigating;  but  he  kept  on  his  course  as  if  he  were 
sure  of  his  end.  When  the  people  gathered  to  see  him 
leave  the  Parliament  house,  and  saluted  him,  he  re- 
sponded always  cheerfully,  as  he  rubbed  his  hands  to- 
gether. The  people  studied  his  face,  and  sought  to  look 
into  his  eyes,  scintillating  behind  his  glasses.  What 
doubt  and  anxiety  were  masked  behind  that  fine,  large, 
and  serene  countenance! 

But  what  had  happened  to  my  friends  who  had  been 
arrested  in  Milan  ?  There  were  four  of  them :  Costantino 
Garavaglia,  Costanzo  Carcano,  Dr.  Signoroni,  and  the 
Negro  Latif .  They  remained  in  prison  three  months,  ac- 
cused of  complicity  in  the  Dandolo  demonstration.  Their 
examiner  was  a  German,  named  Fliik.  For  a  time  they 
were  in  grave  peril,  as  the  commanding  general  desired 
that  they  should  be  taken  to  the  castle  to  be  judged  by 
martial  law;  but  the  President  of  the  tribunal,  Lan- 
franchi,  opposed  this  move,  and  appealed  to  Vienna, 
which  sustained  him.  The  trial  was  terminated  a  few 
days  before  the  battle  of  Magenta,  and  the  accused  were 
dismissed  for  lack  of  evidence.  Among  the  people  who 

321 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


were  examined  was  the  Contessa  Ermellina.  I  have  re- 
quested from  her  the  particulars  of  her  examination, 
and  she  has  furnished  me  with  the  following  state- 
ment :  — 

After  midnight  of  the  24th  of  February,  an  unknown 
person  came  to  my  house,  and  said:  "Warn  Conte  Ignazio 
Lana,  the  Visconti,  the  Carcano,  the  Caccianino,  Garava- 
glia,  Ulrich,  Signoroni,  the  Marchesa  Carolina  Crivelli, 
and  your  other  friends,  that  they  will  be  arrested  this  very 
night!"  Though  it  was  late,  I  tried  my  best  to  send  notice 
of  this  warning,  but  I  did  not  wholly  succeed.  Towards 
morning,  the  Commissary  Galimberti  came  with  some 
guards,  and  asked  for  my  husband,  and  searched  the 
house,  and  took  the  Negro  Latif.  During  the  search,  I  was 
able  to  destroy  a  package  of  papers  that  Emilio  had  con- 
fided to  me.  The  same  morning,  accompanied  by  Carlo 
d'  Adda,  I  went  to  the  Criminal  Tribunal  to  inquire  about 
Latif,  and  was  received  by  the  Counselor  Fliik.  He  took 
me  to  see  him,  and  I  gave  him  courage,  and  asked  the 
counselor  to  see  that  he  lacked  for  nothing. 

The  next  day  I  was  summoned  and  subjected  to  a  long 
examination  by  Fliik.  I  denied  all  that  I  could  deny. 

"And  now  where  is  the  crown?"  he  inquired. 

"  I  took  it  from  the  grave,  and  hid  it  under  my  cloak.  I 
keep  it  as  a  sacred  memorial." 

"Signora,  you  will  consign  the  crown  to  me?" 

"I  do  not  wish  to  do  so,"  I  replied. 

"Very  well,  I  will  return  it  after  the  trial;  but  write  a 
note  and  send  for  it,  as  you  must  remain  here  until  it 
comes." 

A  short  time  afterwards  the  crown  was  on  his  desk,  and  a 
debate  arose  between  us  concerning  its  colors. 

"White,  red,  and  green,"  said  the  counselor. 

"Excuse  me,  yellow,"  I  replied.  In  fact  the  white 
camellias  had  become  yellow  after  having  been  buried. 

322 


Examination  of  Contessa  Ermellina 

"I  know  no  yellow  camellias,"  insisted  the  counselor. 

"They  are  there,"  I  replied. 

"Very  well;  write  yellow  camellias,"  said  he,  turning 
impatiently  to  his  secretary. 

The  day  after  there  was  another  summons  for  my  hus- 
band and  me. 

"And  your  husband?" 

"He  is  at  Turin,  having  gone  there  to  assist  at  a  funeral 
service  for  my  poor  Emilio,  promoted  by  Cavour." 

"We  know  it;  but  do  you  know,  Signora  Contessa,  that 
I  can  have  you  put  in  prison?" 

"I  know  you  can  do  what  you  desire,"  I  replied,  "but  I 
am  not  afraid  of  fires  of  straw." 

"That's  enough.  Be  prudent,  Signora,"  concluded  he 
laughingly. 

Then  he  bade  me  not  to  leave  Milan;  yet  a  few  days 
after  he  gave  me  permission  to  go  to  Switzerland  to  see  my 
mother,  and  sent  the  Negro  home.  Latif  also  had  been 
subjected  to  examination,  but  they  drew  nothing  from 
him.  Many  other  persons  likewise  were  summoned,  and 
examined,  but  uselessly.  The  crown  remained  hanging  in 
a  closet  off  the  counselor's  room,  who  soon  left  Milan. 
After  the  battle  of  Magenta,  it  was  sent  to  my  house  with 
an  anonymous  note  which  read:  "I  have  permitted  myself 
to  take  two  of  the  leaves  as  souvenirs."  It  is  now  in  the 
Museo  del  Risorgimento,  together  with  the  uniforms  of  my 
dear  Emilio  and  Enrico. 

ERMELLINA  DANDOLO. 

I  take  up  again  the  thread  of  my  narrative.  One  day 
in  March,  I  asked  Cavour  for  an  audience,  which  he 
granted  for  the  next  morning  at  five  o'clock.  Whether 
he  remained  awake  or  went  to  bed,  he  passed  all  his 
nights  at  the  ministry.  When  I  arrived,  an  usher  showed 
me  into  a  half-darkened  room  where,  in  a  corner,  I  saw  a 

323 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


man  wrapped  in  a  cloak,  with  an  old  hat  drawn  over  his 
eyes.  A  little  while  after  a  valet  entered,  and  spoke  to 
the  man,  and  showed  him  into  the  cabinet  of  the  Minis- 
ter. He  remained  there  about  half  an  hour,  and  when  he 
came  out,  the  valet  whispered:  "It  is  Garibaldi."  Or- 
dinarily Cavour  received  Garibaldi  in  his  own  house. 

Several  days  after  this,  namely,  on  the  1 7th  of  March, 
a  decree  was  issued  instituting  the  corps  of  volunteers 
called  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi.  Ten  days  after,  a  second 
post  of  volunteers,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Giacomo  Medici,  was  formed  at  Savigliano,  and 
a  third,  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  N. 
Arduino,  followed.  On  the  27th  of  April,  Garibaldi  was 
nominated  Major-General,  and  took  command  of  the 
corps. 

The  animation  of  the  life  of  Turin  increased  from  day 
to  day;  but  it  was  surprising  for  us,  who  remembered 
the  quarantotto,  to  see  the  discipline  that  was  main- 
tained. Though  they  knew  that  they  would  have  to  sus- 
tain the  chief  shock,  the  Piedmontese  were  firm  and 
calm,  and  received  everybody  with  fraternal  hospitality. 
A  few,  however,  who  were  let  into  the  secrets  of  the  crisis, 
were  often  disturbed.  They  knew  that,  at  times,  Ca- 
vour pushed  ahead,  while  Napoleon  held  back.  In  his 
heart  the  Emperor  desired  the  war,  but  he  was  discour- 
aged and  impeded.  The  publication  of  the  diplomatic 
papers,  that  have  since  come  to  light,  show  how  much 
opposition  he  met  with  on  the  part  of  the  ministers,  the 
officers,  and  the  people,  of  France;  and  how  the  hostile 
isolation  in  which  he  was  left  in  Europe  restrained  him. 

Massari  told  me  that  Napoleon  had  desired  to  know, 


Dubious  Rumors  from  Paris 

by  means  of  the  gendarmes,  what  the  public  opinion  of 
France  was  in  regard  to  a  war  with  Austria,  and  that  he 
had  not  received  a  single  favorable  report;  that  the  peo- 
ple were  sympathetic  for  Italy ;  but  that  all  were  against 
war.  Massari  had  this  from  Cavour,  who  was  passing 
days  of  feverish  anxiety;  but  nothing  of  this  was  seen  on 
his  face,  or  in  his  language,  except  by  his  intimate  friends. 
To  them,  occasionally,  he  manifested  his  impatience, 
and  gave  vent  to  his  fears.  "I  will  march  with  France 
and  diplomacy  as  long  as  I  am  able,"  he  exclaimed  one 
day,  "  and  then  I  will  put  fire  to  every  corner  of  Italy, 
to  Hungary,  everywhere;  and  there  will  be  war." 

In  the  interim  he  did  not  cease  to  animate  all  with  his 
audacity;  and  no  one  became  disheartened  even  when 
things  did  not  look  all  couleur  de  rose.  I  recall,  one  day, 
that  Massari  took  me  to  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs 
to  see  Cavour,  and  we  found  his  private  secretary  Ar- 
tom  in  an  anteroom.  He  invited  us  to  see  the  cabinet, 
and  we  entered,  and  made  some  remark  upon  its  small- 
ness.  "Yet  it  is  from  here,"  Cavour  said,  as  he  rose  smil- 
ing and  rubbing  his  hands,  "it  is  from  here  that  Europe 
is  moved." 

It  is  not  my  task  to  treat  of  politics,  and  to  narrate 
that  which  happened  behind  the  scenes.  The  many  doc- 
uments which  are  coming  to  light  amply  record  the 
events  of  these  days,  and  portray  the  chief  actors  in 
them.  I  was  only  a  modest  citizen  who  saw  some  things 
from  the  body  of  the  house,  which  I  here  describe. 

The  report  that  a  congress  had  been  proposed  by  Eng- 
land was  true;  and  it  was  true  that  Napoleon  had  ac- 
cepted it,  and  that  his  telegram  to  Cavour  read:  "Ac- 

325 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


cept."  Later  on,  it  was  known  that  Napoleon  knew  that 
war  had  been  decided  upon  in  the  Council  of  the  Em- 
pire of  Austria,  and  that  it  was  then  that  he  had  decided 
to  accept  England's  proposal,  and  had  advised  Cavour  to 
do  the  same;  so  that  the  responsibility  for  the  war  would 
be  thrown  upon  Austria. 

We  talked  with  dismay  of  a  congress;  but  no  one  be- 
lieved it  would  take  place;  when,  suddenly,  a  rumor  ran 
that  the  Imperial  Ministry  had  sent  an  ultimatum  to 
the  Royal  Government  demanding  disarmament.  How 
much  did  not  Austria  contribute  to  giving  us  back  the 
independence  she  had  taken  from  us!  To  confirm  the 
rumor,  Cavour  convoked  Parliament  (the  23d  of  April), 
to  explain  events  and  to  ask  for  full  powers  before  the 
Austrian  envoys  should  arrive.  They  were  Baron  Kel- 
lesperg,  Vice-President  of  the  Austrian  Lieutenancy, 
and  Conte  Ceschi  di  Santa  Croce.  During  the  session, 
a  dispatch  came  announcing  the  departure  of  the  en- 
voys from  Milan. 

I  had  the  good  fortune  to  assist  at  this  memorable 
session.  Cavour,  radiant  and  calm,  told  of  his  negotia- 
tions with  the  great  Powers  for  a  congress,  and  for  an 
eventual  disarmament;  then  he  spoke  of  the  attitude  of 
Austria,  and  asked  for  full  powers.  The  deputies  as- 
sembled immediately  in  their  chamber  and  elected  a 
committee  and  a  reporter  of  the  law,  who  was  the  av- 
vocato  Chiaves.  They  returned  to  the  hall  two  hours 
after  with  the  committee,  and  recommended  the  unani- 
mous adoption  of  the  proposal;  whereupon  all  the  de- 
puties rose  to  their  feet  in  the  attitude  of  a  people 
strong  and  resolute;  the  public  applauded;  handker- 

326 


Declaration  of 


chiefs  were  waved;  there  was  a  crying  and  a  shedding  of 
tears;  it  was  a  delirium. 

When  Cavour  was  informed  that  the  envoys  had  ar- 
rived, he  went  to  meet  them.  To  one  of  them  he  said : 
"  I  come  from  the  last  meeting  of  the  Parliament  of  Pied- 
mont; the  next  one  will  be  of  Italy."  They  gave  him  a 
letter  from  the  Minister  Buol.  It  was  the  ultimatum  of 
Austria,  a  demand  for  disarmament,  which  Cavour,  ten 
months  previously,  with  the  instinct  of  genius,  had  fore- 
told to  Giulini.  Three  days  after,  Cavour  replied  to  the 
envoys,  and  refused  their  demand.  On  the  29th,  Vit- 
torio  Emanuele  addressed  a  noble  and  vigorous  proclam- 
ation to  his  army  and  people,  in  which  he  announced  the 
war.  Immediately  thereafter,  Napoleon  broke  off  rela- 
tions with  Austria. 

In  the  midst  of  so  many  alternate  hopes  and  fears 
the  behavior  of  the  people  of  Turin  was  admirable;  all 
showed  themselves  to  be  filled  with  a  sentiment  of  duty. 
Thus  it  is  that  a  people  becomes  master  of  its  fate  and 
attains  to  its  high  destiny.  A  movement  of  an  Austrian 
army  corps  towards  Biella  led  us  to  believe  that  the 
enemy  wanted  to  attack  Turin  before  the  arrival  of  the 
French.  The  city  was  defended  only  by  the  National 
Guard,  as  the  army  was  concentrated  between  Alessan- 
dria and  Casale.  The  citizens  immediately  prepared  to 
defend  the  town,  and  would  have  done  so  valiantly  if  the 
Austrians  had  not  retired. 

Correnti,  in  whose  house  I  had  made  the  acquaintance 
of  Luigi  Mezzacapo,  gave  me  one  evening  a  hint  that  Ca- 
vour had  a  plan  of  inciting  the  Emilia  to  rebel  as  soon  as 
the  Austrians  had  passed  the  Ticino.  He  told  me  that 

327 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Mezzacapo  was  to  go  to  Bologna,  to  take  command  of 
the  volunteer  corps  which  was  to  be  formed  there,  and 
that  he  intended  taking  some  young  men  with  him,  and 
asked  me  if  I  would  like  to  be  one  of  them.  I  accepted 
with  alacrity,  and  the  next  day  I  met  Mezzacapo,  and 
came  to  an  understanding  with  him. 

Nearly  all  the  youths  who  joined  Mezzacapo  followed 
the  profession  of  arms,  and  such  would  have  been  my 
career,  at  least,  for  some  time,  if  Mars  had  been  favor- 
able; but  he  did  not  want  my  services,  so  I  remained  in 
civil  life,  as  we  shall  see.  Cavour  had  nominated  a  Lom- 
bard commission  to  take  measures  for  the  administrative 
decrees  that  the  Government  would  have  to  publish. 
They  would  necessarily  have  to  be  provisional,  as  they 
would  leave  the  present  regulations  effective,  and  would 
merely  bring  them  into  harmony  with  the  liberal  laws  of 
Piedmont.  The  members  of  this  commission  were  Conte 
Cesare  Giulini  (its  president),  Correnti,  my  brother 
Emilio,  Allievi,  Conte  Oldofredi,  Luigi  Torelli,  Enrico 
Guicciardi,  some  others,  and  myself.  As  I  was  the 
youngest,  I  became  its  secretary.  The  commission  met 
every  day  for  a  week,  and  then  presented  its  report  to 
Cavour,  who  drew  from  it  the  decrees  which  were  pub- 
lished when  Vigliani  was  appointed  Governor  of  Lom- 
bardy. 

I  learned  many  things  during  the  sessions  of  the  com- 
mission; but  I  was  impatient  to  get  away,  to  see  the  sol- 
diers going  into  camp,  or  to  watch  for  the  coming  of  the 
French  at  the  Susa  Gate.  In  the  crowd  that  waited 
daily,  I  saw  a  young  cavalry  officer  who  stood  aside  and 
seemed  especially  preoccupied.  When  the  first  French 

328 


Arrival  of  French  Troops 

regiment  came,  he  looked  fixedly  at  it,  and  his  eyes  filled 
with  tears.  The  same  evening,  I  heard  that  this  officer 
was  the  Due  de  Chartres.  He  had  seen  the  soldiers  of 
France,  for  the  first  time  since  the  24th  of  February, 
1848,  when,  as  a  child,  he  went  with  his  mother  to  the 
House  of  Deputies,  and  thence  into  exile.  After  this  regi- 
ment, many  others  followed;  and  all  were  received  with 
the  greatest  enthusiasm.  A  soldier  of  the  infantry  was 
one  day  heard  to  say:  " Veux-tu  des  cigares,un  absinthe, 
un  grog?  Crie  'Vive  P  Italic,'  et  tu  auras  tout  ce  que 
tu  voudras." 

Among  the  number  of  my  friends  that  came  from  ex- 
ile was  Carlo  De  Cristoforis.  It  was  six  years  since  we 
had  parted  from  one  another,  and  how  many  things  he 
had  suffered !  He  was  in  the  uniform  of  a  captain  of  the 
Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  and  told  me  he  had  come  to  Turin 
to  expedite  a  matter  that  had  been  entrusted  to  him  by 
Colonel  Medici.  He  had  met  a  number  of  friends,  and 
he  wanted  us  all  to  dine  with  him.  Carletto  manifested, 
during  the  dinner,  all  his  accustomed  gayety,  and  told  us 
many  anecdotes  of  his  life  in  exile.  He  had  been  a  pupil 
in  the  school  of  the  staff  in  Paris,  a  professor  of  the  art 
of  fortification  in  a  military  college  in  London,  and  a 
captain  and  an  instructor  of  the  Anglo-Italian  Legion 
formed  at  Malta  during  the  Crimean  War.  He  had  been 
constantly  occupied  with  military  studies,  and  had  writ- 
ten a  book,  "Che  cosa  sia  la  guerra."  *  It  is  still  highly 
prized  by  students  of  the  science  of  war.  He  told  us, 
moreover,  of  his  regiment,  and  of  his  company  which 
was  marching  towards  the  frontier.  The  thought  that, 
*  "What  is  War?" 
329 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


in  a  few  days,  there  would  be  a  combat  with  the  Aus- 
trians,  transported  him  with  joy. 

When  the  company  dissolved,  Carlo  asked  me  to  ac- 
company him  to  the  station.  In  waiting  for  his  train,  we 
promenaded  up  and  down,  and  he  continued  to  entertain 
me  with  a  thousand  comic  incidents;  then,  when  his 
train  was  announced,  he  became  very  serious,  and  em- 
braced me,  and  said:  "It  is  the  last  time  I  say  good-bye 
to  you,  dear  Gino;  we  shall  see  one  another  no  more.  My 
life  has  been  a  sequence  of  adventures,  and,  hitherto,  I 
have  come  out  safe.  My  aspiration  has  been  to  fight  for 
Italy,  and  then  to  serve  in  the  regular  army.  Now  that 
my  desire  is  approaching,  I  shall  die.  Yes,  dear  Gino, 
I  have  the  presentiment  of  it — this  time  I  shall  not 
save  my  skin."  He  smiled,  then  exclaimed:  "Adieu! 
adieu!  remember  me!" 

The  train  started,  and  I  was  left  frantic  with  grief.  A 
few  days  after,  on  the  22d  of  May,  he  died  at  the  head  of 
his  company  in  the  assault  upon  San  Fermo! 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

(1859) 

My  brother  is  nominated  Royal  Commissioner.  —  The  instructions  given  him  by 
Cavour.  —  He  telegraphs  me  to  join  him.  —  I  leave  Turin.  —  I  cross 
Lago  Maggiore  by  night.  —  Arrival  at  Varese.  —  I  see  Garibaldi  as  he  comes 
from  Como.  —  Orders  for  raising  the  country.  —  Counter-orders.  —  They 
arrive  too  late.  —  A  committee  from  the  province  of  Sondrio  asks  for  help.  — 
I  am  made  by  the  Royal  Commissioner  a  charge  d'affaires  for  the  Valtellina. 
—  Patriotic  festivities.  —  The  condition  of  the  Valtellina. 

THE  evening  of  the  22d  of  May  I  was  seated  with 
some  friends  in  the  Cafe  Fiorio,  when  a  messenger 
entered  and  spoke  to  the  proprietor,  who  thereupon  came 
to  our  table  and,  showing  a  letter,  asked  if  any  one  of  us 
was  the  person  to  whom  it  was  addressed.  The  letter 
was  for  my  brother.  The  messenger  had  been  ordered  to 
search  the  town  until  he  should  find  him,  and  the  matter 
seemed  so  important  that  I  went  with  him  to  a  cafe 
which  Emilio  frequented,  and  there,  indeed,  we  found 
him.  A  half-hour  later  we  all  three  mounted  the  steps 
of  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  letter  had  said 
simply  that  Luigi  Farini,  in  the  name  of  Cavour,  begged 
Emilio  to  come  to  the  Ministry.  Such  an  invitation 
was  no  small  thing;  hence  I  was  both  curious  and  anx- 
ious, and  I  accompanied  my  brother,  and  waited  for 
him  in  the  anteroom.  When  he  came  forth,  he  was 
accompanied  by  both  Farini  and  Cavour,  who  saluted 
him  with  much  politeness. 

"Well?"  I  asked  when  we  were  on  the  stairs. 

"Well,  I  am  going,"  he  replied.    "Come  with  me  to 
the  hotel,  as  I  have  scarcely  time  to  pack  my  valise." 

"And  where  are  you  going?" 

331 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


"I  am  going  to  join  Garibaldi,  who  will  pass  the  Ti- 
cino  to-morrow  morning.  I  must  be  with  him  to  assume 
the  office  of  Royal  Commissioner." 

In  regard  to  his  interview  and  his  instructions  he  told 
me  very  little.  From  the  hotel  we  went  to  the  station, 
where  we  found  a  clerk,  who  gave  Emilio  a  number  of 
letters,  one  of  which  was  addressed  to  Cialdini,  who  was 
to  pass  him  beyond  our  advance  posts  at  Vercelli.  As 
the  whistle  of  the  locomotive  sounded,  Emilio  said: 
"Wait  a  few  days,  and  see  what  will  happen;  perhaps  it 
may  be  well  for  you  to  join  me." 

Some  months  after,  I  learned  from  Farini  why  it  was 
that  Emilio  had  been  summoned,  and  what  took  place 
in  Cavour's  salon.  Garibaldi  was  to  assault  the  Austrian 
flank  in  Lombardy,  and  exhort  the  country  to  rise.  Ca- 
vour  desired,  as  he  said  to  Emilio,  that  the  French 
should  find  a  country  in  insurrection,  and  not  seem  to 
be  the  liberators  of  a  submissive  people.  Yet,  though  he 
wanted  the  revolution  to  break  out,  he  desired  to  guide 
it.  It  was  necessary,  therefore,  to  place  by  Garibaldi's 
side  a  politician  to  direct  the  movement  and  to  keep  it 
within  proper  limits.  For  several  days  the  Minister  had 
tried  to  find  the  right  person  for  this  office,  but  no  one,  to 
whom  it  was  offered,  would  accept  it.  To  have  Garibaldi 
pass  the  frontier  without  a  Royal  Commissioner  made 
Cavour  furious,  and  he  loudly  declaimed  against  those 
who  had  refused  the  post. 

Then  Farini  said:  "Why  not  look  for  some  one  among 
the  well-known  immigrants?" 

"With  more  and  more  reason  they  will  say  'no,' "  an- 
swered Cavour. 

332 


Emilio  made  Royal  Commissioner 

"Who  knows?  Suppose  you  should  ask  Emilio  Vis- 
conti?  He  is  popular  in  Lombardy,  and  for  many  rea- 
sons is  available." 

"True,  but  how  can  I  offer  him  this  post  ?  If  he  should 
be  taken  prisoner  the  Austrians  would  treat  him  as  a 
rebel,  and  have  him  shot." 

When  Emilio  arrived,  Cavour  placed  the  situation  of 
affairs  before  him,  and  said  he  did  not  dare  to  insist  upon 
his  accepting  the  office.  Whereupon  my  brother  re- 
plied :  — 

"The  office  is  a  delicate  one,  and  is  full  of  difficulties; 
nevertheless,  if  you  believe  I  can  fill  it,  I  will  try. 
Whether  the  danger  is  greater  or  less  is  a  consideration 
that  we  young  Lombards  have  put  aside.  For  some  time 
past,  in  Lombardy,  the  gallows  has  only  been  one  mal- 
ady the  more;  therefore  I  do  not  think  of  it.  When 
shall  I  start?" 

"Immediately.  Garibaldi  is  marching  at  this  very 
hour  toward  the  frontier,  and  I  think  it  absolutely  ne- 
cessary that  the  first  proclamations  and  the  initial  acts 
should  be  made  in  the  name  if  the  King  by  his  commis- 


sioner." 


"Then  there  is  no  time  to  lose.  I  will  run  to  my  hotel, 
and  pack  up." 

"And  I  will  have  a  special  train  prepared  for  you,  and 
write  to  Cialdini  to  send  you  beyond  our  advance  posts, 
so  that  you  may  join  Garibaldi  as  soon  as  possible." 

Then  Cavour  gave  Emilio  his  verbal  instructions :  to 
bring  about  a  revolt  in  the  Lombard  districts;  to  come 
to  an  understanding  with  the  most  active  people;  to 
avail  himself  of  the  old  Mazzinian  elements;  to  reorgan- 

333 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


ize  the  revolution  under  the  formula:  "Italia  e  Vittorio 
Emanuele  ";  and  to  give  the  most  explicit  assurances  re- 
garding the  broad  national  policy  of  the  Government. 
He  instructed  him,  in  conclusion,  to  reinforce  the  muni- 
cipalities by  calling  upon  the  authoritative  and  patriotic 
citizens  to  take  part  therein,  and  laid  stress  upon  the 
fact  that  the  most  delicate  and  important  part  of  his 
mission  was  to  keep  his  actions  in  harmony  with  Gari- 
baldi's. 

When  Farini  told  me  of  this  interview  he  added  that 
Cavour  conceived  immediately  a  feeling  of  high  regard 
for  Emilio,  who  had  made  an  excellent  impression  upon 
him.  Cavour,  as  all  men  of  action,  liked  the  people  who 
understood  him  at  once,  and  who  raised  no  difficulties. 
He  had  a  strong  aversion  for  the  doubtful  and  the  boast- 
ful, the  tellers  of  long  stories,  and  the  users  of  "but." 

I  passed  the  next  day  in  great  anxiety,  as,  to  many  of 
my  friends,  Emilio's  office  seemed  a  perilous  one.  How- 
ever, I  kept  quiet,  and  only  talked  with  Giulini  and 
Arese,  who  were  in  the  confidence  of  the  Minister.  They 
thought  I  ought  to  join  my  brother;  and  all  doubt  was 
removed  when  I  received  a  dispatch  from  him,  asking 
me  to  go  to  Vercelli,  and  come  after  him.  I  immediately 
asked  for  letters  and  a  permit  to  pass  beyond  our  out- 
posts, and  I  also  notified  Mezzacapo  of  my  inability  to 
join  him,  and  left. 

The  Intendant  of  Vercelli,  the  Cavaliere  Boschi,  re- 
ceived me  most  kindly,  gave  me  much  information,  and 
provided  a  carriage  with  which  to  continue  my  journey. 

I  left,  in  the  night,  in  the  company  of  two  citizens  who 
were  going  to  join  Garibaldi.  After  crossing  the  ground 

334 


I  go  to  join  Rmilio  in  Lombardy 

occupied  by  Cialdini,  we  saluted  our  last  sentinel,  and 
went  forward  at  a  venture,  traveling  by  the  by-roads, 
until  we  came  to  Arona.  There  we  received  the  first  news 
of  Garibaldi's  movement,  and  of  the  fortunate  encounter 
that  had  been  sustained  by  Captain  De  Cristoforis. 
Garibaldi  passed  the  Ticino  with  six  battalions  of  the 
Cacciatori,  three  hundred  riflemen,  and  fifty  mounted 
guides,  in  all,  with  thirty-two  hundred  troops. 

Arona  had  put  itself  in  a  state  of  defense,  by  raising 
a  barricade  along  its  port,  and  by  posting  behind  it  some 
of  its  National  Guard:  but  they  were  soon  overthrown 
and  scattered,  by  the  Radetzky,  an  Austrian  gunboat. 
This  incident  made  me  think  that  it  would  be  difficult 
to  cross  the  lake. 

The  next  day  a  messenger  came  with  a  dispatch  from 
Emilio.  The  Mayor,  who  knew  that  I  was  a  brother  of 
the  Commissioner,  called  me,  and  I  heard  from  him 
many  particulars  of  the  fight  that  had  taken  place  at 
Varese.  The  messenger  also  gave  us  a  copy  of  the  proc- 
lamation that  the  Commissioner  had  published  when  he 
entered  Lombardy,  and  his  bulletins  on  the  battle  of 
Varese.  The  proclamation  and  the  bulletins  were  read 
by  the  Mayor  to  the  public  amid  great  enthusiasm.36 

In  the  interim  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  two  Gari- 
baldian  officers,  who  were  planning  to  cross  the  lake  in 
order  to  carry  four  mountain  howitzers  to  their  general. 
They  were  Griziotti  and  the  author,  Ippolito  Nievo, 
whose  writings  I  had  often  admired.  It  was  arranged 
that  I  should  go  with  them.  As  the  Radetzky  continued 
to  sail  to  and  fro,  we  had  to  be  wary,  but,  finally,  on  the 
night  of  the  28th,  we  arranged  for  our  departure  by 

335 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


means  of  a  system  of  signals  by  lights,  and  soon  gained 
the  Lombard  shore.  We  placed  the  howitzers  upon  a 
wagon,  and  under  cover  of  the  night  brought  them 
safely  next  morning  to  Varese. 

Varese  was  most  animated :  the  streets  were  crowded, 
and  the  tricolored  flags  were  everywhere  to  be  seen.  I 
soon  heard  that  Garibaldi  was  expected  with  the  greater 
part  of  his  troops.  But  why  had  he  turned  back?  The 
reason  I  learned  afterwards  from  Emilio,  who  had  re- 
mained at  Como.  But  while  I  was  seeking  for  informa- 
tion, behold  a  crowd  of  people  came  along.  Some  were 
shouting,  and  some  were  clapping  their  hands  to  the 
music  of  "La  Bella  Gigogin."  Garibaldi  had  arrived. 

Preceded  by  an  advance  guard,  and  followed  by  some 
of  his  battalions,  he  marched  slowly  through  the  midst 
of  the  people.  He  was  dressed  in  the  uniform  of  a  Pied- 
montese  general,  which  was  left  unbuttoned.  He  had  a 
silk  handkerchief  about  his  neck,  and  in  his  hand  he 
carried  his  customary  switch.  He  smiled  and  saluted 
right  and  left.  The  volunteers  mixed  with  the  people, 
and  raised  their  hats  to  the  thousands  of  ewivas  that 
resounded  through  the  air.  To  the  noisy  joyfulness  of 
some,  the  quiet  restraint  of  others  offered  a  great  con- 
trast. These  last  had  lost  a  friend,  or  a  brother,  at  San 
Fermo.  I,  too,  was  in  smiles  until,  walking  along  with 
some  of  my  friends,  I  heard  the  names  of  those  who 
had  fallen.  Among  them  were  Pedotti,  Cartellieri,  one 
of  the  Cairoli,  Giacomo  Battaglia,  and  Carlo  De  Cris- 
toforis.  My  joy  disappeared,  as  my  eyes  became  suf- 
fused with  tears.  Battaglia  and  De  Cristoforis  were  two 
of  my  dearest  friends.  They  were  both  killed  at  San 

336 


Orders  for  raising  the  Country 

Fermo  and  both  had  presentiments  of  their  approach- 
ing end. 

I  asked  for  the  particulars  of  their  deaths,  and  talked 
with  some  who  had  seen  them  fall.  Medici  had  ordered 
the  company  of  De  Cristoforis  to  attack  the  enemy's 
position,  and  Carlo  had  hurled  himself  at  the  assault. 
While  at  the  head  of  his  company  with  his  sword  raised 
on  high,  his  breast  was  torn  open  by  the  fire  of  the  Aus- 
trians,  and  he  fell.  He  was  carried,  dying,  to  the  am- 
bulance of  his  brother,  Dr.  Malachia.  A  little  while 
after,  Battaglia  and  Cartellieri  were  killed.  In  the  same 
battle,  and  at  the  same  hour,  fell  these  young  men  who 
were  among  the  best  that  Lombardy  had  given  to  the 
volunteers.  De  Cristoforis  would  have  been  one  of  our 
best  general  officers,  Battaglia  would  have  come  to  the 
front  in  literature  and  politics,  and  Cartellieri  was  al- 
ready distinguished  for  his  juristic  studies. 

In  the  crowd  around  Garibaldi,  I  saw  some  citizens  of 
Sondrio,  who  hastened  to  give  me  the  news  from  Valtel- 
lina.  This  is  what  had  happened.  Captain  Montanari, 
by  order  of  Garibaldi,  had  gone  from  Varese  to  Magadino 
to  consult  with  various  patriots  and  induce  them  to 
incite  the  country  to  rebel.  In  consequence,  a  few  dis- 
tricts of  the  Lago  di  Como  had  risen ;  and  some  of  the 
guards  and  police  had  been  made  prisoners.  And  a 
committee  from  Sondrio  had  likewise  gone  to  Como  to 
consult  the  Commissioner,  who  had  advised  them  to 
return  and  arouse  the  province.  His  advice  was  fol- 
lowed. In  Valtellina  the  guards  were  imprisoned,  the 
Austrian  arms  were  torn  down,  and  the  tricolored  flags 
were  flown. 

337 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


In  the  interim  Garibaldi  and  the  Commissioner- 
General  received  word  from  headquarters  that  the  move- 
ment forward  would  have  to  be  retarded;  and  General 
Urban  prepared  to  take  the  offensive.  He  threatened 
Garibaldi's  rear,  and  obliged  him  to  retreat  toward  La- 
veno,  leaving  only  a  small  force  at  Como.  Thereupon 
orders  to  await  events  were  given  to  the  districts  that 
had  rebelled. 

In  Valtellina  the  counter-order  had  arrived  the  day 
after  the  insurrection  had  begun.  It  is,  therefore,  not 
to  be  wondered  at  that  a  feeling  of  panic  followed  the 
enthusiasm  of  the  day  before;  so  a  new  committee  de- 
scended in  haste,  and  ran  to  Garibaldi.  They  were  anx- 
ious to  have  exact  information,  and  to  ask  for  help  for 
fear  that  the  valley  would  be  left  without  defence.  Gari- 
baldi told  them:  "It  is  probable  that  I  will  go  to  Val- 
tellina later  on,  but  do  not  count  upon  me  now,  as  I  can- 
not give  you  a  soldier.  Defend  yourselves  as  best  you 
can.  Give  arms  to  as  many  as  can  carry  them,  and  se- 
lect some  one  to  lead  you.  If  you  are  beaten,  disappear 
and  give  yourselves  a  rendezvous  at  some  point  in  your 
mountains ;  then  return  to  the  attack.  Keep  the  insur- 
rection alive  until  I  come;  and  nominate  a  head." 

As  the  committee  saw  that  they  could  obtain  nothing 
more,  they  resigned  themselves  to  having  a  commis- 
sioner with  full  powers ;  for  they  did  not  want  to  return 
empty-handed.  It  was  then  that  the  idea  came  into 
their  heads  of  proposing  me,  whom  they  had  just  met, 
and  who  was  of  the  country.  Garibaldi  approved  the 
proposal,  and  said  to  them:  "Go  to  Como,  and  come 
to  an  understanding  with  the  Commissioner,  Emilio 

338 


/  am  sent  to  the  F'altellina 

Visconti,  and   say  that  you  are    in  agreement  with 


me." 


After  this  interview  they  sought  me  out,  and  told  me 
the  arrangement  they  had  made  with  Garibaldi,  and  in- 
sisted that  I  should  accept  the  office.  I  refused  at  first, 
dismayed  by  the  difficulties  that  confronted  me;  but  I 
agreed  at  length  to  go  to  Como  and  consult  my  brother. 
Emilio  told  me  that  the  movements  of  the  French  had 
been  delayed,  because  of  which  our  offensive  operations 
would  not  take  place  for  several  days;  that  in  the  mean 
time  Urban  was  preparing  to  revenge  himself  upon  Gari- 
baldi with  a  superior  force,  and  had  sent  word  to  the 
commander  of  the  Swiss  troops  that  he  should  defend 
the  frontier,  and  be  prepared  to  disarm  the  Garibal- 
dians  when  he,  Urban,  should  drive  them  beyond  the 
boundaries. 

Garibaldi  left  only  two  companies  at  Como,  which 
prepared  to  defend  itself,  but  which  could  be  taken 
without  much  difficulty.  Therefore  Emilio  was  prepar- 
ing to  move  the  wounded  to  Menaggio,  and  to  pass  to 
Lecco  with  the  troops,  in  case  he  had  to  abandon  Como, 
and  could  not  join  Garibaldi  immediately. 

Emilio  encouraged  me  to  accept  the  post  that  had 
been  offered,  and,  as  he  had  power  to  appoint  local  com- 
missioners with  the  approval  of  Garibaldi,  he  had  my 
appointment  made  out.  I  passed  a  part  of  the  day  with 
the  committee  in  making  the  necessary  arrangements; 
then  we  went  to  Colico  by  one  of  the  boats  that  were 
held  at  the  disposal  of  the  insurgents.  When  we  arrived 
at  Valtellina,  I  perceived  that  my  companions  had  had 
our  coming  announced,  and,  that,  to  make  up  for  the 

339 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


lack  of  immediate  support,  they  had  exaggerated  the 
promise  for  the  future.  Everywhere  there  were  pro- 
cessions with  banners  and  music,  led  by  the  municipal 
officers  and  the  clergy;  and  everywhere  there  were 
hand-shakings  and  speeches.  The  arrival  of  a  Royal 
Commissioner  meant  that  the  coming  of  Garibaldi  or 
the  soldiers  of  the  King  would  not  be  long  delayed, 
and  that  the  liberty  of  the  country  was  secure. 

This  would  follow,  of  course;  but  in  the  mean  time  the 
Royal  Commissioner  came  alone,  without  aid,  and  with- 
out the  prospect  of  having  any  very  soon.  The  festivi- 
ties gave  me  a  heartache,  thinking  how  things  would 
change  if  the  truth  were  known.  But  it  was  necessary 
to  keep  the  insurrection  alive,  and  make  preparations  to 
resist  any  possible  attack.  I  opened,  therefore,  the  bat- 
tery of  my  rhetoric,  and  sought  to  set  on  fire  the  popular 
heart.  At  Morbegno  I  made  arrangements  to  keep  in 
communication  with  Como  and  Lecco;  then  we  went  to 
Sondrio,  where  we  were  received  with  ewivas  and  hymns; 
and  there  was  even  an  attempt  at  an  illumination. 
Tired  and  exhausted,  I  had  to  make  my  final  discourse  in 
the  piazza;  and  I  hope  that  no  one  kept  any  notes  of 
what  I  said! 

After  having  received  several  friends  who  came  to 
salute  me,  I  passed  a  part  of  the  night  with  G.  B.  Caimi 
and  some  others  in  examining  the  situation.  I  told  them 
how  matters  stood,  and  they  gave  me  the  local  news. 
The  prospect  was  not  reassuring.  Colonel  Francesco 
Carrano  in  his  book  "  I  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  e  la  Cam- 
pagna  di  Garibaldi  in  Lombardia  nel  1859  "  says  little  or 
nothing  of  the  events  in  the  Valtellina,  and  is  contented 

340 


The  Condition  of  the  Valtellina 

to  reproduce  the  report  of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Medici, 
who  commanded  the  advance  guard  of  Garibaldi's  corps, 
a  report  which,  although  important,  has  reference  simply 
to  military  actions.  I  will  endeavor  to  supply  the  lacuna, 
collecting  my  notes  and  documents  of  this  period,  which 
extended  from  June  1, 1859,  to  the  Peace  of  Villafranca. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

(1859) 

Proclamations  at  Sondrio.  —  Movements  of  the  Austrians  from  the  Stelvio.  — 
Defenses  of  Valtellina.  —  Disagreements  in  regard  to  the  defenses.  —  Re- 
connoitering  by  the  Austrians.  —  Exaggerated  rumors  and  panic.  —  Costan- 
tino  luvalta,  of  Teglio.  —  A  professor  of  German  surprised.  —  Difficult 
communications. 

IMMEDIATELY  after  my  arrival  at  Sondrio,  that  is, 
on  the  5th  of  June,  the  municipality  proclaimed  its 
revolt  and  its  desire  for  annexation  to  Piedmont.  The 
Podesta,  Nobile  Gaudenzio  Guicciardi,  announced  this 
to  the  people  in  a  courageous  proclamation.  I  an- 
nounced my  appointment  as  a  representative  of  the 
Royal  Commissioner-General,  instituted  the  National 
Guard  and  the  Guard  Mobile,  and  published  some  meas- 
ures of  public  security.  From  some  friends,  who  came 
to  see  me,  I  learned  of  the  serious  illness  of  Romualdo 
Bonfadini  upon  whom  I  was  relying  for  assistance,  and 
I  was  also  informed  by  them  of  the  movements  of  the 
Austrians.  General  Huyn  had  sent  from  Venosta  some 
companies  of  Tyrolese  cacciatori  to  occupy  Bormio;  and 
some  strong  patrols  had  advanced  as  far  as  the  bridge  of 
Grosio. 

At  Sondrio  a  squadron  of  volunteers  was  immediately 
formed,  clothed  in  some  great-coats  abandoned  by  the 
Austrians,  and  armed  as  well  as  circumstances  permitted. 
Commanded  by  Ercole  Quadrio,  they  were  hurried  for- 
ward to  occupy  the  village  of  Tresenda  which  is  situated 
at  the  place  where  the  Aprica  and  Stelvio  roads  unite. 
Another  company  took  up  a  position  at  the  Ponte 

342 


Defenses  of  Valtellina 


del  Diavolo,  a  place  where  the  valley  is  narrowed  down 
to  the  road  and  the  river  Adda.  There  they  hastily 
constructed  a  barricade.  This  company  was  commanded 
by  Antonio  Lucini,  of  Tirano,  who  had  been  an  officer 
of  the  volunteers  in  1848. 

When  the  Austrians  descended  to  attack  the  barri- 
cade, a  large  number  of  the  defenders  found  themselves 
under  fire  for  the  first  time;  yet  they  stood  firm  and  re- 
pelled the  attack.  To  Lucini  and  his  company  I  sent  an 
order  of  the  day,  with  thanks  for  their  brave  defense,  as 
was  both  right  and  opportune.  The  news  of  this  first 
skirmish  was  soon  diffused  throughout  the  valley;  all 
spoke  of  it  with  satisfaction,  but  all  in  their  hearts  were 
more  alarmed  than  reassured,  believing  that  it  might  be 
the  attack  of  the  Austrian  advance  guard  in  a  movement 
to  reoccupy  the  valley. 

A  large  part  of  the  bravest  youths  had  departed  to  en- 
list in  the  volunteers  or  in  the  regular  army;  arms  were 
lacking;  the  treasury  was  depleted;  and  communications 
with  Lake  Como  and  with  Garibaldi  were  uncertain. 
We  were,  in  a  word,  isolated,  and  without  resources,  and 
besides,  I  knew  the  difficult  position  (shown  me  by 
Emilio)  in  which  Garibaldi  had  been  placed.  My  hope 
was  to  gain  time.  Disagreements  suddenly  arose  regard- 
ing the  best  ways  of  defense.  Some  wanted  to  concen- 
trate our  strength  at  Tresenda  and  Aprica ;  and  surely 
this  would  have  been  our  wisest  course,  as  we  should 
have  been  upon  the  backs  of  the  Austrians  who  were 
at  Edolo.  But  this  plan  did  not  please  the  people  of 
High  Valtellina.  It  is  to  be  observed  that  if  the  Aus- 
trians had  really  wished  to  advance,  they  could  easily 

343 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


have  done  so,  no  matter  what  position  we  might  have 
taken. 

At  Tirano,  where  I  went  to  consult  the  authorities,  I 
saw  my  mother  whom  I  had  not  seen  since  the  evening  of 
my  flight  from  Milan.  She  had  remained  in  the  city  until 
after  the  declaration  of  war,  then  had  retired  to  Tirano 
to  seek,  in  better  air,  some  relief  from  the  fears  and  anx- 
ieties that  had  so  much  shaken  her.  My  brother  En- 
rico had  remained  in  town,  kept  there  by  family  affairs, 
and  also  by  a  desire  to  be  present  in  the  unfolding  of 
events.  How  many  good  talks  I  had  with  my  mother! 
And  how  many  things  we  had  to  tell  one  another,  after 
these  months  of  joy  and  anguish !  Our  mother  was  ever 
full  of  fear  for  us,  and,  at  the  same  time,  she  was  happy 
because  her  heart  was  filled  with  love  of  her  country. 

My  first  acts  at  Sondrio  were  to  publish  decrees  for 
securing  arms,  for  inaugurating  a  committee  of  enlist- 
ment, for  calling  out  the  soldiers  who  had  not  responded 
to  the  summons  of  Austria,  for  creating  the  National 
Guard  in  every  commune,  and  for  arranging  for  a  partial 
mobilization  of  the  same.  I  also  reorganized  the  muni- 
cipal councils,  but  left  the  employees  in  their  places  pro- 
visionally. The  post  of  Delegate  of  the  Province,  as  the 
Prefect  was  then  called,  was  vacant  at  this  time.  There 
was,  however,  a  Vice-Delegate  (Signer  Borroni),  whom 
I  left  in  his  place.  These  decrees  and  arrangements  were 
made  in  accordance  with  the  instructions  I  had  received 
from  Emilio. 

All  the  local  functionaries  called  upon  me,  and  I  en- 
deavored to  inspire  them  with  a  feeling  of  security  that 
I  did  not  feel;  but  I  observed  that  they  all  kept  them- 

344 


Exaggerated  Rumors  and  Panic 

selves  a  little  apart  until  after  the  battle  of  Magenta. 
As  the  volunteers  came  to  me,  I  sent  them,  by  squad- 
rons, to  the  bridge  of  Grosio.  These  defenders  afterwards 
advanced  to  the  Ponte  del  Diavolo,  behind  which  they 
constructed  a  strong  fortification. 

There  was  a  barricade,  also,  at  the  bridge  of  Tresenda, 
and  an  outpost  was  placed  at  the  Aprica.  These  measures 
served  to  tranquilize  the  public,  and  they  served,  too,  to 
make  the  Austrians  more  circumspect,  for  it  is  certain 
that,  in  the  days  preceding  the  battle  of  Magenta,  if  the 
Tyrolese  cacciatori  had  desired  to  force  a  passage  to 
Colico,  and  harass  Garibaldi,  they  could  have  done  so; 
but  audacity  fortunately  was  lacking  in  their  comman- 
der. Even  when  they  attacked  our  defenses  at  the  Ponte 
del  Diavolo,  they  were  uncertain,  and  never  pushed  for- 
ward resolutely. 

The  fears  that  preoccupied  me  now  began  to  agitate 
the  public,  especially  after  the  news  of  Garibaldi's  retro- 
grade movement  came  to  their  ears.  The  significance  of 
this  check  was  magnified,  for  we  were  without  any  in- 
formation. Considerable  time  elapsed  before  I  knew 
that  the  battle  of  Palestro  had  taken  place.  The  first 
manifestation  of  fear  was  the  demand  for  energetic  meas- 
ures against  spies  and  informers.  When  I  arrived  at 
Sondrio,  I  learned  that  some  arbitrary  arrests  had  been 
made,  and  that  others  were  threatened;  so  I  appointed 
a  Committee  of  Public  Security,  and  in  making  it  up,  I 
chose  temperate  citizens  who  I  knew  would  fulfill  their 
office  with  prudence.  They  were  the  Councilor  Vertua, 
Dr.  Lambertenghi,  Signor  Giovanni  Lambertenghi,  and 
Don  Pietro  Sertoli.  The  persons  accused  were  those  who 

345 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


had  generally  been  regarded  with  suspicion.  One  was  an 
employee  of  the  police,  a  man  named  Olivari,  the  hus- 
band of  the  wanton  milliner,  who  in  1849,  in  Milan,  had 
been  the  cause  of  the  demonstration  that  had  resulted  in 
the  whipping  of  men  and  women  in  the  Piazza  Castello. 

Two  little  matters  of  some  importance  immediately 
occupied  my  attention.  The  district  of  Teglio  was 
ruled  by  Costantino  luvalta,  a  man  of  good  family,  but 
of  an  overbearing  disposition.  He  had  passed  his  youth 
in  Vienna  in  relations,  it  was  said,  with  the  "big  wigs." 
The  patriotic  youth  of  the  district  had  torn  down  the 
Austrian  arms  and  had  raised  some  tricolored  flags,  but 
luvalta  had  the  arms  replaced  and  the  flags  taken  away. 
Moreover,  he  gathered  about  him  a  group  of  devoted 
contadini  and  made  preparations  to  resist  the  national 
movement  in  his  district.  Several  Liberals,  who  were 
threatened  by  him,  had  to  fly.  They  came  to  me,  and  I 
immediately  asked  G.  B.  Caimi,  the  commander  of  the 
National  Guard  of  Sondrio,  to  go  by  night  to  Teglio  with 
a  company  of  militia,  and  to  arrest  luvalta  and  his  lieu- 
tenants, and  to  disperse  the  rest,  if  need  be,  with  force. 

The  same  evening  a  waiter  of  the  hotel  where  I  lodged 
came  to  my  office,  and  said  that  a  lady,  who  did  not  wish 
to  give  her  name,  begged  me  to  come  to  the  hotel,  as  she 
desired  to  talk  with  me  of  urgent  affairs.  I  went  straight 
to  the  hotel  and  to  my  room,  where  I  found  a  veiled  lady, 
as  in  a  romance.  She  was  the  wife  of  luvalta,  the  Sig- 
nora  luvalta  Cattaneo,  a  cousin  of  mine.  With  this 
charming  relative  my  family  had  always  been  on  excel- 
lent terms,  but  not  with  her  husband,  whom  I  did  not 
know  by  sight.  My  cousin,  with  much  agitation,  told  me 

346 


Costantino  luvalta ,  of  Teglio 

of  the  doings  at  Teglio,  and  said  that  there  were  two 
local  factions  which  were  now  facing  one  another  and 
ready  to  come  to  blows,  and  that  bloodshed  was  immi- 
nent. 

Having,  in  my  turn,  told  her  frankly  my  intention,  she 
replied  that  the  National  Guard  would  not  be  able  to 
save  the  life  of  her  husband,  as  he  would  be  murdered  by 
the  triumphant  faction,  or  by  some  one  who  wanted  to 
accomplish  a  vendetta.  Whether  the  fears  of  my  cousin 
were  exaggerated  or  not,  it  seemed  to  me  it  was  my  duty 
to  avoid  the  possibility  of  such  an  outcome,  so  I  told  her 
to  run  to  Teglio,  and  persuade  her  husband  to  take  the 
road  to  the  mountains  and  safety.  She  left  instanter, 
and  I  was  in  time  to  tell  Caimi  what  I  had  learned  and 
had  done.  Caimi  went  to  Teglio,  where,  after  the  depart- 
ure of  luvalta,  he  easily  arranged  matters  and  restored 
the  tricolored  flags. 

Some  days  after,  I  received  a  long  letter  from  luvalta, 
from  Switzerland,  asking  me  for  a  safe-conduct  so  as  to 
go  to  any  city  I  might  indicate,  in  order  to  exculpate 
himself  before  some  judge  of  a  court.  I  replied  that  he 
would  do  well  to  stay  where  he  was ;  that,  when  the  war 
was  over  and  the  country  had  become  tranquil,  he 
could  do  what  then  seemed  best.  Later  on  he  returned, 
but  thought  no  longer  of  making  a  clamorous  defense  of 
his  conduct.  From  an  Austrian  partisan,  he  became  a 
pronounced  adversary  of  the  Government  and  of  myself; 
terms  which,  for  the  rest,  were  inclusive.  But  my  cou- 
sin, as  long  as  she  lived,  called  regularly  at  our  house, 
deploring  the  conduct  of  her  husband,  and  renewing  the 
expression  of  her  thankfulness  for  my  kindness. 

347 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


The  other  matter  was  of  more  importance.  The  waiter 
of  my  hotel  aroused  me  one  night,  saying  that  some  one 
wanted  to  talk  with  me  immediately.  It  was  the  ostler  of 
another  hotel  in  Sondrio.  He  told  me  that  a  professor  of 
German,  in  the  town  Gymnasium,  had  gone  into  the 
stable  to  chat  with  a  carter,  who  had  left  for  Edolo,  and 
that  the  professor  had  given  him  a  package  and  a  tip. 
The  ostler,  who  was  lying  upon  some  straw  in  an  obscure 
corner  of  the  stable,  had  witnessed  this,  and  had  come 
to  see  me,  as  he  was  sure  that  the  professor  and  the 
carter  were  spies.  I  arose  at  once  and  sent  some  intelli- 
gent gendarmes  to  arrest  the  carter  and  search  him.  A 
few  hours  after,  he  was  in  the  quarters  of  the  guards,  and 
the  package  was  on  my  desk.  In  it,  concealed  among 
some  insignificant  papers,  I  found  a  letter,  written  in 
German,  to  a  compatriot  in  Edolo.  In  this  letter  the  pro- 
fessor narrated  the  things  that  had  taken  place  in  the 
Valtellina,  and  asked  his  correspondent  to  make  them 
known  to  a  certain  person  who  lived  beyond  the  Tonale. 
The  professor  said,  among  other  things,  that  a  Com- 
missioner of  the  King  of  Piedmont  had  come  to  Sondrio 
who  had  talked  "big,"  and  had  announced  the  immedi- 
ate coming  of  the  Garibaldians,  or  of  the  regular  troops; 
but  that  it  seemed  to  him  that  this  announcement  was 
either  untrue  or  premature;  and  he  added  that,  outside 
of  a  few  volunteers  who  had  been  sent  to  the  advance 
posts,  the  rebels  had  no  forces  to  oppose  to  an  attack; 
and  concluded  by  saying  that  he  would  continue  to  send 
information  to  his  compatriot,  but  that,  as  correspond- 
ing was  becoming  dangerous,  he  would  write  to  him  in 
a  cipher  of  which  he  sent  him  now  the  key. 

348 


Difficult  Communications 

As  this  correspondence  might  become  dangerous,  I 
had  the  professor  arrested  and  sent  before  my  commit- 
tee. Naturally  the  affair  became  known,  and  there  were 
people  who  asked  me  when  I  should  have  the  professor 
shot;  but  the  committee  was  of  the  opinion  that  the  pro- 
fessor, together  with  all  persons  arrested,  or  who  might 
be  arrested,  should  be  sent  to  the  fortress  of  Alessan- 
dria. And  this  was  also  my  opinion. 

In  the  interim  I  continued  to  write  to  my  brother  and 
to  tell  him  what  had  happened;  to  give  him  an  account 
of  the  precarious  state  of  our  affairs,  and  to  urge  the  need 
of  Garibaldi  sending  some  troops  or,  ar  least,  some  offi- 
cers. The  call  to  arms  had  begun  to  show  excellent  re- 
sults, but  there  was  a  lack  of  officers,  and  even  of  sub- 
alterns, to  organize  and  discipline  the  volunteers  and 
guardsmen. 

One  of  my  difficulties  was  that  communication,  which 
was  always  slow,  was  now  interrupted  everywhere.  I 
was  often  without  replies  to  my  letters.  There  was  no 
telegraph  in  Valtellina  until  the  end  of  1859,  when  it 
was  installed  by  the  National  Government. 


CHAPTER  XXX 

(1859) 

News  of  the  battle  of  Magenta.  —  The  Valtellina  Battalion.  —  Captain  Fran- 
cesco Montanari.  —  The  parish  priest  of  Grosio.  —  The  Swiss  soldiers.  — 
—  The  Austrian  spies.  —  A  plan  of  attack  upon  Bormio.  —  I  go  to  confer 
with  Garibaldi.  —  At  Bergamo,  in  Casa  Camozzi.  —  Garibaldi's  headquar- 
ters.—  Captain  Clemente  Corte.  —  The  Austrian  prisoners.  —  Colonel 
Thurr.  —  Garibaldi's  orders. 

ALL  at  once  news  came  that  changed  our  doubts  and 
anxieties  into  joy.  It  was  of  the  battle  of  Magenta. 
I  had  also  a  letter  from  Emilio,  who  wrote  that  Garibaldi 
had  decided  to  send  me  a  captain  of  staff,  three  or  four 
other  officers,  and  a  dozen  soldiers,  to  instruct  the  Val- 
tellinese  troops.  Moreover,  a  body  of  the  mobilized 
National  Guard,  among  whom  were  about  fifty  vigorous 
youths,  came  to  me  from  Chiavenna. 

The  Garibaldian  officers  and  soldiers  arrived  at  Son- 
drio  the  evening  of  the  5th  of  June,  and  were  received  by 
the  population  with  shouts  of  clamorous  joy.  The  cap- 
tain, Francesco  Montanari,  presented  his  companions, 
and  gave  me  a  letter  from  Garibaldi  which,  later  on,  was 
to  become  very  important.  It  contained  the  general's 
instructions  to  him.  The  captain  was  charged  with  the 
duty  of  organizing,  as  soon  as  possible,  a  battalion  of 
Valtellinese  volunteers  and  of  taking  the  command.  As 
the  battalion  would  have  a  knowledge  of  the  country,  it 
was  to  act  as  the  advance  guard  of  the  Cacciatori  delle 
Alpi.  In  the  mean  time  the  commandant  was  to  do  no- 
thing except  by  agreement  with  the  Commissioner,  upon 
whom  he  was  to  rely,  until  the  cacciatori  should  come. 

350 


Captain  Francesco  Montanari 

I  invited  the  captain  and  his  officers  to  dine  the  even- 
ing of  their  arrival.  Montanari  said  little,  but  drank 
much,  as  he  was  very  appreciative  of  the  good  wine  of 
Valtellina.  At  the  end  of  the  repast  he  proposed  a  prom- 
enade, but  it  was  impossible.  The  officers,  one  by  one, 
said  good-bye,  but  the  captain  stretched  himself  upon  a 
sofa,  and  soon  fell  into  a  profound  sleep.  This  was  bad 
enough,  but  when  a  crowd  came  with  a  band,  playing 
the  popular  air,  and  demanded  a  speech,  I  had  to  lock 
the  door  of  the  room,  in  which  he  lay  snoring,  and  go  out 
upon  the  balcony  and  say,  sotto  voce,  that  the  captain 
was  very  tired  and  was  reposing.  I  begged  the  people, 
therefore,  to  defer  their  demonstration.  So  all,  in  a  patri- 
otic silence,  went  away. 

But  the  captain  did  not  repose  long  enough.  Early 
the  next  morning  he  came  in  collision  with  Caimi,  who 
was  as  quiet  as  he  was  brave,  and  an  altercation  arose 
that  almost  Ie4  to  blows.  Peace  having  been  restored  as 
best  it  could,  Montanari  and  I  set  out  to  visit  the  ad- 
vance posts,  to  go  through  the  country  to  drum  up  re- 
cruits, and  to  encourage  the  municipalities  to  help  us 
clothe  and  arm  our  people.  Before  leaving  Sondrio,  the 
captain  desired  to  pass  the  guards  in  review.  When 
they  were  drawn  up,  he  proclaimed  in  a  loud  and  menac- 
ing voice:  "Under  the  orders  of  the  officer  whom  I  will 
give  you,  you  are  to  depart  this  evening.  It  is  under- 
stood that  you  are  from  this  moment  enlisted  as  Caccia- 
tori  delle  Alpi.  You  are  soldiers  and  not  mobilized 
National  Guards.  If  any  coward  does  not  accept  this 
condition,  let  him  quit  the  ranks  and  go  home."  No  one 
dared  to  move  or  breathe.  Afterwards  several  came  and 

351 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


expostulated,  and  I  persuaded  them  to  proceed,  assur- 
ing them  that  they  would  remain,  as  they  were,  mobil- 
ized national  guardsmen. 

As  we  started  upon  our  journey,  the  captain  began  to 
unfold  his  ideas  and  plans,  which  he  wanted  me  to  ap- 
prove. He  was  robust  in  appearance,  and  seemed  to  be 
about  thirty-five  years  of  age.  His  face  was  sullen,  and 
the  lower  part  of  it  was  covered  with  a  thick  black  beard. 
His  hollow  voice,  his  way  of  speaking,  his  suspicious  look, 
and  his  ideas  showed  him  to  be  (what  indeed  he  was)  the 
conventional  type  of  the  old  conspirator.  He  had  passed 
his  life  in  conspiring,  and  had  taken  part  in  all  the  Maz- 
zinian  insurrections.  He  was  of  Modena,  and  had  been 
involved  in  the  Mantuan  trials  of  '53  but,  as  the  Austrian 
Government  had  not  had  sufficient  evidence  to  convict 
him,  it  handed  him  over  to  the  Duke  of  Modena,  who 
put  him  in  prison  on  his  own  account.  He  was  certainly 
an  approved  patriot,  but  his  love  of  conspiracy,  his  ad- 
ventures, and  his  experiences  had  made  him  lose  sight  of 
the  realities  of  life,  which  he  subordinated  to  the  necessi- 
ties of  the  revolution.  His  was  a  character  I  was  glad  to 
study,  and  I  encouraged  him  to  relate  his  adventures. 

"Dear  Commissioner,"  he  said,  as  we  walked  along  the 
road,  "General  Garibaldi  will  not  come  very  soon,  so 
that  Valtellina  ought  to  take  care  of  itself,  and  there  is 
only  one  way." 

"What's  that?" 

"We  must  revolutionize  the  country." 

"But  it  is  revolutionized." 

"Ah,  but  there  are  those  who  wish  otherwise." 

"We  agree." 

352 


T*he  Parish  Priest  of  Grosio 

"We  must,  then,  proclaim  the  levy  en  masse,  and 
place  all  under  arms  and  march.  Then  we  must  seize  all 
that  is  requisite,  and,  at  the  first  show  of  resistance,  have 
the  parish  priests  and  the  municipal  councilors  shot." 

"Dear  Captain,  I  would  have  you  know  that  the  par- 
ish priests  and  the  municipal  councilors  have  been  my 
principal  aids." 

"That's  all  very  well:  but  put  no  trust  in  the  priests 
and  in  the  old  councilors." 

"This  evening  we  shall  be  at  Grosio,  and  we  shall  go  to 
the  house  of  the  parish  priest.  When  Austria,  before  the 
war,  called  out  the  contingent,  eighty  soldiers  of  Grosio 
were  about  to  join  their  regiments,  but  their  priest  said 
to  them:  'Do  not  present  yourselves;  hide  in  the  moun- 
tains until  spring,  for  things  will  change.'  When  the  war 
broke  out  he  called  the  eighty  back,  and  consigned 
them  to  me.  You  will  see  them  at  the  advance  post; 
they  are  the  best  soldiers  of  the  battalion." 

But  the  captain  continued  to  shake  his  head  and  say: 
"It  may  be,  but  don't  put  any  trust  in  priests." 

That  evening  he  became  the  guest  of  Don  G.  B.  Cor- 
nelio,  in  the  parsonage  of  Grosio.  To  vindicate  himself 
he  drank  the  good  wine  that  his  host  kept  in  reserve  for 
the  Lenten  preachers,  as  he  entertained  him  with  his  idea 
of  shooting  priests,  friars,  and  nuns.  But  as  he  was  very 
comfortable,  he  often  stopped  with  Don  Cornelio  when 
he  visited  the  advance  post.  One  day  I  arrived  in  time 
to  stop  a  fracas.  The  captain  wanted  to  throw  a  portrait 
of  Pius  IX  out  of  a  window,  and  Don  Cornelio  was  de- 
fending the  picture  with  an  upraised  chair. 

I  succeeded  in  reestablishing  peace,  which  Montanari 

353 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


wanted  to  celebrate  with  a  couple  of  bottles  of  the 
priest's  best  wine.  He  could  not  understand  how  the 
priests  could  be  patriotic  in  Lombardy  and  yet  be  de- 
voted to  the  Pope.  "But  what  a  new  thing  this  is !"  he 
would  exclaim. 

The  post  at  the  Ponte  del  Diavolo  was  composed  of 
National  Guards,  volunteers,  revenue  officials,  and  the 
eighty  soldiers  of  whom  I  have  spoken.  There  were  in  all 
about  four  hundred  men,  but  scarcely  half  of  them  were 
provided  with  a  gun  of  any  kind.  I  presented  them  to 
the  new  commander,  who  passed  them  in  review,  and  ad- 
dressed them  as  he  had  the  guards  at  Sondrio,  declaring 
that  they  were  enlisted,  without  further  ado,  as  Caccia- 
tori  delle  Alpi. 

At  this  time,  also,  no  one  dared  to  breathe;  but  many 
came  to  me  afterwards,  and  protested,  and  threatened 
to  return  home.  I  tranquilized  them  by  saying  that  I 
would  look  out  for  them;  but  the  effect  of  the  captain's 
speech  was  very  bad;  and  it  did  not  help  us  to  complete 
the  battalion.  The  peasants  were  willing  enough  to  en- 
list, but  they  wanted  to  be  assured  that  things  would  not 
turn  out  as  in  '48.  As  the  battle  of  Magenta  had  just 
taken  place,  I  was  able  to  assure  them  to  the  contrary. 

Montanari  had  brought  some  guns  with  him.  We 
found  some  in  the  Austrian  quarters,  and  the  remainder 
I  obtained  in  Switzerland,  one  by  one,  by  the  aid  of  the 
merchants  of  Poschiavo  or  the  Engadine  who  came  to 
Tirano  to  trade.  Several  of  the  guns  were  those  of  the 
volunteers  of  '48,  which  had  been  abandoned  or  sold  for 
a  song.  I  now  repurchased  them  for  forty  or  fifty  lire. 
Several  guns,  too,  were  forwarded  to  me  by  Ulisse  Salis. 

354 


'The  Swiss  Soldiers 


Some  of  the  Swiss  soldiers,  and  even  several  of  their 
officers,  were  accustomed  to  promenade  in  the  Valtellina; 
so  one  day  the  municipality  of  Tirano  invited  a  number 
of  them  to  a  little  festivity.  The  invitation  was  accepted 
and  there  was  much  drinking  and  many  demonstrations 
of  friendship  upon  both  sides;  but  alas,  this  gayety  was 
soon  turned  into  gloom,  when  we  heard  that  some  of 
these  soldiers  had  told  the  Austrian  spies  how  slight 
were  the  defenses  of  the  Valtellina.  Their  imprudent 
words  were  reported  in  Tirano,  and  excited  so  much  in- 
dignation that  I  had  to  write  to  the  commandant  to  keep 
his  soldiers  within  their  boundaries,  and  that  we  should 
do  the  same  with  ours. 

To  counteract  the  effect  of  the  information  given  by 
the  Swiss  soldiers,  I  had  some  bulletins  printed  and  dis- 
tributed, announcing  the  immediate  arrival  of  Garibaldi, 
and  a  movement  of  the  Piedmontese  troops  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Valcamonica.  Perhaps  it  was  because  of  my  bul- 
letins that  the  Austrians  did  not  attack  us. 

I  passed  my  days  and  part  of  my  nights  in  my  office, 
or  in  going  about,  listening  to  some  complaint,  or 
straightening  out  some  difficulty  that  Montanari,  in 
his  revolutionary  frenzy,  had  caused.  He  issued  his 
orders  to  the  municipalities,  and  seized  everything 
he  wanted  without  leaving  any  receipts,  and  arrested 
those  who  opposed  him.  The  discontent  in  High  Valtel- 
lina waxed  greater  every  day.  I  also  had  begun  to  wran- 
gle with  the  captain;  nevertheless,  I  was  the  only  person 
who  succeeded  in  restraining  him.  This  was  in  virtue  of 
Garibaldi's  letter,  which  enjoined  upon  him  the  need  of 
acting  in  concert  with  the  Commissioner.  To  let  days 

355 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


go  by  without  having  done  one  noisy  thing;  without  hav- 
ing shot,  at  least,  one  priest,  seemed  to  him  to  be  inex- 
plicable. 

Three  days  after  having  taken  command  of  the  ad- 
vance post  of  badly  armed,  badly  dressed,  and  badly 
drilled  men,  he  sent  me  a  dispatch  saying,  "To-morrow 
I  shall  surprise  the  Austrians,  and  fall  upon  Bormio."  I 
ran  to  the  post,  and  arrived  in  time  to  prevent  the  enter- 
prise. Bormio  was  strongly  fortified,  and  we  should  have 
had  to  attack  without  support,  while,  behind  our  de- 
fenses, the  four  hundred  could  make  a  strong  resistance 
to  any  aggressive  movement  the  Austrians  could  make. 
Moreover,  if  the  enemy  should  repulse  our  attack,  they 
would  descend  into  the  whole  valley,  and  occupy  it. 
It  was  evident,  however,  that  they  believed  we  were  not 
without  support,  as  they  were  loath  to  push  forward. 

The  captain  was  determined  to  make  the  coup,  and  I 
to  prevent  him.  The  discussion  was  long  and  disagreea- 
ble. In  the  end  it  was  concluded  that  the  matter  should 
be  referred  to  the  General,  and  that  I  should  go  to 
consult  him.  Accordingly  I  left  immediately,  and  went 
straight  to  Bergamo  in  the  hope  of  finding  him  there.  I 
arrived  at  Bergamo  the  next  day,  and  stopped  at  Casa 
Camozzi,  where  I  found  Emilio,  and  had  the  good  for- 
tune to  meet  Garibaldi,  who  had  just  returned  from 
Milan  where  he  had  gone  to  consult  the  King.  He  was 
preparing  for  his  march  upon  Brescia. 

Garibaldi's  headquarters  were  in  Casa  Camozzi,  and 
there  was  such  a  crowd  of  soldiers  and  of  armed  citizens, 
and  there  were  so  many  officers  coming  and  going,  all  in 
the  gayest  disorder,  that  one  would  have  said  that  Ber- 

356 


/  confer  with  Garibaldi 


gamo  was  a  city  in  insurrection  en  fete.  Clemen te  Corte, 
then  captain  of  staff,  most  politely  took  charge  of  me, 
and  secured  me  an  audience  at  once,  a  thing  that  was  not 
easy  to  do.  Garibaldi  received  me  with  that  frank  and 
courteous  regard,  with  that  serene  smile,  with  that  mar- 
velous voice  (the  most  beautiful  I  have  ever  heard),  — 
with,  indeed,  all  the  graces  which  explain  the  irresistible 
fascination  he  exercised  upon  every  one,  even  upon  the 
most  contrary. 

I  told  him  what  we  had  done  in  Valtellina,  and  he 
smiled  and  seemed  pleased.  Then  I  told  him  the  rea- 
son why  I  had  come  to  see  him,  and  of  the  proposed  coup 
upon  Bormio.  He  wanted  to  know  about  everything, 
and  seemed  well  inclined  to  agree  with  me,  when  sud- 
denly Corte  and  Colonel  Thiirr  entered,  and  broke  up 
our  interview.  Thiirr,  after  exchanging  some  words  with 
the  General,  approached  me,  and  began  to  talk  in  the 
frank  and  open  way  that  made  him  so  acceptable;  while 
Corte  informed  Garibaldi  that  some  Austrian  officers 
had  been  brought  to  Bergamo,  and  asked  for  orders  re- 
garding them. 

"Bring  them  to  me,"  said  the  General,  "and  you, 
Thiirr,  stop  and  act  as  interpreter." 

It  seems  to  me  I  can  yet  see  these  officers.  There  were 
six  of  them,  four  of  the  infantry,  and  two  of  the  caccia- 
tori.  There  had  grown  up  in  the  Austrian  ranks,  from 
1848,  a  legend  in  regard  to  Garibaldi  which  made  the 
famous  condottiere  to  be  something  terrible  and  diabol- 
ical. The  officers,  certainly,  had  given  no  credit  to  this 
idea,  but  many  considered  him  to  be  a  ferocious  chief  of 
filibusters,  capable  of  any  excess ;  and  this  was  undoubt- 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


edly  the  opinion  of  the  six,  for  they  came  forward  as 
people  who  were  going  to  their  deaths.  Two  of  them 
were  seized  with  a  nervous  trembling  that  they  could 
not  control. 

Garibaldi  approached  them,  and  shook  the  hand  of 
each  one  in  an  affable  and  courteous  way,  and  said  to 
Thiirr:  "Ask  these  brave  officers  whether  they  desire 
anything.  I  will  hand  them  over  to  one  of  our  officers, 
who  will  conduct  them  to  Milan;  from  there  they  will 
be  taken  to  Alessandria.  They  will  travel  in  closed  car- 
riages so  as  to  avoid  public  curiosity,  and  may  retain 
their  swords,  upon  their  giving  me  their  word  of  honor 
that  they  will  not  try  to  escape." 

As  Thiirr  translated  these  words  into  German,  the 
faces  of  the  officers  expressed  an  amazement  that  soon 
became  transfigured  into  an  illumination.  Then,  when 
Garibaldi  shook  hands  again  and  dismissed  them,  the 
six  planted  themselves  in  the  position  of  a  formal  salute, 
shook  the  proffered  hand  of  the  General  with  effusion, 
and  departed  more  mystified  in  going  out  than  in  coming 
in.  This  little  short  and  characteristic  scene  has  never 
faded  from  my  mind. 

Then  the  General  took  up  our  matter.  "  I  understand," 
said  he,  "Montanari's  impatience.  The  man  is  brave; 
he  is  a  pearl.  But  for  the  present  it  is  best  that  he  should 
wait.  I  shall  send  him  my  written  order  regarding  what 
he  should  do." 

"So  much  the  better,"  thought  I. 

"To  Bormio  we  shall  go  together,"  Garibaldi  began 
again.  "And  I  shall  recompense  him  by  appointing  him 
to  begin  the  attack  with  his  Valtellinese  battalion.  In 

358 


Garibaldi  *s  Orders 


sending  you  this  captain,  dear  Commissioner,  I  have 
sent  you  a  pearl." 

I  had  stood  waiting  the  right  moment  to  tell  Garibaldi 
that  he  ought  to  send  us  a  major,  for,  though  Montanari 
might  be  a  pearl  of  a  hero,  he  had  created  many  difficul- 
ties; but  I  did  not  find  the  opportunity,  so  I  took  my 
leave.  Garibaldi  saluted  me  cordially  and,  as  he  shook 
my  hand,  said,  "We  shall  see  one  another  again  in  Val- 
tellina." 


CHAPTER  XXXI 

(1859) 

I  go  to  Milan  to  confer  with  the  Governor-General.  —  My  brother  tells  me  the 
difficulties  of  his  office.  —  I  confer  with  Correnti  and  Vigliani.  —  Renewal  of 
my  appointment  as  Royal  Commissioner.  —  I  return  to  Sondrio.  —  Arrival 
of  Colonel  Sanfront  and  Captain  Trotti.  —  The  Secret  Service  in  the  Tyrol. 

—  Two  secret  communications.  —  The  announcement  of  Garibaldi's  coming. 

—  Enrico  Guicciardi.  —  The  end  of  my  office.  —  Preparations  for  mining  the 
road  between  Lecco  and  Colico.  —  Movements  of  the  Austrian  troops.  — 
The  fear  of  an  invasion.  —  Major  Manassero.  —  Arrival  of  Colonel  Medici. 

—  The  battle  of  Solferino.  —  Manassero  falls  back  on  Edolo.  —  The  Valtel- 
linese  Battalion.  —  Attack  of  the  Austrians  repulsed.  —  Garibaldi  enters 
Valtellina. 

MY  mission  had  succeeded  in  part,  as  I  had  pre- 
vented the  coup  de  main,  or  rather,  de  tete,  of 
Montanari ;  but  the  captain  still  remained  at  his  post  and 
at  my  side.  In  descending  the  stairs  I  deplored  my  hesi- 
tation, but  the  fascination  of  the  General,  the  stream  of 
officers,  and  the  disorder  of  the  audience-room  distracted 
me  so  much  that  I  could  not  put  my  wits  together. 
"We  shall  see  one  another  again  in  Valtellina,"  said 
Garibaldi;  but  when? 

The  idea  arose  in  my  mind  of  going  to  Colonel  Car- 
rano,  the  chief-of-stafF,  to  lay  the  state  of  the  defense  of 
Valtellina  before  him,  and  to  learn  whether  there  was 
any  hope  of  Garibaldi's  coming  to  our  aid.  Carrano  told 
me  that  he  knew  nothing,  and  that  we  could  count  on 
nothing;  but  that  it  seemed  to  him  that  the  duty  of  the 
General  of  flanking  the  allied  armies  would  not  soon  be 
terminated.  He  added:  "No  one  ever  knows  anything 
touching  the  intentions  and  the  movements  of  Garibaldi. 
As  chief-of-staff  I  ought  to  know  something,  but  even  I 

360 


I  go  to  Milan  with  my  Brother 

know  nothing.  This  certainly  is  not  regular,  but  as  with 
him  all  things  go  well,  it  is  well  to  let  them  alone."  Upon 
this  statement  I  concluded  that  I  should  act  for  myself. 

Garibaldi  planned  to  march  in  a  few  days  to  Brescia, 
and  Emilio  wanted  to  profit  by  the  delay  to  go  to  Milan 
to  confer  with  Vigliani,  who  had  been  appointed  Gov- 
ernor-General of  Lombardy.  I  determined  to  go  with 
him.  The  railway  was  so  crowded  by  military  transports 
that  our  progress  was  very  slow.  However,  the  time  did 
not  seem  long,  as  we  had  so  much  to  talk  about.  How 
many  pages  of  history  were  being  written !  Emilio  was 
worn  out  and  exhausted.  He  said  he  had  had  but  few 
hours  of  sleep  during  the  fifteen  days  he  had  accompan- 
ied Garibaldi;  that  his  mission  had  been  full  of  difficul- 
ties, and,  at  times,  very  hard,  "  since  it  had  been  to  serve 
as  a  buffer  between  order  and  disorder,  between  the 
Royal  Government  and  Garibaldi,  between  the  volun- 
teers and  the  country." 

Cavour,  as  has  been  said,  wanted  the  French,  when 
they  entered  Lombardy,  to  find  a  country  that  had  risen 
at  the  first  note  of  war,  and  thus  to  show  his  ally  that 
the  Italian  question  was  a  great  national  movement,  and 
not  simply  the  dynastic  ambition  of  the  House  of  Savoy 
for  annexation.  His  instructions  to  his  representatives 
were  conformable  to  this  idea.  So  the  revolution  had 
to  have  a  national,  and  not  a  partisan,  character;  hence 
the  difficulty.  To  incite  the  districts  to  revolt  one  had 
to  resort  not  only  to  the  intelligent  class,  but  to  all  the 
people,  and  lo!  the  old  (as  well  as  the  new)  revolution- 
aries, who  had  remained  outside  of  the  national  move- 
ment up  to  the  present  time,  came  flocking  in;  and  they 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


came  with  all  their  old  ideas  and  prejudices,  and  for- 
mulas! They  had  forgotten  nothing,  and  had  learned 
nothing;  and  they  did  not  want  to  bother  themselves, 
either  with  Vittorio  Emanuele  or  with  Napoleon.  Emilio 
had  found  himself,  every  once  in  a  while,  in  conflict  with 
these  pretentious  people  who  were  good  only  to  concoct 
plans  and  to  disseminate  discord. 

Garibaldi  gave  but  little  heed  to  them  at  this  time; 
as  between  him  and  the  programme,  "Italia  e  Vittorio 
Emanuele,"  the  honeymoon  was  yet  full.  The  political 
necessities  of  the  Government  were  things  he  did  not 
understand.  A  free  people,  all  armed  and  under  a  dic- 
tator: such  was  then  his  ideal.  Emilio  put  forth  all  his 
skill  to  navigate  in  these  shallow  waters,  but  the  task 
was  not  easy. 

When  Garibaldi  passed  the  Ticino,  he  knew  that  he 
would  find  himself  in  face  of  forces  greatly  superior  to  his 
own,  and  that  he  would  have  to  seek  for  victory  in  the 
rapidity  of  his  movements ;  consequently  he  did  not  want 
to  carry  any  baggage  or  provisions;  so  he  made  his  sol- 
diers leave  even  their  knapsacks  upon  the  Piedmontese 
bank.  His  soldiers  could  not  have  been  more  agile;  but 
naturally  they  had  need  of  some  regular  means  of  sub- 
sistence. As  they  had  none,  their  requisitions  became 
ever  greater  and  their  march  more  disordered.  The 
Ministry  of  War  had  assigned  a  commissary  of  supplies 
to  the  volunteers.  He  followed  them  as  long  as  he  could; 
then  one  day  he  returned  to  Turin,  and  resigned  his 
office. 

Again,  the  corps  of  volunteers  increased  rapidly  in 
number  as  it  passed  through  Lombardy,  and  the  disor- 

362 


Renewal  of  my  Appointment 

der  increased  and  grew.  Any  one,  even  a  simple  cor- 
poral, believed  that  he  had  the  right  to  requisition  pro- 
visions or  clothing  or  horses  without  leaving  any  re- 
ceipts, or  else  leaving  receipts  that  were  not  valid.  The 
municipalities  then  turned  to  the  Commissioner-General 
or  to  some  local  commissioner,  scolding  and  making  an 
outcry;  and  these,  though  they  did  their  best,  did  not 
always  succeed  in  setting  matters  straight. 

Emilio  foresaw  that  the  difficulties  would  increase, 
and  wanted,  therefore,  to  come  to  an  understanding  with 
the  Governor-General.  He  was  also  anxious  to  enter 
Brescia  with  Garibaldi ;  so  he  stopped  only  a  few  hours 
at  Milan,  and  rejoined  the  Garibaldians  on  their  march. 
I  found,  in  the  apartment  of  the  Governor-General, 
Cesare  Correnti,  who  seemed  to  have  the  office  of  coun- 
cilor to  the  Government.  He  took  me  immediately  into 
the  cabinet  of  the  Vigliani;  and  so  I  had  the  good  for- 
tune to  hasten  my  business.  After  having  told  the  Gov- 
ernor all  I  had  done,  I  added  that,  as  soon  as  my  mission 
should  be  accomplished,  I  wished  to  withdraw,  as  it  was 
not  my  intention  to  enter  upon  an  administrative  career. 
Vigliani  approved  of  what  I  had  done,  and  encouraged 
me  to  continue,  but  he  could  give  me  no  assurance  as  to 
the  dispatching  of  the  Garibaldian,  or  of  other,  forces  to 
the  Valtellina ;  but,  instead,  he  renewed  my  powers,  and 
even  enlarged  them.  Moreover,  he  told  me  that  a  regu- 
lar administration  would  shortly  be  provided  for  the 
liberated  provinces  by  the  appointments  of  Intendants 
or  Prefects.  Thereupon  I  said  that  the  appointment  of 
Enrico  Guicciardi  would  be  most  opportune,  as  he  was 
a  statesman,  an  administrator,  and  a  military  man,  and, 

363 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


moreover,  was  of  the  Valtellina.  Correnti  seconded  this 
proposal,  and  added  that  Guicciardi  had  been  spoken 
of  at  the  Ministry  for  this,  or  for  some  other,  important 
post.  As  I  rose  to  leave,  Vigliani  charged  Correnti  with 
writing  out  the  decree  for  my  appointment  with  the  in- 
structions and  powers  agreed  upon;  which  he  did.  The 
following  morning  I  left  for  Sondrio,  returning  again 
with  empty  hands.  I  did  not  dare  to  say  that  the  only 
reinforcement  I  had  obtained  was  on  paper,  and  was  of 
my  powers. 

The  day  after  my  return  I  had  an  agreeable  surprise. 
As  I  was  about  to  go  to  the  advance  post,  Colonel  San- 
front  and  my  friend  Captain  Lodovico  Trotti,  both  be- 
longing to  the  military  household  of  the  King,  came  from 
headquarters.  They  had  been  sent  to  inspect  the  posi- 
tions in  the  Valtellina.  Their  visit  had  been  brought 
about,  perhaps,  by  the  reports  I  had  sent  to  Emilio  or  to 
headquarters,  I  cannot  say  how  happy  I  was;  it  seemed 
to  me  that  I  had,  at  last,  found  some  real  support. 

As  Colonel  Sanfront  wanted  to  make  a  minute  inspec- 
tion of  our  positions  and  forces,  I  gave  him  all  the  infor- 
mation I  could,  but  only  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Bol- 
ladore,  where  till  the  evening  I  awaited  him  and  Trotti  on 
their  return.  The  colonel  had  made  many  observations 
which  Montanari  had  taken  badly,  and  Trotti  told  me 
that  there  had  been  a  heated  discussion,  to  which  the 
colonel  finally  put  an  end  with  his  military  authority. 
Garibaldi  had  already  sent  an  order  to  Montanari  to  sus- 
pend any  offensive  movement;  but  the  captain  expostu- 
lated and  insisted.  Sanfront  sternly  repeated  Garibaldi's 
orders.  ' 

364 


The  Secret  Service  in  the  Tyrol 

I  knew  that  Montanari  would  not  please  Sanfront,  as 
he  was  an  old  and  strict  disciplinarian.  Indeed,  he  said 
before  leaving  that  there  was  great  need  of  a  better  dis- 
ciplined force,  and,  above  all,  of  another  kind  of  person 
to  take  command  of  our  half-formed  battalion.  Sanfront 
also  gave  to  me  the  difficult  task  of  securing  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  the  movements  of  the  Austrians  beyond 
the  Stelvio,  and  of  sending  it  to  the  commander  of  the 
army.  I  entrusted  this  duty  to  my  friend  Giovanni 
Salis,  who  knew  how  to  accomplish  it  by  means  of  some 
old  soldiers,  who  spoke  German  as  well  as  some  of  the 
dialects  of  the  Tyrol. 

Among  the  papers  that  had  accumulated  on  my  desk, 
during  my  absence,  were  two  dispatches,  one  of  which 
came  from  the  French  headquarters,  and  one  from  the 
Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs.  The  French  dispatch  was 
from  the  Chief  of  Police  attached  to  the  commander  of 
the  army.  He  wrote  me  that  he  had  been  advised  by  the 
Central  Police  Bureau  at  Paris  that  two  Frenchmen, 
whose  names  and  descriptions  he  gave  me,  had  left  for 
the  north  of  Italy  with  the  intention  of  making  an  at- 
tempt upon  the  life  of  the  Emperor  during  the  campaign, 
and  that,  in  order  the  better  to  carry  out  their  design, 
they  intended  to  enlist  in  some  volunteer  or  regular 
Italian  corps.  He  begged  me,  therefore,  to  use  the  great- 
est diligence  to  frustrate  them,  as  they  would  undoubt- 
edly enter  Italy  over  the  Swiss  frontier.  I  handed  this 
dispatch  to  the  marshal  of  some  carabinieri  whom  Vigli- 
ani  had  sent  me,  but  he  never  came  across  the  track  of 
these  individuals. 

The  dispatch  from  the  Ministry  of  Foreign  Affairs, 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


with  Cavour's  signature,  said  that  a  rumor  had  become 
current  that  in  some  localities  of  Switzerland,  especially 
in  the  Grisons,  a  plot  or  manceuvre  was  on  foot  to  promote 
a  movement  in  the  Valtellina  for  its  annexation.  The 
report  said  it  held  this  rumor  to  be  exaggerated;  never- 
theless it  communicated  the  same  to  me  for  my  guid- 
ance, and  asked  me  for  my  opinion  in  regard  to  the  same. 

My  response  was  prompt  and  precise;  that,  in  view  of 
the  efforts  the  Valtellina  had  made  to  break  away  from 
the  Canton  of  the  Grisons,  and  of  the  hatred  that  had 
been  engendered  during  the  government  of  the  Leagues, 
there  was  no  basis  for  such  a  rumor.  Moreover,  the  pea- 
sants were  opposed  to  the  Grisons  not  only  because  of 
political  but  of  personal  and  religious  antipathies;  and 
that  history,  interest,  and  affinity  drew  the  Valtellina 
toward  Lombardy.  I  added  that  the  Valtellina  had  par- 
ticipated in  the  aspirations  of  Italy,  and  had  given  many 
proofs  of  its  patriotism. 

My  office  was  fast  approaching  its  end,  and  Emilio 
had  written  me  that  his  mission  would  soon  terminate, 
and  that  Garibaldi  would  shortly  enter  the  Valtellina. 
A  few  days  after,  I  received  word  of  the  nomination  of 
Enrico  Guicciardi  as  Intendant,  or  Prefect,  of  the  prov- 
ince of  Sondrio  —  much  to  my  delight.  My  office  had 
lasted  just  three  weeks,  and  I  laid  it  down  with  a  great 
feeling  of  relief.  It  might  have  happened  that  my  name 
would  have  been  associated  with  a  catastrophe,  but 
fortune  had  been  favorable.  I  had  not  accomplished 
anything  heroic,  but  I  had  probably  helped  to  avoid 
disaster. 

Guicciardi  made  me,  in  behalf  of  the  Government,  and 

366 


in  his  own  behalf,  several  kind  and  honorable  offers ;  but 
as  I  declared  that  my  desire  was  to  remain  with  the  Val- 
tellinese  battalion,  he  proposed  that  I  should  assume  the 
office  of  inspector  with  the  rank  of  captain  of  staff  in 
the  volunteers,  and  that  I  should  reside  at  Bormio  until 
the  battalion  should  be  called  into  active  service.  I  ac- 
cepted this  proposal,  and,  some  days  after,  Guicciardi 
informed  me  that  the  Government  had  approved  of  it. 

Previous  to  this,  a  committee  from  the  Valcamonica 
had  come  to  me  with  a  plan  of  uniting  to  my  bailiwick 
the  zone  of  Edolo,  so  that  we  might  make  a  better  de- 
fense against  the  Austrians.  This  committee  had  gone 
to  Emilio,  and  had  persuaded  him  to  issue  a  decree  to 
this  effect;  but,  as  I  felt  I  had  enough  upon  my  back,  I 
begged  my  brother  and  the  committee  to  defer  publish- 
ing the  decree,  and  to  make  some  other  temporary  ar- 
rangement. But  when  the  committee  returned  with  the 
decree  in  their  hands,  I  directed  them  to  Vigliani,  and 
asked  him  to  make  the  same  provisions  for  the  Valca- 
monica as  were  to  be  made  for  the  other  Lombard  dis- 
tricts. 

The  Valcamonica  was  not  long  in  waiting  for  its  de- 
fenses, as  very  soon  a  regiment  of  the  Regina  Brigade 
was  sent  to  it  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Brignone. 
Three  companies  of  this  regiment  were  detailed  by  the 
colonel,  under  the  command  of  Major  Manassero  and  of 
Colonel  Ricci  of  the  staff,  for  the  Valtellina.  When  they 
arrived  I  made,  with  these  officers,  a  rapid  tour  of  our 
posts.  As  they  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  advance  be- 
yond our  present  positions,  our  forces  were  left  at  the 
Ponte  del  Diavolo.  Colonel  Ricci  told  me  that  the  send- 

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Memoirs  of  Youth 


ing  of  the  three  companies  to  Valtellina  was  the  immedi- 
ate result  of  the  report  of  Colonel  Sanfront  to  head- 
quarters. 

When  I  returned  to  Sondrio  I  learned  from  Guicciardi 
that  Garibaldi  had  left  Said,  and  was  marching  toward 
the  Valtellina,  where  he  hoped  to  arrive  in  about  eight 
days,  and  that  he  would  be  preceded  by  Medici  with  the 
advance-guard.  He  told  me  also  that  the  French  com- 
mander had  sent  a  company  of  engineers  to  lay  mines 
along  the  road  from  Lecco  to  Colico,  in  case  the  Aus- 
trians  should  proceed  along  it,  after  having  put  our  little 
forces  in  the  Valtellina  to  flight.  So,  after  having  been 
forgotten  for  a  while,  all  at  once  reinforcements  began 
to  arrive  —  and  in  abundance;  but  not  too  soon. 

Some  days  before  the  battle  of  Solferino  a  concentra- 
tion of  Austrian  troops  beyond  the  Tonale  made  us  be- 
lieve that  an  invasion  of  the  Valtellina  was  impending. 
Accordingly  Major  Manassero  fell  back  rapidly  while 
Medici,  hurrying  up  his  march,  arrived  at  Tresenda  on 
the  24th,  and  united  his  forces  with  those  of  Manassero. 
Part  of  the  Valtellina  Battalion  was  sent  to  Mazzo,  and 
only  a  company  and  a  half  were  left  at  our  advance  post. 
The  day  following  the  news  of  the  battle  of  Solferino  we 
learned  that  the  Austrians,  after  having  descended  to- 
ward Edolo,  had  withdrawn;  so  Manassero  advanced, 
and  the  companies  of  the  battalion  returned  to  their 
original  position.  With  them  came  a  half  company  of 
Garibaldian  volunteers  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Strambio,  of  Pavia,  an  excellent  though  ungainly  officer. 
He  was  tall  and  thin,  and  had  nothing  of  the  military 
about  him,  but  he  was  brave  and  his  soldiers  were  de- 

368 


Attack  of  the  Austrian*  repulsed 

voted  to  him,  as  he  lived  with  them  and  had  a  care  for 
all  their  wants. 

Our  advance  post  at  Ponte  del  Diavolo  had  scarcely 
been  reinforced,  and  Medici  (who  had  come  to  inspect 
it)  had  just  departed,  when  suddenly  the  Austrians  de- 
scended to  attack  it,  believing,  perhaps,  that  they  would 
surprise  the  few  who  had  been  left  there  the  day  before. 
A  lively  conflict  of  a  couple  of  hours  ensued,  and  was  the 
principal  feat  of  arms  of  the  Valtellinese  Battalion  in  this 
campaign.  The  Austrians  attacked  several  times,  ad- 
vancing as  far  as  the  earthworks  behind  which  our  men 
were  posted.  These,  with  the  exception  of  their  officers, 
were  under  fire  for  the  first  time,  yet  they  stood  with  the 
calmness  that  distinguishes  the  mountaineers,  who  are 
accustomed  to  peril.  About  one  hundred  of  them  were, 
as  yet,  without  arms.  These  were  hurried  forward,  and 
climbing  the  side  of  the  mountain  which  flanked  the 
road,  rolled  stones  and  broken  pieces  of  rock  upon  the 
enemy,  who  were  obliged  to  return  or  to  seek  shelter. 
It  was  this  avalanche  which  probably  decided  the  con- 
flict. When  the  sun  set,  the  Austrians  retired  to  Bormio. 

The  day  following,  Medici  marched  ahead  with  his 
command,  and  the  advance  post  was  carried  from  the 
Ponte  del  Diavolo  to  S.  Antonio  di  Morignone.  The 
same  day  Garibaldi  entered  the  Valtellina  with  his  en- 
tire brigade.  The  defense  of  all  the  passes  of  the  Alps 
was  confided  to  him,  while  Cialdini,  who  had  had  this 
duty,  fell  back  upon  Brescia. 


CHAPTER  XXXII 

(1859) 

I  leave  for  Turin.  —  An  audience  with  Cavour.  —  Emilio  goes  to  Modena.  —  I 
return  to  Sondrio.  —  The  march  of  Medici  upon  Bormio.  —  Its  capture.  — 
Retreat  of  the  Austrians.  —  They  occupy  Sponda  Lunga. — I  stop  a  few  days 
at  Bormio.  —  Fatigue  of  the  Volunteers.  —  Return  of  the  Valtellinese  Bat- 
talion. —  With  Guicciardi  at  Sondrio.  —  Captain  Montanari.  —  The  arrival 
of  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appennini. 

IN  agreement  with  Guicciardi,  I  decided  to  go  to 
Turin  to  settle  some  administrative  and  military 
questions  that  had  been  dragging  along  for  some  time. 
Moreover,  since  all  the  Garibaldian  corps  was  coming 
to  Valtellina,  it  was  necessary  to  have  further  instruc- 
tions regarding  them.  And  I  had,  also,  some  business 
of  my  own  to  look  after.  I  had  begun  my  commission- 
ership  with  an  empty  treasury,  and,  as  it  was  necessary 
to  have  arms  and  ammunition  and  other  military  pro- 
visions, and  as  I  had  wished  to  avoid  requisitions,  I  had 
given  notes,  sometimes  in  my  own  name,  for  these  things, 
in  the  hope  of  a  happy  outcome  of  our  war.  Now  they 
were  nearing  maturity,  and  I  had  to  make  arrangements 
for  paying  them. 

To  have  an  audience  with  Cavour  did  not  seem  easy; 
nevertheless  I  accomplished  it.  I  had  to  wait  only 
two  days,  and,  in  the  interim,  I  mentally  prepared  the 
little  speech  I  intended  making.  When  Barone  Rica- 
soli  was  Minister  and  granted  an  interview,  he  began 
first  with  his  habitual  prelude,  "Signore,  be  seated. 
Speak,  and  try  to  be  short  and  clear."  Whereupon  the 
person  admitted  to  the  audience  lost  the  thread  of  his 

370 


An  Audience  with  Cavour 

ideas  if  he  could  not  express  himself  succinctly.  Cavour 
let  me  speak,  only  interrupting  me,  from  time  to  time, 
with  some  pertinent  question,  and  occasionally  mak- 
ing a  note  in  regard  to  the  orders  he  would  have  to 
give  touching  the  matter  before  us.  I  did  not  hesitate  to 
tell  him  that  Guicciardi  was  also  much  concerned  with 
the  influx  of  so  many  bodies  of  troops  in  a  country  dis- 
trict of  scant  resources,  where  a  much  smaller  and  dis- 
ciplined force  would  be  sufficient.  When  he  asked  me  to 
define  my  ideas,  I  said  that  a  few  battalions  of  mountain- 
eers would  suffice  for  the  Stelvio,  and  that  the  Intendant 
was  able  to  take  command  of  them;  while  Garibaldi 
might  be  employed  in  a  larger  field  of  action,  that  is,  in 
the  attack  upon,  and  defense  of,  the  other  passes  of  the 
Alps. 

Cavour  said  that  some  other  persons  had  suggested 
this  plan  to  him,  that  he  had  had  it  in  mind  when  he 
had  appointed  Guicciardi  Intendant,  and  that  he  might, 
perhaps,  be  able  to  bring  it  about.  The  plan  was  not  put 
into  effect  until  1866,  when  its  fortunate  outcome  proved 
that  it  was  a  wise  one. 

After  my  audience,  I  hurried  up  the  affairs  that  de- 
pended upon  the  other  Ministers,  and  went  to  Milan, 
where  I  passed  two  days  with  my  family  and  some  of  my 
intimate  friends,  happy  that  the  business  with  which 
I  had  been  charged  by  Guicciardi  permitted  me  to  do  so. 
At  Milan  I  found  Emilio,  who  had  finished  his  commis- 
sionership,  and  had  just  been  called  by  Farini  toModena. 
Emilio  did  not  know  what  to  do.  He  had  thought  of  en- 
listing in  theGaribaldian  "Guides"  as  soon  as  his  mission 
should  end.  "And  how,"  he  demanded,  "could  this  call 

371 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


have  come  from  Farini?"  He  did  not  know  for  some 
time,  but  my  mother  confided  to  me  that,  as  soon  as  she 
learned  of  Emilio's  intention  of  enlisting  in  the  guides, 
she  asked  Correnti  to  call,  and,  informing  him  of  the 
fact,  said,  "Does  it  not  seem  to  you  that  Emilio  can  do 
something  better  than  being  a  mounted  guide?"  Cor- 
renti thanked  her  for  the  information,  and,  taking  the 
matter  to  heart,  wrote  to  Farini,  and  reminded  him  that 
he  had  expressed  a  liking  for  Emilio,  and  had  praised 
him  for  the  promptness  with  which  he  had  accepted  the 
difficult  office  of  Royal  Commissioner. 
1?  Emilio,  encouraged  by  us  all,  finished  by  accepting 
Farini's  call;  and  this  was  the  first  step  in  his  political 
career.  Farini  had  summoned  to  himself  a  number  of 
worthy  young  men  with  whom  he  filled  his  secretary- 
ships. After  the  Peace  of  Villafranca,  he  became  the 
Dictator  of  the  Duchies,  and  assigned  some  of  these 
youths  to  offices  of  great  importance.  He  confided  to 
Emilio  the  negotiations  concerning  annexation  and  mat- 
ters of  external  politics. 

The  evening  I  arrived  at  Sondrio,  Guicciardi  told  me 
that  Medici  was  marching  upon  Bormio,  and  that  we 
ought  to  go  too;  and  so  we  did.  Thus  to  my  day's  jour- 
ney without  a  break  was  added  another  trip  of  sixty 
kilometres.  We  arrived  at  Bormio  shortly  after  it  had 
been  taken;  and  Garibaldi  came  after  us,  the  morning 
of  the  3d  of  July.  The  Austrians  had  retired  to  the 
new  and  the  old  Bagni,*  two  strong  positions.  They  had 
destroyed  the  road,  and  had  blown  up  the  bridge  of  the 
first  gallery  on  the  Stelvio  route. 

*  Baths. 

372 


Retreat  of  the  Austrian* 

During  the  day  Garibaldi  studied  the  country  with 
some  persons  who  knew  the  various  localities,  and  the 
volunteers  were  ordered  forward  to  occupy  some  posi- 
tions on  the  flank  of  the  enemy.  Guicciardi  and  I  dined 
with  several  officers  of  the  Garibaldian  staff  and  Bertani, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  ambulances;  then  we  all  ad- 
vanced along  the  post-road  to  the  Bagni  di  Bormio  to  see 
the  attack  upon  the  Austrians.  Gradually,  as  we  pro- 
ceeded, we  could  see  the  movements  of  our  soldiers  and 
the  firing  of  the  enemy.  The  soldiers  of  Bixio  were  the 
most  in  view,  as  they  climbed  along  the  rocky  sides  of 
the  Reit.  They  were  trying  to  climb  higher  than  the 
Austrian  posts;  but  the  sides  of  the  mountain  were  so 
precipitous  they  could  scarcely  proceed,  and  they  were 
much  exposed  to  the  enemy's  fire.  At  this  point  the 
combat  was  decided  by  the  appearing  of  the  Garibaldi- 
ans  on  the  mountain  which  flanks  the  Bagni  on  the  east. 
They  forced  the  Austrians  to  retire  to  the  old  Bagni,  to 
positions  that  were  naturally  stronger. 

In  turning  a  corner  of  the  post-road,  we  came  in  full 
view  of  the  Tyrolese  cacciatori.  They  saw  us  too,  and 
immediately  fired  at  the  group  of  officers  who  were 
slowly  ascending  the  road,  studying  their  positions. 
Happily  they  aimed  a  little  too  high,  so  their  bullets 
whistled  over  our  heads.  These  fusillades  lasted  for 
a  time  that  to  me  (who  was  not  habituated  to  serv- 
ing as  a  target)  seemed  long.  My  fellow  officers,  for 
the  honor  of  their  profession,  had  to  show  themselves 
indifferent;  therefore  they  remained  in  the  middle  of 
the  road,  and  continued  their  conversation  as  if  they 
were  in  a  cafe.  They  even  criticized  the  fire  of  the 

373 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Tyrolese  while  I,  in  my  heart,  was  inclined  to  be  in- 
dulgent. 

If  I  were  asked  what  were  my  feelings,  I  should  say 
that  my  first  desire  was  to  seek  for  refuge  behind  a  wall 
near  by,  that  seemed  to  be  appositely  placed;  but  then 
other  sentiments  came  to  my  aid  and  I  was  able  to  re- 
main in  the  middle  of  the  road,  as  debonair  as  the  others, 
until  we  all  tacitly  agreed  to  continue  our  promenade. 

During  the  night  the  troops  of  Bixio  fell  back,  and  the 
Austrians  likewise  retired,  after  having  set  fire  to  the 
toll-house  on  the  Stelvio  road.  The  capture  of  Bormio 
had  been  made  with  dash,  but  it  was  not  well  done.  If 
our  leaders  had  studied  the  topography  of  the  country 
they  would  have  obtained  a  much  greater  advantage, 
and  not  have  left  the  Austrians  in  the  strong  position  of 
Sponda  Lunga.  Guicciardi,  in  1866,  with  a  much  weaker 
force,  but  with  well-planned  movements,  was  able  to  ob- 
tain much  more  important  results. 

The  following  day  there  was  a  truce,  and  Guicciardi 
and  I  returned  to  Bormio,  where  he  passed  the  day  in 
giving  information  to  Medici,  Cosenz,  and  Bixio,  and 
I  talked  with  the  friends  I  met  of  the  things  that  had 
occurred  to  each  one  in  the  course  of  this  rapid  and 
adventurous  campaign.  In  all  of  them  I  observed  a 
fatigue,  not  of  the  mind,  but  of  the  body.  They  had  cov- 
ered, in  two  months,  more  than  six  hundred  kilometres 
on  foot,  generally  resting  in  the  open  fields,  without 
tents,  without  knapsacks,  without  preparations  of  any 
kind  for  the  military  life.  Very  many  had  become 
sick  and  exhausted.  An  officer,  the  brave  Migliavacca, 
who  died  afterwards  at  Milazzo,  said:  "Excitement  has 

374 


Fatigue  of  the  Volunteers 

brought  us  here;  but  if  it  should  become  necessary  to 
march  forward  immediately,  it  will  be  impossible  to  find 
twenty  men  capable  of  continuing  the  campaign."  It 
was,  indeed,  as  he  said.  A  few  days  after,  the  hospitals, 
the  barracks,  and  the  houses  in  High  Valtellina  over- 
flowed with  the  sick  and  disordered  Garibaldians.  Be- 
fore leaving  Bormio,  Guicciardi  obtained  Garibaldi's 
consent  that  the  Valtellinese  Battalion  should  be  sent  to 
Sondrio  to  be  thoroughly  equipped;  but,  as  Montanari 
did  not  think  this  to  be  necessary,  there  was  considerable 
delay. 

After  we  returned,  we  received  word  that  the  Caccia- 
tori  degli  Appennini  would  arrive  on  the  7th.  We  also 
heard  that  other  squadrons  and  companies  of  volunteers 
were  to  be  sent  to  the  Valtellina,  from  which  they  would 
pass  to  the  high  Lombard  valleys,  with  Garibaldi  in  com- 
mand at  Lovere  di  Valcamonica,  Medici  in  Valtellina, 
and  Cosenz  in  Val  Sabbia. 

The  work  of  the  Intendant,  who  had  to  provide  for 
quarters,  for  sustenance,  and  for  the  needs  of  the  ambu- 
lances, increased  so  much  that  he  begged  Bonfadini 
(whose  health  had  been  restored)  and  me  to  assist  him. 
I  remember  that  we  all  three  worked  in  one  room  in  or- 
der to  consult  together  when  it  became  necessary  so  to 
do.  In  spite  of  the  seriousness  of  our  business,  we  often 
found  occasions  for  a  laugh.  They  were  generally  af- 
forded by  people  who  were  frightened,  or  who  wrote  of 
some  plan  for  a  campaign,  or  of  some  project  for  a  revo- 
lution, or  who  simply  wanted  employment.  In  this 
correspondence  we  were  addressed  ordinarily  by  high- 
sounding  titles.  Bonfadini  passed  over  to  me  the  letters 

375 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


written  to  the  Royal  Intendant  of  the  armies  of  His  Maj- 
esty in  Valtellina,  and  I  handed  to  him  those  that  were 
addressed  to  His  Excellency,  the  Minister  of  the  Interior 
of  all  the  Valtellinas.  We  laughed,  but  sometimes  we 
writhed;  as,  for  example,  when  dispatches  from  the  Min- 
istries, from  the  Governor-General,  from  headquarters, 
from  colonels,  captains,  and  even  corporals,  desired  im- 
possible things,  or  gave  contradictory  orders.  At  times 
there  was  a  confusion  so  great  as  to  make  one  lose  his 
head.  I  can  yet  see  the  clerk  who  had  been  assigned  to 
me,  as  secretary,  sitting  with  his  hands  in  his  hair! 

Some  days  after  the  arrival  of  the  Valtellinese  Bat- 
talion Captain  Montanari  called.  He  was  in  bad  humor 
and  scowled  more  than  ever.  He  told  me  that  he  had 
been  assigned  to  a  station  of  volunteers  at  Lecco  or 
Bergamo,  and  this,  too,  at  a  time  when  he  had  hoped  to 
be  nominated  major  of  the  battalion!  My  thoughts  ran 
back  to  Colonel  Sanfront  and  my  early  reports. 

"This  is  a  trick  of  the  priests!"  he  exclaimed.  "If  I 
had  had  a  couple  executed  when  I  came  I  should  now  be 
major  of  the  battalion.  Did  I  not  tell  you  so,  dear  Com- 
missioner?" 

I  never  saw  him  again.  Many  months  after,  I  heard 
that  he  had  gone  with  the  Mille  to  Sicily,  and  that  he 
had  been  wounded  at  Calatafimi,  and  had  died  a  few 
days  after.  He  died  the  death  of  a  brave  man,  such  as 
he  had  always  been. 

When  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appennini  arrived,  they 
were  distributed  throughout  the  province.  This  regi- 
ment was  formed  in  Piedmont,  after  the  pattern  of  the 
Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  from  volunteers  that  had  come 

376 


Cacciatori  degli  Appennini 

from  every  part  of  Italy;  and  its  command  had  been 
given  to  General  Ulloa.  They  were  in  good  condition, 
and  seemed  like  soldiers  that  were  changing  their  garri- 
son. In  fact,  they  had  sustained  no  fatiguing  marches 
and  had  never  been  under  fire.  They  appeared  better 
than  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  but  they  had  not  the  mili- 
tary bearing  and  the  Garibaldian  spirit;  nor  had  they 
the  feeling  of  comradeship  that  animated  the  men  of 
northern  Italy.  Many  were  young,  and  many  were  of 
mature  age,  —  students  and  professors,  clerks  and  mas- 
ters, artisans  and  politicians ;  they  were  all  mixed  up  to- 
gether. In  the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi  were  the  recruits  who 
left  their  homes  to  face  the  gravest  perils.  In  the  Cacci- 
atori degli  Appennini  were  the  men  who  had  joined 
simply  to  fulfill  a  duty.  In  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appen- 
nini I  found  many  friends,  however,  such  as  Montanelli, 
who,  in  the  modest  great-coat  of  a  simple  soldier,  humbly 
followed  the  Duca  di  S.  Donato  who  pompously  pre- 
ceded the  battalion  of  which  he  was  the  major.  Immedi- 
ately after  the  armistice  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appennini 
were  sent  to  the  Valcamonica,  where  they  were  joined  by 
the  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  with  the  exception  of  the  regi- 
ment of  Medici,  which  remained  in  Valtellina. 


CHAPTER  XXXIII 

(1859) 

Arrival  of  more  volunteers.  —  The  fascination  of  Garibaldi.  —  The  armistice.  — 
The  Valtellinese  Battalion.  —  Antonio  Pievani.  —  News  of  the  Peace  of 
Villafranca.  —  Surprise  and  sorrow.  —  Disbanding  the  volunteer  corps.  — 
I  retire  from  office,  and  return  to  Milan. 

ON  the  heels  of  the  Cacciatori  degli  Appennini  there 
came  squads  of  volunteers,  sent  from  all  parts 
of  Lombardy,  to  join  the  corps  of  Garibaldi.  They  were 
men  of  all  sorts  and  conditions,  and  of  every  age :  often 
miserable  in  appearance,  and  they  generally  looked  fa- 
tigued. Old  men,  and  even  children,  followed  often- 
times for  a  month  or  so  the  Garibaldian  troops.  They 
were  gathered  up  in  the  stations  and  sifted  out.  A  large 
number  were  sent  home.  One  of  the  characteristic  spec- 
tacles of  the  day  was  the  enthusiasm  that  animated 
people  along  Garibaldi's  track,  as  if  they  were  caught  up 
by  a  whirlwind.  The  fascination  that  he  exerted  upon 
the  multitude  was  marvelous,  and  now  seems  incredible. 
When  he  traversed  a  district  (although  he  did  not  yet 
wear  his  red  shirt),  it  did  not  seem  that  it  was  a  general 
that  passed,  but  rather  the  head  of  a  new  religion.  The 
women  were  not  less  moved  than  the  men.  They  often 
carried  their  babes  to  him  that  he  should  bless,  or  even 
baptize,  them. 

To  the  crowds  who  gathered  about  him  Garibaldi 
would  address  a  few  words  in  the  marvelous  voice  which 
was  part  of  his  fascination:  "Turn  every  one  of  you  your 
scythe  into  a  weapon,"  he  would  say  at  the  crossroads 
and  public  places,  "  and  come.  He  who  remains  at  home 

378 


The  Fascination  of  Garibaldi 

is  vile.  I  do  not  promise  you  anything  but  toil  and  fa- 
tigue and  fusillades;  but  we  will  conquer  or  die." 

And  after  such  words  (which  certainly  were  not  joy- 
ous), the  enthusiasm  would  rise  to  the  highest  degree. 
Nor  was  there  a  lack  of  it  when  his  words  were  insignifi- 
cant. Spoken  by  him  even  the  simplest  utterance  had 
its  effect.  "Thank  you,  my  children,"  I  heard  him  say 
one  evening  to  a  crowd  that  was  making  a  demonstra- 
tion before  his  window,  "Thank  you.  I  am  tired,  and  it 
rains.  Do  you  go  to  bed  also.  Good-night  to  all."  A 
delirium  ensued,  and  the  people  scattered,  commenting 
upon  the  words  of  the  General  with  tears  in  their  eyes. 
\  Among  the  incapable  volunteers  that  came  to  us  at 
this  time,  there  were  some  very  bad  citizens  from  the 
dregs  of  the  suburbs  of  Milan.  Profiting  by  the  disap- 
pearance of  the  old  police  and  by  the  non-existence  of 
the  new,  they  thought  that  the  ranks  of  the  volunteers 
would  be  favorable  for  their  enterprises.  Some  of  these 
rogues,  as  they  journeyed  on  their  way,  had  dubbed 
themselves  corporals  and  sergeants,  and  had  made  requi- 
sitions, and  had  committed  assaults  and  thefts.  They 
caused  the  communal  authorities  much  trouble.  The 
great  number  of  volunteers,  which  was  augmented  by 
the  arrival  of  the  Valtellinese  Battalion,  led  Guicciardi 
to  request  Garibaldi  to  come  to  Sondrio  to  consult  with 
him.  The  General  came  on  the  8th  of  July,  and  Guic- 
ciardi immediately  took  him  to  see  the  volunteers,  who 
were  not  housed,  but  sheltered,  in  some  old  churches  and 
magazines,  and  shops,  and  other  habitations.  Some  of 
them  were  so  miserable  they  could  not  go  out. 

Garibaldi  took  several  hours  to  pass  them  in  review. 

379 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Arranged  in  files  they  presented  a  comic  spectacle. 
There  were  lads  with  workmen's  or  students'  caps,  work- 
men in  shirt-sleeves,  old  men  with  beards,  and  dandies 
in  stylish  town  clothes.  There  were  short  and  tall,  stout 
and  thin,  men,  like  the  pipes  of  an  organ. 

Garibaldi  looked  at  them  kindly,  since  at  the  bottom 
of  his  heart  he  had  a  great  predilection  for  the  citizen 
soldiers,  as  they  represented  the  revolution.  He  exam- 
ined them  all  in  order  to  assign  the  able-bodied  to  the 
proper  corps.  He  asked  Guicciardi  (not,  perhaps,  with- 
out some  regret)  to  request  the  furnishers  to  provide  mili- 
tary clothing  for  the  necessitous.  The  next  day  Guicci- 
ardi told  me  that  the  furnishers,  after  having  received 
Garibaldi's  order,  came  to  him  with  their  contracts  for 
the  General's  signature  or  for  that  of  some  one  who 
signed  for  him;  that  he,  Guicciardi,  had  thereupon  gone 
to  Garibaldi,  who  was  greatly  incensed  and  exclaimed: 
"How!  these  rascals,  to  whom  we  have  given  the  honor 
of  clothing  the  brave  lads  who  offer  their  lives  for  their 
country,  dare  to  demand  contracts  and  signatures!  Is 
not  my,  or  your,  order  sufficient?  Send  them  to  the 
devil.  If  they  are  not  enemies,  they  certainly  are  not 
patriots." 

Later  on,  they  had  both  contracts  and  signatures,  but 
this  outburst  of  surprised  and  disdainful  feeling  depicts 
Garibaldi's  nature  fully. 

The  next  evening,  that  of  the  9th  of  July,  we  were  in- 
formed that  an  Austrian  captain  had  announced  an  arm- 
istice to  our  advance  guard  before  Sponda  Lunga,  and 
had  asked  what  arrangements  should  be  made  between 
us.  Our  people  knew  nothing  of  the  armistice  until  the 

380 


The  Vakeilinese  Battalion 

following  day.  It  was  a  great  surprise  to  us,  as  no  one 
had  thought  the  war  would  be  terminated  before  we  had 
obtained  our  ends.  Many  suppositions  were  suggested, 
the  most  accepted  being  that  the  armistice  would  be  of 
short  duration. 

After  the  various  corps  of  volunteers  had  been  sent 
to  Valcamonica  and  other  districts,  I  was  able  to  occupy 
myself  with  the  Valtellinese  Battalion.  My  first  act  was 
to  keep  my  word  to  the  mobilized  National  Guard ;  and 
I  permitted  as  many  as  desired  to  return  home.  Nearly 
all  of  them  went,  but  it  was  no  great  loss,  as  so  many 
volunteers  had  offered  themselves.  We  organized  the 
battalion  with  the  idea  of  marching  forward  and  fighting 
in  the  Tyrolese  valleys.  The  task  was  not  easy,  as  there 
were  so  many  weaklings  mixed  up  with  the  strong  and 
courageous  mountaineers;  however,  with  the  aid  of 
Agostino  Bertani,  head  physician  of  the  volunteer  corps, 
I  succeeded  in  eliminating  the  physically  and  morally 
incapable. 

Since  I  have  spoken  of  the  men  who  were  anything 
but  heroic,  I  wish  to  speak  of  one  that  was  a  hero.  One 
evening  I  went  with  Captain  Strambio,  the  senior  cap- 
tain of  our  battalion  after  Montanari's  departure,  to 
visit  one  of  our  posts.  In  a  little  church  in  which  a  com- 
pany was  installed,  I  observed,  while  the  greater  part 
were  sleeping,  a  soldier  in  a  confessional  with  a  lamp, 
holding  a  book  in  his  hand. 

"What  is  the  soldier  doing?"  I  asked  the  sergeant. 

"He  is  an  original,"  he  replied;  "while  the  others  sleep 
he  passes  his  nights  studying.  He  is  Antonio  Pievani, 
of  Tirano." 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


I  knew  him  and  his  family;  but  as  I  had  not  seen  him 
for  several  years  I  did  not  recognize  him.  From  this  time 
a  friendship  sprang  up  between  us.  His  life  was  an  exam- 
ple of  nobility  of  character  and  of  steadfastness  of  con- 
viction. After  the  Peace  of  Villafranca  he  left  the  army, 
but  afterwards  joined  the  Mille.  In  Sicily  he  was  pro- 
moted to  a  captaincy,  but  he  continued  to  be  a  compan- 
ion to  his  soldiers,  with  whom  he  shared  his  pay.  After 
1860  he  resumed  the  study  of  mathematics,  in  which 
he  showed  so  great  proficiency  that  he  was  chosen  by 
the  Government  to  take  a  finishing  course  abroad.  Dur- 
ing the  invasion  of  cholera,  which  spread  throughout 
Valtellina  after  the  war  of  1866,  he  not  only  became 
a  nurse,  but  he  sought  out  the  suffering  mountaineers 
in  their  huts,  and  if  they  had  been  abandoned,  carried 
them  to  the  hospital  on  his  back.  He  was  profoundly 
religious,  but  believed  that  the  temporal  power  of  the 
Pope  had  perverted  the  Church  from  its  highest  ideals, 
and  he  was  therefore  a  resolute  adversary  of  that  power. 

When  Garibaldi,  in  1867,  with  the  cry  of  "Roma  o 
morte"  *  called  the  Italians  to  undertake  the  capture  of 
the  Eternal  City,  Pievani  started  to  join  him,  but  he  was 
stopped  at  Genoa  by  the  proclamation  of  the  King,  who 
forbade  the  attempt  that  finished  so  badly  at  Mentana. 
Always  more  and  more  grieved  with  the  contrast  be- 
tween his  convictions  and  the  policy  of  the  Church,  he 
determined  to  go  far  away  as  a  missionary.  In  order  to 
do  this  the  sooner,  he  became  a  friar;  but  he  died  a  few 
months  after,  in  a  convent,  in  Valcamonica. 

But  to  return  to  our  battalion;  while  its  officers  and  I 

?  Rome  or  death. 
382 


News  of  the  Peace  of  Villafmnca 

worked  to  strengthen  it,  some  letters  came  from  Milan 
regarding  the  conditions  of  the  proposed  peace,  which 
froze  my  heart.  They  were  soon  confirmed  by  the  offi- 
cial news.  What  a  change  ensued!  We  all  ceased  our 
activities  at  once,  and  citizens  and  soldiers  gathered 
in  crowds,  questioning,  discussing,  and  cursing.  There 
were  many  volunteers  from  the  Venetian  provinces  and 
other  Italian  lands  that  were  destined  to  remain  under 
Austrian  rule;  and  these  threw  down  their  arms  and 
cried.  The  unanimity  which  had  guided  us  for  the  past 
months  was  broken;  the  honeymoon  of  concord  was 
spent.  Every  one  believed  himself  to  be  free  to  do  as 
he  pleased.  The  Peace  of  Villafranca  (of  which  no  one 
could  understand  the  motives  or  the  consequences)  de- 
stroyed every  sentiment  of  discipline,  even  in  the  best. 
To  increase  our  confusion  and  add  to  our  fear  came  the 
news  that  our  good  pilot,  Cavour,  had  abandoned  the 
helm  of  the  ship  of  state! 

In  misfortune  there  is  no  greater  torment  than  vague 
lamentations  and  absurd  comments;  of  both  of  which 
there  was  a  great  quantity.  So  to  rid  myself  of  them  and 
of  all  my  offices,  'which  had  become  objectless,  I  deter- 
mined to  run  away  to  Milan.  To  free  myself  from  my 
duties  and  from  the  rank  I  had  expected,  I  begged  Guic- 
ciardi  to  withdraw  my  nomination  as  captain  of  staff. 
Did  I  do  well  or  ill  ?  It  is  a  question  I  have  often  debated 
with  myself;  but  at  the  moment  I  did  not  stop  to  think; 
a  proof  that  I,  too,  was  influenced  by  the  lack  of  re- 
flection that  swayed  us  all.  In  a  few  days  I  was  free,  as 
my  resignation  was  accepted;  and  I  left  for  Milan  with 
Romualdo  Bonfadini. 


CHAPTER  XXXIV 

(1859) 

Milan  after  the  Peace  of  Villafranca.  —  The  Venetian  immigration.  —  The 
relief  committee.  —  Receptions  and  festivities.  —  Conte  Francesco  Annoni. 
—  La  Perseveranza.  —  Emilio  with  Farini  at  Modena.  —  The  salon  of  the 
Contessa  Maffei  again.  —  The  Principessa  Cristina  Belgiojoso  Trivulzio.  — 
French  officers.  —  Hospitals,  public  and  private.  —  Rattazzi  and  his  new 
laws. 

HOW  different  was  the  Milan  I  now  saw  from  that 
which  I  had  left  four  months  previously.  Then 
people  were  of  one  mind,  disciplined  by  one  hope;  and 
good  sense  was  so  prevalent  that  it  seemed  as  if  it  would 
become  common.  Now,  the  days  that  had  followed  the 
Peace  of  Villafranca  had  been  enough  to  put  all  things  in 
disorder;  so  much  so  that  those  who  sought  to  explain 
events  by  reason  were  almost  ashamed.  People  gathered 
along  the  streets  in  groups,  and  every  shopkeeper  ex- 
pounded on  his  doorstep  the  policies  of  Napoleon  and 
the  great  Powers.  In  every  discussion,  be  it  understood, 
dark  plots,  and  occasionally  treasons,  were  hinted  at, 
and  the  quiet  citizens  did  not  hesitate  to  utter  great, 
swelling  words,  and  to  make  the  most  audacious  pro- 
positions. The  rapid  passage  from  illusion  to  reality 
seemed  to  justify  our  suspicions;  yet  good  fortune  was 
with  us  still,  and  new  events  soon  raised  up  our  hearts 
again. 

The  groups  of  citizens  on  the  streets,  of  which  I  have 
spoken,  now  began  to  be  augmented  by  the  immigrants 
from  the  Venetian  provinces.  This  immigration  was 
composed,  at  first,  of  political  exiles  (some  of  whom  were 

384 


The  Venetian  Immigration 

distinguished  patriots),  but  afterwards  a  mass  of  idlers 
and  ne'er-do-wells  came,  who  asked  for  means  of  sub- 
sistence at  the  expense  of  the  Government  and  of  the 
generous-minded  citizens.  They  aroused,  however,  the 
commiseration  of  us  all;  so  the  idea  arose  of  instituting 
a  committee  of  relief  for  them.36  This  committee  spent, 
in  the  first  year  of  its  existence,  more  than  two  hundred 
thousand  lire,  which  were  contributed  by  the  public- 
spirited  citizens  of  Milan.  Later  on  it  received,  by  vote 
of  Parliament,  an  annual  allowance.  From  1859  to  1866 
it  distributed  more  than  a  million  lire  of  public  and  pri- 
vate moneys. 

Many  fetes  and  receptions  were  given  this  autumn  to 
the  deputations  from  central  Italy,  which  passed  through 
the  city  on  their  way  to  Turin  to  carry  to  the  King  the 
votes  for  annexation.  The  deputation  from  Tuscany 
came  first,  then  those  from  Modena,  Parma,  and  the 
Romagna.  Our  hearts  became  delirious  with  joy  as  the 
end  of  our  longing  came  nearer  to  view. 

The  National  Guard,  which  was  constantly  called  out, 
did  not  excite  much  enthusiasm.  Revolutions  had  been 
made  by  certain  countries  in  order  to  have  National 
Guards,  yet,  when  they  were  obtained,  no  blood  was 
shed  to  retain  them.  It  was  so  with  us.  Malcontents 
soon  appeared  who  said  that  too  much  time  was  lost  do- 
ing nothing.  These,  of  course,  were  not  those  who  could 
display  their  epaulets,  or  their  beards !  Conte  Francesco 
Annoni  had  been  appointed  general  of  the  National 
Guard  by  the  Government.  He  was  of  an  old  patrician 
family,  was  rich  and  generous,  and  had  much  heart  if 
not  much  head.  When  he  was  young  he  became  an  offi- 

385 ' 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


cer  of  the  Austrian  hussars,  not  because  of  his  love  of 
them,  but  because  of  their  fine  uniform;  but  when  '48 
came  he  resigned  his  commission,  and  Austria  placed  his 
estates  under  sequestration.  A  great  deal  of  his  property, 
however,  was  in  Piedmont,  where  he  remained  until  1859. 
He  became  a  deputy,  a  senator,  and,  at  last,  the  com- 
mander of  the  National  Guard  of  Milan. 

This  autumn  I  was  asked  by  Giulini  and  Correnti  to 
join  a  group  of  friends  in  publishing  a  great  political 
journal,  the  first  of  those  that  were  to  rise  in  Milan. 
The  meetings  to  consider  the  project  were  held  generally 
at  the  house  of  Carlo  d'  Adda,  and  there  were  present,  be- 
sides Giulini,  Correnti,  and  d'  Adda,  Alessandro  Porro, 
Luigi  Sala,  Antonio  Allievi,  Giulio  Carcano,  Guido  Su- 
sani,  Pacifico  Valussi,  Bonfadini,  and  some  others  that 
I  cannot  now  recall.  The  journal  was  to  be  Unitarian, 
liberal,  and  monarchical,  and  was  to  be  called  the  "Per- 
severanza,"  the  old  motto  of  national  patriotism.  It 
was  launched  the  2Oth  of  November,  1859. 

My  friends,  especially  Correnti,  insisted  that  I  should 
undertake  a  part  of  its  editorship ;  but  I  refused  for  sev- 
eral reasons,  the  chief  one  being  my  regard  for  Carlo 
Tenca,  who  could  not  be  pleased  to  see  his  friends  sup- 
port a  journal  that  would  necessarily  kill  the  "Crepus- 
colo." The  "Crepuscolo"  was  small,  and  was  published 
for  the  cultivated  classes ;  moreover,  it  had  accomplished 
its  mission,  and  was  destined  to  fall  as  did  so  many  heroes 
in  the  day  of  triumph;  but  the  intimate  friends  of  Tenca 
could  not  immediately  join  those  who  were  indifferent  to 
its  decline  and  death.  After  the  "Crepuscolo"  had  ceased 
to  be  published,  I  consented  to  join  the  ranks  of  its  rival. 

386 


Emilio  with  Farini  at  Modena 

.'  I  received  from  time  to  time  interesting  letters  from 
my  brother,  written  from  Modena.  He  wrote  from  the 
ducal  palace,  where  Farini  resided  with  his  cabinet,  of 
which  Emilio  was  a  menber.  He  was  making  his  first 
essay  in  the  conduct  of  foreign  affairs.  His  letters  were 
full  of  keen  observations  on  the  improvised  dictatorial 
government,  which  was  sustained  by  an  approving  yet 
diffident  public  opinion;  and  was  encircled  by  enthusias- 
tic yet  fearful  adherents.  The  eyes  of  all  the  people  were 
directed  to  the  boundary,  beyond  which  was  the  little 
army  of  the  Duke,  that  was  ready  to  march  upon  Mo- 
dena to  make  good  his  rights  which  had  been  reserved 
to  him  by  the  Treaty  of  Zurich. 

When,  after  the  Peace  of  Villafranca,  the  Royal  Com- 
missioners (of  whom  Farini  was  one)  were  recalled  from 
the  various  provinces,  a  great  concourse  of  the  people  of 
Modena  (some  of  them  the  highest  in  rank)  had  pro- 
claimed Farini  Dictator,  and  made  him  a  Modenese 
citizen.  Farini  accepted  the  dictatorship,  and  remained 
at  his  post  in  order  to  oppose  the  restoration  of  the  Duke. 
Cavour,  who  had  resigned,  when  asked  for  his  counsel 
telegraphed:  "The  minister  is  dead;  the  friend  applauds 
you." 

When  any  bad  news  came  unexpectedly  to  Modena, 
the  people  gathered  under  the  balcony  of  the  Dictator 
to  strengthen  his  hands  by  the  manifestation  of  their 
will ;  and  the  Government,  which  asked  for  nothing  bet- 
ter, fell  back  upon  the  will  of  the  people.  One  of  the 
leaders  in  these  demonstrations  was  a  friend  of  Farini,  the 
patriot  Paolo  Ferrari,  who  was  already  celebrated  for  his 
literary  and  theatrical  works.  The  situation  in  which 

387 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Farini  found  himself  was  difficult  in  the  extreme.  The 
only  military  force  he  could  rely  upon  was  a  half-formed 
partly  armed  battalion  of  volunteers,  called  the  Caccia- 
tori  della  Magra,  and  some  squads  of  immigrants.  The 
Duke  could  have  chosen  some  favorable  opportunity, 
and,  with  his  small  but  better  equipped  army  (which  he 
had  taken  to  the  Austrians),  have  passed  the  frontier 
and  have  surprised  Modena;  but  Farini  undoubtedly 
held  him  back  by  his  resolute  stand.  Subsequently, 
when  the  Tuscan  troops  left  their  camp  at  Mantua  to 
return  home,  Ricasoli  made  them  stop  at  Modena,  as  it 
was  the  point  that  was  then  the  most  threatened  by  the 
enemy;  and  the  opportunity  of  the  Duke  was  lost.  Fa- 
rini, with  his  force  of  character  and  able  administration, 
conquered  all  obstacles,  and  triumphed.  He  kept  all  the 
people  in  check,  —  the  exalted,  the  fearful,  and  the  faith- 
less. He  strengthened  the  strong,  encouraged  the  weak, 
and  wisely  yet  audaciously  pushed  all  along  the  way  to 
independence.  It  can  be  said  of  him  and  of  Ricasoli  that 
they  decided,  at  this  juncture,  in  central  Italy,  the  ques- 
tion of  the  unity  of  our  country. 

Emilio  made,  in  September,  a  hurried  visit  to  Tirano, 
and  we  were  united  for  some  days  with  our  dear  mother, 
who  was  ever  worried,  between  her  enthusiasm  for  the 
events  which  were  happening  and  her  anxiety  for  her 
wandering  sons.  Contrary  to  our  expectation,  our  so- 
journ together  was  short,  as  Emilio  was  recalled  to  Mo- 
dena; and  we  left  shortly  after  for  Milan.  All  society 
hastened  its  return  to  town,  as  people  were  anxious  to 
have  a  joyful  winter  season;  so  much  the  more  so  as,  in 
spite  of  the  abrupt  signing  of  the  Peace  of  Villafranca, 

388 


The  Salon  of  the  Contessa  Maffei 

new  hopes  were  arising.  It  is  true  that  the  Austrian 
army  was  encamped  at  the  Mincio,  and  that  the  deposed 
princes  were  plotting  their  return;  but  Garibaldi  was  left 
in  command  of  the  troops  in  central  Italy,  and  was  plan- 
ning new  enterprises;  while  Napoleon  was  silent,  and  all 
Europe  was  tired  of  us,  and  told  us  to  keep  quiet. 

The  salon  of  the  Contessa  Maffei  became  very  ani- 
mated, as  new  people  presented  themselves  almost  every 
day.  I  saw  there  many  old  emigrants  that  had  returned, 
and  many  new  immigrants  from  the  Venetian  provinces, 
also  innumerable  French  officers,  and  the  admirers  of  the 
rising  sun.  ^At  the  close  of  the  year  I  was  presented  to 
the  Principessa  Cristina  Belgiojoso  Trivulzio,  of  whom 
I  had  heard  so  much  from  my  friends.  She  came  several 
evenings  to  Casa  Maffei. 

When  the  Principessa  entered  a  room  she  became  the 
cynosure  of  all  eyes.  She  was  tall,  but  carried  her  head 
inclined  to  the  front  because  of  a  wound  she  had  received 
in  the  Orient  from  the  hand  of  an  intended  assassin. 
She  was  fifty  years  of  age,  and  her  famous  beauty  had 
disappeared,  but  her  eyes  were  large  and  preserved  their 
pristine  splendor. 

Our  guests,  the  French  and  Piedmontese  officers,  con- 
tributed not  a  little  to  render  our  fetes  and  festivities 
animated  and  gay.  The  French  were  the  more  numer- 
ous, as  our  troops  were  scattered  along  the  Mincio  and 
throughout  central  Italy.  There  was  a  strong  French 
garrison  at  Milan  under  the  command  of  Marshal  Vail- 
lant.  The  French  had  been  received  throughout  Lom- 
bardy  with  the  consideration  that  was  their  due.  As 
I  have  said,  a  tiresome  legend  had  come  down  from 

389 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Napoleonic  times  that  the  French  were  destined  to  drive 
the  Austrians  out  of  Italy;  and  in  every  family,  of  every 
class,  there  was  still  a  warm  memory  of  a  father  or  grand- 
father who  had  served  under  the  great  Emperor,  or 
in  the  Italian  army  of  the  Viceroy  Beauharnais.  The 
French  infantry,  and  especially  the  zouaves,  soon  con- 
tracted friendships  with  the  populace.  The  soldiers  of 
the  South  of  France  used,  in  their  speech,  many  words 
that  were  common  to  the  Piedmontese  and  Milanese 
dialects.  Thus  an  understanding  was  easily  established. 

The  military  and  municipal  authorities  had  taken 
care  to  establish  hospitals  for  the  sick  and  wounded,  and 
to  them  Italian,  French,  and  Austrian  soldiers  and  offi- 
cers were  taken.  At  first  many  of  the  wounded  had  been 
carried  to  private  houses  and  nursed  by  the  citizens,  but 
the  medical  directors  had  to  have  many  transported  to 
the  hospitals.  In  the  families  of  the  gentry  the  wounded 
French  remained  for  longer  periods  of  time,  surrounded 
by  hospitable  care,  and,  occasionally,  by  sympathies 
that  were  more  than  hospitable.  There  did  not  lack, 
therefore,  agreeable,  and  even  piquant,  episodes  and 
stories. 

To  overshadow  the  light  of  liberty  there  came  upon 
us  the  new  administrative  laws  of  Rattazzi.  Cavour  had 
resigned  after  the  peace,  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Min- 
istry of  La  Marmora,  in  which  Rattazzi  was  Minister  of 
the  Interior.  Making  full  use  of  the  powers  that  had 
been  voted  by  Parliament  on  the  eve  of  the  war,  he 
thought  he  would  give  a  new  method  of  administration 
to  the  Sardinian-Lombard  provinces  that  had  just 
been  united.  The  legislation  of  Rattazzi  had  uniformity 

390 


Rattazzi  and  his  New  Laws 

in  view.  With^this  it  seemed  to  him  that  unity  could  be 
realized  more  rapidly,  forgetting  that  the  question  was 
not  the  forging  of  metals,  but  the  holding  of  men  in 
agreement  who  had  different  traditions,  uses,  needs,  and 
customs,  and  diverse  forms  of  civil  life.  The  unifying 
method  of  Rattazzi  became  a  fixed  principle  that,  little 
by  little,  was  applied  to  all  the  provinces  of  Italy,  arous- 
ing an  ill  humor  which  has  lasted  for  many  years,  and 
will  not  soon  disappear.  Minghetti,  a  little  while  after, 
proposed  a  scheme  of  local  administration  which  was 
intended  to  prepare  the  country  for  a  uniform  system; 
but  the  leveling  doctrine  of  Rattazzi  prevailed,  and 
Minghetti  had  but  a  scant  following. 

In  his  hurry  to  legislate,  Rattazzi,  impressed,  perhaps, 
by  the  recent  Austrian  methods,  had  forgotten  that 
Lombardy  had  had,  in  the  reign  of  Maria  Teresa 
and  during  the  Napoleonic  regime,  wise  administrations 
that  had  left  ordinances  and  traditions  of  two  great 
states.  The  provinces,  too  quickly  assimilated,  were  ill 
at  ease;  and  this  was  the  cause  of  Rattazzi's  unpopular- 
ity. 

In  the  midst  of  this  ill  humor,  so  improvidently 
aroused,  the  year  of  great  events,  which  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  independence  and  liberty  of  Italy,  came  to 
an  end;  and  the  year  1860,  which  was  to  give  us  the  unity 
of  our  country,  was  before  us.  The  historian  will  search 
for  facts  and  episodes  which  can  illustrate  the  story  of 
this  memorable  year,  and  this  thought  induces  me  to 
write  some  pages  that  will  carry  us  to  the  proclamation 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy,  the  end  of  our  long  years  of 
anxious  waiting. 


CHAPTER  XXXV 

(1860) 

The  end  of  the  "Crepuscolo."  —  I  go  to  Modena  and  Bologna.  —  The  family 
and  the  secretaries  of  Farini.  —  Cavour  again  in  power.  —  Massimo  d'  Aze- 
glio.  —  The  municipalities  of  Lombard/  under  Austrian  rule. — The  new 
elections.  —  Antonio  Beretta  Mayor.  —  Hospitality  in  Casa  Beretta.  — 
Private  fetes  and  receptions.  —  The  entry  of  Vittorio  Emanuele.  —  Ales- 
sandro  Manzoni.  —  The  coriandoli.  —  The  beauty  of  the  ladies.  —  The 
French  officers  and  Marshal  Vaillant.  —  The  subscription  for  a  million 
rifles.  —  Political  activities.  — The  elections  to  Parliament.  — The  Club  of 
the  "Galline."  —  The  newspapers.  —  The  "Pungolo,"  the  "Perseveranza," 
the  "Unita  Italiana."  —  My  brother  goes  to  Paris  and  London.  —  Crispi 
at  the  "Perseveranza." 

IN  the  beginning  of  1860  the  "Crepuscolo"  ceased  its 
publication,  and  its  disappearance  marked  the  end  of 
a  long  and  memorable  struggle.  Tenca  was  subsequently 
elected  a  deputy  to  Parliament,  and  a  municipal  alder- 
man, and  became  a  member  of  the  commission  on  educa- 
tion. As  such,  he  founded  the  superior  female  school  of 
the  municipality,  which  afterwards  became  a  model  for 
similar  schools  throughout  Italy.  In  Parliament,  and  in 
the  municipality,  he  was  an  indefatigable  worker,  and 
was  held  in  great  esteem.  He  died  on  the  4th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1883.  His  last  years  were  disturbed  by  the  failure 
of  a  bank  in  which  he  had  deposited  his  savings.  After 
this  misfortune,  he  retired  from  political  life,  and,  as  a 
poor  man,  closed  his  days  in  dignified  silence. 

As  Farini  desired  to  attract  as  large  a  number  of  vol- 
unteers as  possible  to  the  Emilia  to  withstand  the  Duke, 
he  entered  into  negotiations  with  the  committee  of  relief 
of  the  Venetians.  During  these  negotiations  it  became 
necessary  for  me  to  see  the  Dictator;  so  I  went  to  Mo- 

392 


Farinas  Family  and  Secretaries 

dena,  and  became  his  guest  in  the  ducal  palace.  I  after- 
wards went  to  Bologna  to  see  Emilio,  who  had  gone  there 
on  some  official  matters.  Bologna  was  very  animated. 
The  Contesse  Tattini  and  Zucchini,  note  Pepoli,  whose 
mother  was  the  daughter  of  Murat,  King  of  Naples,  re- 
ceived on  alternate  days.  Their  beauty  and  spirit  were 
very  attractive.  Conte  Gioachino  Pepoli,  their  brother, 
afterwards  a  deputy,  a  minister,  and  an  ambassador  at 
St.  Petersburg,  was  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  annexationist 
party  in  the  Romagna. 

Farini  had  assumed  all  the  powers  of  government,  and 
had  surrounded  himself  with  a  number  of  young  men, 
whom  he  had  made  his  secretaries.  Riccardi  had  charge 
of  internal,  and  Emilio,  of  foreign,  affairs.  The  secre- 
taries lived,  almost  as  sons,  in  the  Dictator's  family. 
The  elder  of  his  sons,  Domenico,  was  an  engineer  officer. 
He  afterwards  became  a  major  of  staff,  a  deputy,  then 
the  President  of  the  House,  and  finally  a  senator,  and 
the  President  of  the  Senate.  The  younger  son,  Armando, 
was  an  officer  of  the  bersaglieri.  He  was  wounded  in  the 
war,  and  died  shortly  after.  At  the  end  of  the  dictator- 
ship the  daughter,  Ada,  married  Riccardi,  but  she  died, 
a  little  while  after  her  marriage,  in  Naples.  These  do- 
mestic misfortunes  were  fatal  blows  to  Farini's  health. 

In  his  conversations  and  actions  Farini  was  frank  and 
pleasing,  yet  he  had  a  certain  Romagnole  solemnity  of 
manner.  A  friend  of  Cavour,  he  followed  the  poli- 
tics of  the  Minister  with  tact  and  courage,  and  guided 
and  brought  about,  with  a  sure  hand,  the  annexation  of 
Emilia  to  Piedmont.  He  exercised  the  powers  of  his 
dictatorship  with  large  ideas,  and  with  the  firmness  of  a 

393 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


statesman.  He  desired  that  I  should  enter  his  service, 
and  made  me  a  very  kind  offer.  He  had  nominated  the 
MarcheseDi  Rora  of  Turin  as  Governor  of  Ravenna,  and 
wanted  me  to  accompany  him  as  councilor.  But  I  thought 
of  my  mother,  who  had  begun  to  be  unhappy  because  of 
the  prolonged  absence  of  Emilio,  and  I  did  not  accept  the 
office. 

The  return  of  Cavour  to  power  was  hailed  by  all  Italy 
with  joy.  It  strengthened  our  faith  and  emboldened  our 
policies.  The  news  of  his  recall  was  celebrated  by  the 
people  like  an  occasion  of  domestic  happiness.  Cavour 
immediately  appointed  Massimo  d'Azeglio  Governor  of 
Milan,  and  the  Palazzo  di  Governo  (which  for  half  a 
century  had  been  the  seat  of  foreign  rule)  was  now 
opened  to  the  flower  of  the  Milanese  society.  It  seemed 
like  a  dream. 

D'Azeglio  appeared  to  have  greatly  aged,  as  he  was  in 
poor  health,  but  he  was  always  young  in  heart  and  warm 
of  spirit.  His  conversation  was  most  agreeable,  as  he 
embellished  it  by  keen  observations,  anecdotes,  and 
irony.  He  did  not  always  join  in  our  enthusiastic  devo- 
tion to  Cavour.  He  appreciated  his  talent,  but  he  did  not, 
invariably,  approve  of  his  audacity.  Between  these  two 
illustrious  men  there  was  a  latent  dissent,  which  time 
was  to  aggravate.  One  of  the  first  acts  of  d'  Azeglio's 
government  (which,  by  the  way,  lasted  only  a  few 
months)  was  the  inauguration  of  the  Consiglio  Commu- 
nale.  The  free  administration  of  the  community,  en- 
trusted to  an  elected  body  of  citizens,  was  a  new  thing 
in  our  country. 

Under  Austrian  rule  the  communities  were  divided 

394 


Lombardy  under  Austrian  Rule 

into  urban  and  rural  municipalities.  The  councilors  in 
the  urban  municipalities  were  chosen  from  among  the 
hundred  citizens  who  were  rated  highest  on  the  tax- 
list.  At  the  head  of  the  council  was  the  junta  and  the 
podesta,  who  was  appointed  by  the  Government.  In  the 
little  communes  the  council  was  formed  from  the  whole 
body  of  the  taxpayers,  and  was  called  the  Convocato. 
The  executive  power  was  entrusted  to  three  deputies,  and 
the  first  deputy  could  be  a  woman,  who  nevertheless  had 
to  be  represented.  The  juntas,  the  deputies,  and  the 
podesta  had  to  look  after  the  ordinances  of  health 
and  of  surveillance,  but  their  functions  were  delibera- 
tive, as  all  their  measures  had  to  obtain  the  approbation 
of  the  Government. 

Within  the  restricted  limits  of  their  powers,  the  muni- 
cipalities had  administered  their  affairs  wisely  and  hon- 
estly. The  most  noted  persons  and  proprietors  of  Lom- 
bardy  had  taken  part  therein,  but  the  state  of  siege  and 
the  ten  years  of  resistance  had  alienated  the  people  from 
the  Government,  and  the  year  1859  found  the  municipal- 
ities weak  and  feeble.  In  the  first  days  of  our  deliver- 
ance, as  the  national  Government  could  not  take  meas- 
ures for  the  immediate  renovation  of  the  municipalities, 
it  reinforced  them  by  adding  citizens  who  were  noted  for 
their  character  and  patriotism. 

The  communal  elections  of  Milan  were  fixed  for  the 
1 5th  of  January,  1860.  The  struggle,  however,  was  not 
fierce,  and  the  outcome  was  only  unjust  toward  certain 
members  of  the  old  administration  who  had  rendered 
real  service  to  the  community,  as  the  Podesta  Conte 
Luigi  Belgiojoso.  The  mayoralty  was  a  government 

395 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


nomination,  and  the  Ministry  chose,  from  among  the 
councilors,  Antonio  Beretta.  The  choice  could  not  have 
been  better,  as  his  administration  of  seven  years  demon- 
strated. 

Beretta  had  been  a  member  of  the  municipality  and 
of  the  Provisional  Government,  in  1848,  and  had  had 
charge  of,  and  had  administered,  the  finances  during  its 
existence.  As  I  have  said,  Austria  refused  to  recognize 
any  of  his  acts  outside  of  the  routine  of  business,  and  had 
charged  him  with  the  expenses  of  the  re  volution.  Beretta 
managed  to  defend  himself  until  the  battle  of  Magenta. 

He  was  not  a  man  of  great  talent  or  of  large  culture, 
but  he  was  good,  generous,  and  conciliatory,  and  his  dis- 
position was  equable.  A  lover  of  his  city  and  an  able  ad- 
ministrator, he  foresaw  the  future  and  prepared  for  it  by 
reforming  our  old  institutions  and  by  instituting  new 
public  works.  The  Galleria  Vittorio  Emanuele  was  one 
of  his  projects.37  Both  the  Mayor  and  the  junta  worked 
ceaselessly  to  harmonize  the  old  and  the  new  administra- 
tive laws. 

In  the  first  months  the  care  of  public  instruction  and 
the  superintendence  of  schools  was  confided  to  me. 
Then  Beretta  wanted  me  to  take  charge  of  the  surveil- 
lance of  the  city,  in  which  a  large  reform  of  regulations 
and  of  institutions  was  contemplated.  I  remained,  how- 
ever, on  the  scholastic  commission,  a  permanent  board 
which  had  charge  of  the  proposals  for  the  new  schools 
desired  by  the  community.  Many  citizens,  well  known 
for  their  knowledge  in  matters  of  instruction,  were  mem- 
bers of  it. 

In  every  branch  of  the  municipal  life  there  was  an 

396 


The  Entry  of  the  King  into  Milan 

activity  that  was  most  unusual,  and  Beretta  always 
took  the  initiative.  Besides,  he  was  very  hospitable, 
and  the  entertainments  in  Casa  Beretta  were  famous 
for  the  gaiety  and  cordiality  which  reigned  there.  He 
became,  in  a  short  time,  so  popular  that  Cavour  said 
his  appointment  was  truly  inspired. 

Beretta  remained  in  office  seven  years,  but  his  star 
became  obscured,  and  he  resigned  his  office  because  of 
bitter  political  opposition.  Nominated  as  senator,  he 
left  Milan  and  took  up  his  residence  in  Rome.  His  end 
was  saddened  by  physical  ills  and  domestic  misfortune. 
He  became  blind,  and  so  impoverished  that  his  friends 
had  to  provide  for  him.  Besides  the  fetes  in  Casa  Be- 
retta there  were  many  receptions  in  the  houses  of  the 
patriciate  and  of  the  rich  middle  class.  Every  one 
wanted  to  enjoy  the  present  and  forget  the  past. 

The  King  made  his  entry  into  Milan  on  the  i6th  of 
February.  The  people  flocked  about  him  and  did  not 
cease  to  acclaim  him.  He  was  followed  by  Cavour  and 
the  diplomatic  corps.  A  few  days  after,  he  gave  a  grand 
ball  with  an  extended  list  of  invitations.  The  new  gen- 
eration entered  the  Palazzo  di  Corte  for  the  first  time; 
and  great  was  its  admiration  of  the  splendid  rooms.  Offi- 
cial receptions  followed  of  an  infinite  number  of  depu- 
tations, from  Milan  and  the  provinces.  Vittorio  Ema- 
nuele,  with  his  free  and  frank  way  of  acting,  which  seemed 
to  say  that  he  disdained  etiquette  (more,  indeed,  than 
was  true),  always  pleased  and  fascinated  the  people; 
and  he  sent  them  away  from  his  audiences  his  ardent 
admirers. 

I  had  occasion  to  be  received  three  times  by  the  King 

397 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


as  a  member  of  different  deputations,  and  I  heard  his 
speeches.  They  were  pitched  in  a  key  that,  presumably, 
would  give  pleasure  to  each  deputation.  With  one  he 
spoke  the  language  of  political  prudence;  with  another 
he  appeared  to  give  vent  to  the  ardor  of  his  soul,  and 
gave  utterance  to  the  most  audacious  proposals.  So 
there  was  something  for  all;  and  he  discussed  questions 
with  the  political  finesse  and  artfulness  that  guided  him 
always  in  the  fortunate  vicissitudes  of  his  reign. 

Among  those  who  asked  for  an  audience  was  Alessan- 
dro  Manzoni,  who,  for  the  first  time  in  his  life,  rendered 
homage  to  a  prince.  He  went  to  thank  him  for  the  hon- 
ors he  had  received,  honors  which  up  to  this  time  he 
had  declined  to  accept  from  sovereigns,  so  as  to  be 
able  to  refuse  those  that  were  offered  him  by  Austria. 
Vittorio  Emanuele  received  him  with  the  polite  famili- 
arity with  which  he  would  have  greeted  his  equal ;  and 
when  Manzoni  took  his  leave  the  King  gave  him  his 
arm,  and  accompanied  him  through  the  rooms  of  the 
palace  down  the  great  stairway  as  far  as  the  court. 
Manzoni,  in  his  modesty,  never  spoke  of  this  episode. 
I  heard  it  from  his  son  Pietro,  who  was  with  him. 

Among  the  balls  there  was  one  that  was  most  mag- 
nificent. It  was  given  by  the  Duchessa  Visconti  di  Mo- 
drone  (to  which  Cavour  and  the  diplomatic  corps  came) ; 
and  another,  not  less  elegant,  in  costume,  was  given  by 
the  Marchese  Trotti.  This  last  was  repeated  in  the  salon 
of  the  Societa  degli  Artisti. 

In  this  revival  of  fetes  and  entertainments,  as  might 
be  supposed,  the  coriandoli  was  revived,  as  the  diver- 
sion of  throwing  coriander  seeds  during  the  carnival 

398 


Coriandoli 


had  been  prohibited.  It  had  something  unrestrained 
about  it,  though  it  did  not  transcend  the  limits  of  pro- 
priety. The  people  of  every  class  diverted  themselves 
in  their  own  way;  and  all  exhibited  good  humor,  since 
between  the  higher  and  the  lower  classes  of  old  Milan 
there  were  no  antipathies.  Foreign  rule  had  made  all 
equal  in  sorrow;  and  in  the  higher  classes  there  was  a 
feeling  of  charity  which  was  recognized  and  returned 
with  respect  by  the  lower. 

An  unrestrained  diversion  like  that  of  the  coriandoli 
would  not  now  be  possible  in  a  city  which  is  composed 
of  so  many  new  elements,  in  the  midst  of  which  the  old 
have  been  lost.  The  battle  of  the  coriandoli  would  be- 
come a  struggle  of  the  classes ;  kindness  would  disappear, 
and  violence  would  arise.  A  battle  of  the  coriandoli 
between  carriages  of  masqued  people  and  terraces  full 
of  ladies  would  be  possible  (if,  indeed,  then)  only  under 
the  supervision  of  the  carabinieri. 

The  French  officers  seemed  to  enjoy  themselves  in  all 
our  fetes  and  receptions.  A  great  number  of  foreigners 
were  now  to  be  seen  in  Milan,  and  among  them  many  re- 
porters, one  of  whom  I  recall.  It  was  Madame  Colet, 
whom  I  had  met  in  Casa  Maffei.  She  came  to  gather  in- 
formation for  her  new  book. 

When  I  turn  over  the  leaves  of  the  old  albums,  and  look 
at  the  faces  of  those  who  have  passed  away,  I  recall  that 
the  years  of  our  political  Risorgimento  could  be  well  said 
to  be  a  risorgimento  of  beauty,  for  at  the  balls  and  fetes, 
in  the  theaters  and  on  the  promenades,  many  very 
beautiful  ladies  were  to  be  seen.  It  is  needless  to  say 
they  were  greatly  admired  by  our  guests. 

399 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


How  many  dear  names  of  friends  come  to  my  mind, 
and  how  many  stories,  some  pleasing  and  some  sad,  some 
gay  and  some  even  scandalous,  which  time  has  covered 
with  its  indulgent  veil.  Among  the  names  I  recall  are 
those  of  the  French  officers  who  participated  in  our  fes- 
tivities. I  have  an  album  that  is  wholly  devoted  to  them. 
Here  is  the  face  of  Captain  Magnan,  the  son  of  the 
well-known  marshal;  and  here  is  that  of  Theodore 
Yung,  who  belonged  to  the  staff  of  Marshal  Vaillant. 
Yung  married  afterwards  a  Contessa  Kaula,  who  was 
accused  of  spying  in  the  war  of  1870.  He  became  secre- 
tary-general of  Boulanger  while  he  was  Minister,  but 
resigned  before  the  final  catastrophe.  He  remained  ever 
a  friend  of  Italy,  and  founded  the  Franco-Italian  League. 

Before  me  also  appear  the  faces  of  two  brilliant  cap- 
tains of  the  hussars,  that  of  the  Marquis  de  Louvencour 
and  that  of  the  Comte  de  Vogue,  who  was  among  the  first 
to  fall  at  Worth.  Then  there  follow  the  faces  of  a  group 
of  artillery  officers,  Laprade,  La  Ville  Huchet,  Flye  de 
Sainte  Marie,  and  the  Comte  de  Novion,  who  distin- 
guished himself  at  Solferino.  The  Comte  de  Novion  was 
an  excellent  artist,  and  I  have  several  of  his  sketches  in 
aquarelle.  In  1871  I  received  a  letter  from  him,  written 
from  a  German  fortress,  asking  me  to  obtain,  by  aid  of 
my  brother,  who  was  Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  and  of 
the  Italian  Embassy  at  Berlin,  permission  to  join  the 
corps  that  was  to  be  sent  against  the  Commune,  which 
Thiers  had  asked  of  Bismarck.  His  request  was  granted. 
Later  on  he  passed  into  the  Algerian  service,  and  died  a 
general  of  division. 

But  there  were  not  only  young  and  gay  officers  among 

400 


Marshal  F^aillant 


the  French;  there  were  also  those  who  were  old  and 
cross,  who  were  unfriendly  to  Italy,  and  who  went  but 
little  into  society;  but  I  have  not  their  portraits  in  my 
album. 

"C'est  beau,  votre  camaval,"  grumbled  one  evening 
at  the  Scala  a  colonel  of  the  infantry;  "c'est  beau,  mais 
c'est  cher;  ca  nous  coute  quatorze  mille  fantassins  fran- 
£ais,  couches  sur  vos  plaines.  On  aurait  pu  bien  s'amuser 
a  meilleur  marche!"  But  he  who  grumbled  openly,  and 
without  regard  for  others,  was  Marshal  Vaillant,  who 
had  remained  in  Lombardy  as  commander-in-chief  of 
the  French  army  of  occupation  after  the  return  of  Na- 
poleon to  France.  The  Marshal  lodged  in  the  Villa  Reale, 
in  which  Radetzky  had  died  a  few  years  previously. 
The  Mayor  tried,  in  every  way,  to  be  polite  and  hospi- 
table; but  the  Marshal  was  cold  and  reserved,  and  had 
the  air  of  a  man  that  was  filling  a  post  he  disliked.  He 
was  the  true  type  of  the  military  grognard. 

The  municipality  and  the  citizens  invited  him  to  their 
public  and  private  fetes,  but  he  never  came.  He  re- 
ceived his  visitors  in  the  lovely  garden  of  the  villa, 
dressed  in  a  linen  jacket  and  a  great  straw  hat,  like  a  cul- 
tivator of  the  soil.  He  never  incommoded  himself  in  his 
favorite  occupation. 

We  were  in  the  days  when  the  events  in  central  Italy 
held  us  in  suspense,  but  the  Marshal  avoided  all  political 
conversation,  and  talked  only  of  greffages  and  of  bou- 
tures.  On  one  of  our  days  of  greatest  anxiety  he  wrote  to 
the  Mayor,  asking  him  to  procure  fifty  toads  to  rid  the 
garden  of  I  do  not  know  what  kind  of  insect,  and  regret- 
ting, at  the  same  time,  his  inability  to  accept  some 

401 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


invitation.  He  finished  by  saying  without  further 
compliment:  "Vos  annexions  me  desannexionnent." 

In  the  mean  while  Napoleon  let  people  talk,  and  let 
us  act.  While  our  hearts  were  disturbed  by  the  difficul- 
ties which  confronted  Cavour,  there  appeared  on  the 
horizon  the  dawn  of  the  coming  day  of  unity.  Garibaldi 
addressed  a  proclamation  to  the  Italians,  and  asked  for 
a  million  rifles.  The  "million  rifles"  was  a  figurative  ex- 
pression, serving,  in  the  General's  language,  to  mask  a 
new  undertaking.  But  Garibaldi,  so  as  not  to  raise  ques- 
tions and  to  act  in  concert  with  others,  placed  at  the 
head  of  the  subscription  paper  Giuseppe  Finzi  and  En- 
rico Besana,  two  friends  of  himself  and  of  Cavour.  The 
subscription  provided  not  for  a  million,  but  for  many 
rifles,  and  paid  in  part  for  the  expeditions  to  Sicily. 

At  the  same  time  Cavour  prepared  for  a  new  election 
so  as  to  have  the  parliamentary  support  of  both  the  old 
and  the  new  provinces.  The  elections  in  Milan  were  pre- 
ceded by  much  agitation,  as  the  concord,  which  had 
existed  at  the  time  of  the  municipal  elections,  had  disap- 
peared. One  of  the  principal  political  clubs  that  was 
formed  at  this  time  was  nicknamed  the  Galline,  as  it  met 
on  the  premises  of  a  school  situated  on  the  little  Piazza 
delle  Galline.  This  club,  which  had  great  influence  for 
years  in  the  elections,  was  a  club  of  the  third  party,  and 
had,  as  its  mouthpiece,  a  newspaper  called  the  "Pun- 
golo,"  which  was  edited  by  Leone  Fortis.  A  great  num- 
ber of  lawyers  belonged  to  it,  who,  with  facile  words, 
exercised  an  absolute  predominance.  The  Club  of  the 
Galline  did  not  side  with  the  radicals,  but  it  was  nearly 
always  against  the  Government,  because  it  did  not  con- 

402 


Newspapers 


sider  that  people  could  be  independent  enough.  Its  first 
attacks  were  directed  against  the  persons  who  had 
openly  or  secretly  controlled  the  march  of  events  in  the 
preceding  years;  who  were  represented  by  the  "Perse- 
veranza."  An  understanding  between  the  two  factions 
would  not  have  been  difficult  if  they  had  known  one  an- 
other better,  and  had  become  less  suspicious.  "Men,"  as 
says  Manzoni,  "have  among  their  other  prerogatives 
that  of  loving  or  hating  one  another  without  knowing 
one  another."  The  "Pungolo"  introduced,  later  on,  a 
term  which  was  to  remain:  it  called  consorti  the  friends 
of  the  moderate  Ministers;  so  consorteria,  an  abstract 
word,  pleased  public  fancy,  and  entered  our  political 
vernacular. 

The  shipwrecked  republicans  had  an  association  and 
a  journal,  which  was  edited  by  Maurizio  Quadrio.  It 
was  called  the  "Unita  Italiana."  It  had  little  influence, 
but  was  especially  spiteful  toward  its  former  friends; 
and  bitterly  attacked  my  brother  Emilio,  who,  later  on, 
fought  a  duel  with  Quadrio. 

In  the  first  elections  two  Milanese  constituencies  an- 
nounced the  candidatures  of  Cavour  and  Farini;  who 
were  elected  by  all.  The  Galline  accepted  Carlo  Tenca, 
a  Cavourian;  favored  Antonio  Mosca,  an  independant; 
and  asked  for  votes  for  Agostino  Bertani,  a  Mazzinian, 
and  Carlo  Cattaneo,  a  federal  republican.  What  a 
pie!  These  first  elections  surprised  Cdvour,  who  would 
have  liked  to  have  a  demonstration  from  the  principal 
cities  that  would  have  supported  him  in  his  policy  of 
further  annexation  in  the  formation  of  the  kingdom.  "I 
do  not  understand  the  judgment  with  which,  in  Milan, 

403 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


they  have  associated  me  with  a  Mazzinian  and  a  feder- 
alist," he  exclaimed. 

Farini  at  this  time  sent  my  brother  Emilio  to  Paris 
upon  a  mission  regarding  the  annexation  of  the  Duchies. 
This  was  his  first  diplomatic  charge.  While  abroad,  he 
received  news  of  his  election  as  deputy  fromTirano;  he 
had  just  attained  his  thirtieth  year.  The  next  year  Ca- 
vour  sent  him  to  London  to  give  the  English  Ministers 
some  information  regarding  the  plebiscite  and  the  state 
of  affairs  at  Naples,  which  would  keep  them  favourably 
disposed  and  enable  them  to  defend  our  cause  in  Parlia- 
ment. 

In  April  I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Crispi.  I  met 
him  in  the  office  of  the  "Perseveranza,"  where  he  came 
to  write  articles  on  the  news  from  Sicily.  He  was  at 
this  time  the  chief  editor  of  the  journal,  as  it  was  be- 
lieved that  his  writings  would  be  eagerly  read  and  cred- 
ited. As  a  matter  of  fact  the  revolutionary  movement 
in  Sicily  languished,  and  it  was  feared  that  the  Bour- 
bons would  scatter  the  insurgents.  But  Crispi,  who  was 
planning  the  expedition  to  Sicily,  and  wanted  to  induce 
his  friends  (especially  Garibaldi)  to  participate  in  it,  was 
intent  on  convincing  us  that  the  Sicilian  revolution 
would  triumph,  and  that  the  people  were  only  waiting 
for  the  coming  of  the  volunteers. 

Crispi  told  me  that  he  had  conquered  the  hesitation 
of  all,  and  that  an  expedition  was  in  progress  which  was 
to  be  entrusted  to  Garibaldi.  Sirtori,  who  up  to  this 
time  had  kept  himself  in  reserve,  now  decided  to  join 
the  enterprise,  and  Finzi,  who  had  collected  the  funds 
for  the  million  rifles,  was  called  by  Cavour  to  Turin. 

404 


The  Sicilian  Expedition 


At  this  time  my  friend  Costantino  Garavaglia,  then  a 
banker,  who  was  known  for  his  patriotism,  told  me  con- 
fidentially that  one  evening  he  had  received  an  urgent 
request  from  the  Governor  d'  Azeglio,  for  the  loan  of 
three  hundred  thousand  lire,  which  would  be  paid  by 
the  Ministry  of  Cavour,  and  that,  in  agreement  with 
d'  Azeglio,  he  had  given  this  sum  to  the  Garibaldian  cap- 
tain, F.  Chiassi.38 

Evidently  the  money  that  was  asked  for  was  for  the 
expenses  of  the  expedition  of  Garibaldi,  as  the  call  of 
Finzi  to  Turin  was  connected  with  the  Piemonte  and 
the  Lombardo,  the  two  steamers  of  the  Mille.  All  these 
things  will  be  known  exactly  some  day.* 

One  can  imagine  the  anxiety  with  which  we  followed 
in  thought  the  marvelous  expedition,  which,  even  in  this 
time  of  extraordinary  events,  was  to  surpass  so  much 
the  bounds  of  our  imagination. 

"Trevelyan,  in  Garibaldi  and  the  Thousand  (appendices),  p.  341, 
avers  that  Garavaglia  became  confused  in  memory,  and  that  the 
money  in  question  was  not  paid  to  Garibaldi  or  his  agent  for  the  ex- 
penses of  the  Mille,  but  presumably  to  Medici  or  Cosenz  to  fit  out 
their  later  expeditions. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI 

(1860) 

Strangers  at  Milan.  —  Death  of  the  Principessa  Belgiojoso.  —  I  make  the 
acquaintance  of  Alessandro  Manzoni.  —  His  family  and  his  friends.  —  His 
habits  and  his  conversation.  —  Abbe  Ceroli  and  Professor  Rossari.  —  Dom 
Pedro  of  Brazil.  —  Public  homage  to  Manzoni. 

AFTER  the  exploits  of  the  Mille,  there  was,  as  is 
known,  a  succession  of  actions  in  the  southern  pro- 
vinces in  which  the  unity  of  the  country  took  its  rise. 
History,  with  its  documents,  will  show  to  future  genera- 
tions the  true  course  of  the  events  of  these  days,  and  dis- 
sipate the  myths  and  legends  which  have  gathered  about 
them.  The  events,  which  succeeded  each  other  in  so  re- 
markable a  sequence,  brought  to  us  many  journalists 
and  politicians  who  desired  to  see  the  spectacle  of  a  na- 
tion that  was  rising  into  life.  Some  became  our  admirers; 
some  remained  skeptics,  and  some  seemed  to  be  bored 
with  finding  a  living  people  where  they  were  accustomed 
to  see  sepulchers  and  ruins. 

I  often  met  these  people  in  the  house  of  the  Principessa 
Belgiojoso,  where,  however,  be  it  observed,  those  who 
doubted  the  triumph  of  our  cause  and  criticized  the  ac- 
tions of  our  statesmen  were  not  well  received. 

An  optimist  myself,  —  the  more  so  as  I  had  not  ex- 
perienced the  deceptions  of  maturer  years,  —  the  Prin- 
cipessa and  I  agreed  so  thoroughly  that,  in  a  very  short 
time,  she  loved  to  discuss  politics  with  me,  and  treated 
me  most  cordially.  When  she  received  people  a  narghile 
was  brought  in,  and  she  smoked  something  that  cer- 
tainly was  not  tobacco.  She  talked  while  she  embroid- 

406 


Death  of  Principessa  Belgiojoso 

ered;  and  sometimes,  in  the  midst  of  discussions,  with 
a  pad  on  her  knees,  she  wrote  articles  for  the  newspapers 
and  reviews,  especially  for  the  "Revue  des  Deux 
Mondes." 

When  she  was  ill  she  rarely  went  to  bed,  but  lay 
wrapped  up  in  shawls  in  a  great  easy-chair,  taking  care 
of  herself,  as  she  abhorred  medicine.  Her  physician,  how- 
ever, for  many  years  had  been  Dr.  Maspero,  the  trans- 
lator of  the  "Odyssey."  A  few  days  before  her  death,  I 
saw  her  stretched  out  in  an  armchair.  I  had  called  to  in- 
quire about  her  health,  and  she,  hearing  I  was  in  the 
salon,  sent  word  that  she  would  like  to  see  me.  She  made 
a  sign  that  I  should  approach;  then,  in  a  thin  voice,  she 
asked  if  there  was  a  dispatch  in  regard  to  I  do  not  know 
what  question  of  political  importance.  Politics  and  the 
state  of  the  country  interested  her  to  the  last.  She  died 
on  the  5th  of  July,  1875.  Her  friends  saw  her  pass  away 
with  much  sorrow,  as  with  her  genius  she  had  illustrated 
Italian  patriotism,  and  with  her  wealth  had  helped  to 
promote  it  in  difficult  times. 

In  1860  I  made  the  most  precious  of  all  my  acquain- 
tances. The  Contessa  Maffei  took  me  to  call  on  Ales- 
sandro  Manzoni.  Manzoni  received  a  few  friends  in  the 
evening,  and  he  soon  invited  me  to  join  them.  In  the 
daytime  he  remained  in  his  study  which  opened  upon  his 
garden,  and  in  the  evening  he  resorted  to  his  salon.  He 
took  a  seat  by  a  table  in  summer,  and  near  the  chimney 
in  winter,  and  poked  the  fire  with  the  tongs,  as  he  lis- 
tened, or  talked.  His  friends  and  Pietro,  his  eldest  son, 
formed  a  circle  about  him,  while  his  daughter-in-law 
and  grandchildren  read,  or  sewed,  or  embroidered, 

407 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


seated  at  a  table  in  the  middle  of  the  room.  The  grand- 
children were  three  beautiful  girls,  of  whom  the  eldest, 
Vittoria,  married  Senator  Pietro  Brambilla,  and  the 
second,  Giulia,  became  the  wife  of  General  Costantini. 
The  third  was  called  Sandra.  The  friends  that  Manzoni 
saw  generally  were  the  Abbe  Natale  Ceroli,  Professor 
Luigi  Rossari,  Rossi,  the  Librarian  of  the  Brera,  the 
Marchese  Lorenzo  Litta  Modignani,  Giulio  Carcano, 
Senator  Piola,  Professor  Giovanni  Rizzi,  Professor  Fa- 
bris  and  his  stepson,  Conte  Stefano  Stampa.  A  number 
of  other  friends  also  came  when  they  were  in  Milan. 

Manzoni  took  a  walk  for  a  couple  of  hours  a  day,  but 
he  could  not  go  out  alone  because  of  a  nervous  affection. 
If  no  one  was  with  him  he  had  the  sensation  of  the 
ground  giving  way  beneath  his  feet,  or  of  the  houses  fall- 
ing upon  him.  He  told  me  that  this  trouble  was  caused 
by  the  impression  he  had  received  when  he  was  in  Paris, 
in  the  Place  de  la  Concorde,  during  a  fete  that  was  given 
to  celebrate  the  marriage  of  Napoleon  with  Marie  Louise. 
Pushed  and  squeezed  by  the  crowd,  his  wife  swooned  in 
his  arms ;  and  he  had  the  agony  of  seeing  her  torn  away 
and  trampled  upon,  for  some  minutes,  by  the  terrible 
waves  of  people. 

From  that  day  streets  and  squares  made  him  dizzy; 
and,  later  on,  a  sudden  announcement  of  bad  news  in- 
creased his  malady.  He  was  in  a  bookshop,  in  Via  di  S. 
Margherita,  when  he  heard  the  report  of  the  battle  of 
Waterloo.  With  a  clear  vision  he  saw  the  loss  of  our  in- 
dependence, and  Italy  given  over  to  Austria,  perhaps 
forever.  He  nearly  swooned  and  had  to  be  taken  to  his 
house.  For  many  years  the  faithful  companions  of  his 

408 


Manzoni  and  his  Friends 

promenades  were  the  Abbe  Natale  Ceroli  and  Professor 
Luigi  Rossari.  Ceroli  was  a  patriotic,  cultured,  and 
worthy  priest,  and  Rossari  was  a  professor  of  Italian  in 
a  technical  school.  His  culture  was  great,  but  his  mod- 
esty was  greater.  To  some  one  who  once  asked  him  why 
he  had  not  thought  of  publishing  some  literary  work,  he 
replied,  "I  have  had  among  my  dearest  friends  Man- 
zoni, Grossi,  Porta,  Azeglio,  Giusti,  and  Giorgini;  and 
do  you  think  that,  living  among  these  giants,  the  idea  of 
taking  up  a  pen  has  ever  entered  my  mind?"  However, 
several  of  these  masters  did  not  publish  anything  with- 
out first  submitting  it  to  Luigi  Rossari.  I  had  scarcely 
made  his  acquaintance  before  I  begged  him  to  become  a 
member  of  the  commission  on  education,  which  he  did. 
For  several  years  he  had  a  large  share  in  reforming  and 
directing  our  municipal  schools. 

The  conversation  of  Manzoni,  or  of  Don  Alessandro, 
as  he  was  universally  called,  was  simple  and  kind,  and 
was  full  of  witticisms.  In  hearing  him  one  seemed  to  be 
reading  "I  Promessi  Sposi."  With  his  family  and  intim- 
ate friends  he  used  the  Milanese  dialect;  and  when  he 
talked  with  people  whom  he  did  not  know  well,  he  some- 
times stammered.  He  had  an  extraordinary  memory. 
At  eighty-five,  talking  one  evening  with  Alfieri,  he  re- 
cited from  memory  two  hundred  verses  of  Virgil,  and 
the  corresponding  verses  of  Alfieri's  translation.  His 
conversation  turned  often  upon  the  French  Revolution, 
of  which  he  remembered  even  the  secondary  actors, 
and  every  little  particular  and  document,  with  aston- 
ishing accuracy.  Indeed,  he  contemplated  writing,  as  is 
known,  a  history  of  this  great  period;  but  his  advanced 

409 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


age  did  not  permit  him  to  compose  more  than  the 
beginning. 

It  was  difficult  to  get  Manzoni  to  pronounce  judg- 
ments upon  the  works  of  living  authors;  and  when  he 
was  asked  to  examine  manuscripts  or  to  give  advice,  he 
refused,  and  would  answer  with  a  general  formula  which 
was,  "One  must  be  indulgent  with  printed  works,  and 
ferocious  with  manuscripts."  He  was  very  shy,  and  dis- 
liked to  receive  curious  persons  or  foreigners  except  in 
especial  cases.  One  exception  was  Dom  Pedro,  Emperor 
of  Brazil,  who  once  sent  him  his  translation  of  "Cinque 
Maggio"  with  the  grand  cordon  of  the  Rosa.  Manzoni 
wrote  him,  praising  the  translation,  and  thanking  him 
for  the  honor,  which,  however,  he  declined.  After  1859, 
Dom  Pedro  sent  him  the  order  of  the  Rosa  a  second  time, 
and  wrote :  "  If  I  have  guessed  the  reason  why  you  did 
not  accept  my  decoration  at  first,  I  hope  you  will  accept 
it  now."  Manzoni  did  accept  it,  and  thanked  him  in  the 
usual  form  of  courteous  appreciation. 

Though  shy  of  making  new  acquaintances,  he  knew 
all  the  illustrious  men  of  his  time,  especially  of  Italy. 
He  had  his  son  Pietro  answer  the  letters  of  his  many  cor- 
respondents. In  writing  himself  he  was  never  satisfied, 
and  frequently  rewrote  his  letters  to  his  friends.  After 
his  death,  Abbe  Ceroli,  who  had  charge  of  his  papers, 
told  me  that  he  had  found  hundreds  of  letters  from  un- 
known persons  who  had  written  to  Manzoni,  as  to  a 
saint,  asking  for  counsel,  and  saying  that  his  writings 
had  put  faith,  peace,  and  hope  into  their  souls.  On  the 
other  hand,  his  son  told  me  that  his  father  had  received 
in  his  last  days  some  rabid  letters,  which  violently  as- 

410 


Public  Homage  to  Manzoni 

sailed  him,  because,  as  a  senator,  he  had  gone  to  Turin 
to  vote  for  the  order  of  the  day,  which  proclaimed  Rome 
to  be  the  capital  of  Italy. 

When  such  letters  came,  he  glanced  them  over,  then 
took  them  with  the  tongs  and  put  them  into  the  fire.  He 
was  opposed  to  the  temporal  power  of  the  Pope,  not  only 
from  the  standpoint  of  Italian  politics,  but  also  from  that 
of  a  most  rigorous  and  orthodox  Catholic.  In  the  cause 
of  religion  he  frequently  discussed  this  grave  ques- 
tion, and  cited  extracts  from  ecclesiastical  history,  in 
which  he  was  very  learned.  The  bitterness  which  these 
wretched  letters  and  some  anonymous  libels  caused  him 
was  compensated  by  the  esteem,  not  to  say  veneration, 
in  which  he  was  held.  In  his  promenades,  through  the 
city  and  beyond,  he  was  recognized  by  all,  and  all  made 
way  for,  and  saluted,  him  with  respectful  affection.  In 
one  of  his  last  years  (I  think  it  was  1871)  he  went  one 
evening  to  the  theater  to  hear  a  comedy  then  in  vogue. 
He  was  scarcely  seen  before  the  whole  house  rose  to  its 
feet,  waving  their  handkerchiefs  and  saluting  him.  At 
the  exit  there  was  a  clamorous  demonstration. 

He  received  another  tribute  of  regard  in  the  summer  of 
the  same  year.  One  evening  he  returned  home  later  than 
usual,  and  tried  to  justify  his  tardiness  to  his  friends, 
who  were  waiting  for  him,  by  some  excuses;  but  Abbe 
Ceroli,  who  had  accompanied  him,  said:  "We  were  in  the 
public  garden,  and  Don  Alessandro  was  looking  at  some 
new  plantations,  when  some  persons  recognized  him  and 
began  to  say  to  one  another,  '  Manzoni,  Manzoni.' 
Thereupon  people  commenced  to  gather  from  every  part 
of  the  garden,  and  in  a  moment  he  was  surrounded  by  a 

411 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


crowd  of  men,  women,  and  children.  All  wanted  to  press 
his  hand  or  to  touch  his  garments.  Some  women  even 
asked  for  a  benediction  for  their  babies.  Don  Alessandro 
became  red  in  the  face,  but,  with  his  usual  good  will, 
shook  hands  with  the  men  and  women,  and  caressed  the 
children.  After  a  good  half-hour  a  way  was  opened  for 
him,  and  he  returned  home  between  two  files  of  people 
who  saluted  him  and  cried,  'Viva  Manzoni.'  It  was," 
concluded  Don  Ceroli,  "an  ovation." 

It  might  be  said  that  the  Milanese  had  a  presenti- 
ment that  they  were  honoring  Manzoni  for  the  last  time. 
On  the  6th  of  January,  1873,  he  fell  upon  the  steps  of  the 
church  of  S.  Fedele,  and  struck  his  forehead.  He  re- 
ceived a  shock,  and  his  mind  became  clouded;  and  after 
some  intervals  of  delirium  and  lucidity,  he  died  the  22d 
of  May  following. 


CHAPTER  XXXVII 

(1860) 

Chronicle  of  the  events  of  1860.  —  Attempt  of  Cavour  to  promote  a  pronuncia- 
mento  at  Naples.  —  Garibaldi  enters  Naples.  —  The  royal  troops  enter 
Emilia  and  the  Marches.  —  Conte  Pasolini  Governor  of  Milan.  —  More  fes- 
tivities. —  The  police  power.  —  Its  provisional  reorganization.  —  An  agent 
of  the  French  police.  —  Regular  organization  of  the  police.  —  Cavaliere 
Setti.  —  Farini  nominated  Lieutenant  at  Naples.  —  My  brother  accom- 
panies him.  —  Decline  of  Farini's  health.  —  The  sequence  of  events.  —  A 
saying  of  Alessandro  Manzoni.  —  Proclamation  of  the  Kingdom  of  Italy  with 
its  capital  at  Rome.  —  Its  recognition  by  France  upon  the  death  of  Cavour. 

LET  us  turn  to  the  events  of  1860.  Every  day 
seemed  to  bring  forth  a  new  cause  for  trepidation 
and  joy.  While  we  were  anxious  for  the  success  of  Gari- 
baldi's expedition,  the  battalions  of  the  National  Guard 
went  from  city  to  city  to  celebrate  the  advent  of  frater- 
nity; all,  of  course,  in  the  trappings  of  war.  The  guards, 
however,  that  went  to  Bologna  had  more  than  banquets 
and  speeches  in  mind.  Cavour  sent  Giuseppe  Finzi  and 
my  brother  to  Naples,  where,  a  few  days  before,  Persano 
had  arrived  with  a  warship.  The  Minister  hoped  that, 
after  Garibaldi's  success  in  Sicily,  Naples  would  rise,  or, 
at  least,  that  the  Neapolitan  army  would  rebel  and  make 
a  pronunciamento.  Thus  the  political  effect  of  the  cap- 
ture of.  the  city  would  be  greater,  and  the  army  would 
remain  intact,  and  could  be  added  to  the  Italian  forces 
and  used  with  them  against  the  Austrians  who  were  still 
encamped  upon  our  frontier. 

f,  This  attempt  of  Cavour  failed,  though  it  was  aided  by 
some  illustrious  Neapolitans  and  many  of  his  friends. 
The  kingdom  fell  apart;  and  Garibaldi  entered  Naples, 

413 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


almost  alone,  on  the  nth  of  September,  in  the  midst  of 
an  enthusiastic  people  who  proclaimed  him  the  Liber- 
ator. 

After  the  entrance  of  Garibaldi  into  Naples,  Cavour 
courageously  forsook  diplomatic  tergiversations,  and  de- 
termined to  take  the  initiative,  and  send  the  royal  troops 
into  the  Marches  and  Umbria.  This  plan  was  conceived 
toward  the  end  of  August;  but  the  Minister,  taking  into 
consideration  the  difficulties  he  would  have  to  encounter 
in  the  cabinets  of  Europe,  thought  it  best  to  warn  his 
secret  friend,  Napoleon.  Profiting  by  a  visit  to  Savoy 
the  Emperor  was  making,  he  sent  Farini  and  Cialdini, 
with  the  mission  of  communicating  the  resolution  he  had 
formed.  Napoleon  showed  them  his  diplomatic  engage- 
ments, and  spoke  of  the  indignation  such  a  course  would 
provoke.  But  as  the  envoys  persisted,  he  replied  at  the 
end,  with  the  celebrated  words,  "Faites  vite."  The 
troops,  as  is  known,  led  by  Fanti  entered  Perugia ;  Cial- 
dini beat  Lamoriciere  at  Castelfidardo,  and  Ancona  was 
captured. 

In  October  a  new  governor  was  sent  to  Milan  to  re- 
place d'  Azeglio,  who  had  resigned  because  of  a  differ- 
ence with  Cavour.  He  was  Conte  Giuseppe  Pasolini,  of 
Ravenna,  a  cultured  and  liberal  patriot,  and  an  import- 
ant personage  in  the  Romagna.  He  had  taken  part,  in 
1848,  in  the  first  Liberal  Ministry  of  Pius  IX,  with  Min- 
ghetti  and  Mamiani.  Pasolini  and  Beretta  governed 
Milan,  in  the  troublesome  days,  with  sure  and  firm 
hands.  The  old  directing  class  needed  to  be  guided, 
and  the  public,  with  its  new  experience  of  liberty,  needed 
to  be  tamed.  The  marvelous  success  of  Garibaldi  (due, 

414 


Conte  Pasolini  Governor  of  Milan 

in  part,  to  the  exceptional  nature  of  the  man,  and  in 
part  to  a  most  extraordinary  concatenation  of  circum- 
stances) had  obscured  in  many  the  idea  of  impossibility, 
and  had  lifted  restraint  from  fancy.  And  the  Austrians 
were  still  encamped  upon  the  bank  of  the  Mincio!  To 
interpret  the  thought  of  Cavour,  and  to  be  both  auda- 
cious and  prudent,  was  not  an  easy  task. 

General  La  Marmora,  who  was  in  command  of  an  army 
corps,  was  strengthened  by  his  old  prestige  and  popular- 
ity. Pasolini  often  said  that  "his  very  face,  upon  which 
all  could  read  courage,  firmness,  and  loyalty,  inspired  a 
sense  of  security,  as  if  he  had  an  army  behind  him." 
Moreover,  both  the  Governor  and  the  Mayor  lived  the 
life  of  the  country,  and  gathered  about  them,  with  gen- 
erous hospitality,  all  the  best  of  its  citizens. 

Conte  Pasolini  was  not  only  a  statesman  and  an  able 
administrator,  but  he  was  cordial  and  tactful,  and  made 
his  receptions  very  attractive.  He  had  the  good  fortune, 
too,  to  be  aided  by  his  wife,  the  Contessa  Antonietta 
Bassi  (a  Milanese),  who  was  universally  beloved  for  her 
goodness  and  exquisite  manners ;  so  much  so  that,  when 
Ricasoli,  in  1862,  changed  the  Governors  into  Prefetti, 
the  Contessa  was  called  the  Prefetta. 

As  a  city  alderman,  I  had  frequent  occasion  to  be  asso- 
ciated with  Pasolini,  and  I  could  appreciate  his  excellent 
qualities.  I  had,  by  desire  of  the  Mayor,  assumed  a  dis- 
agreeable duty.  The  old  Austrian  police  had  disappeared 
with  the  entry  of  the  allied  armies.  There  remained 
only  some  secondary  employees,  and  there  were  the  cara- 
binieri,  who  had  just  come.  So,  in  some  of  the  principal 
communities,  the  Government  had  given  power  to  the 

415 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


municipal  officers  to  exercise  the  police  power  provision- 
ally. 

Cavour,  with  his  large  and  liberal  ideas,  had  little 
faith  in  the  efficacy  of  the  police.  Like  all  the  Liberals  of 
his  day,  he  remembered  their  abuse  of  power,  and  was 
suspicious  of  them.  He  once  said  to  a  governor  who 
asked  him  for  a  larger  force:  "Do  you  believe  in  the  po- 
lice? Remember  that,  when  order  is  disturbed,  there  are 
good  soldiers  in  your  barracks!" 

The  Mayor,  in  agreement  with  the  Governor,  in  order 
to  cut  loose  from  the  formal  ways  of  the  past,  had  ap- 
pointed, as  head  of  the  municipal  force,  a  certain  Fran- 
cesco Crippa,  who  had  been  superintendent  of  public 
security.  Crippa  was  an  old  bureaucrat,  of  great  astute- 
ness, who  had  an  exact  knowledge  of  the  various  classes 
in  the  city.  The  Mayor  made  him  dependent  upon  an 
alderman,  and  delegated  me  for  the  duty.  This  service  is 
generally  repellent  and  thankless;  but,  I  confess,  I  found 
it,  at  times,  rather  diverting.  Some  of  the  reports  that 
I  read  were  very  comical;  but  there  were  also  mysteri- 
ous and  terrifying  reports,  which  sent  me  to  the  Gover- 
nor or  to  the  colonel  of  the  carabinieri.  Matters  of  a 
purely  political  character  were  forwarded  directly  to  the 
Governor,  who  transmitted  them  to  the  Ministry  of  the 
Interior. 

The  most  disgusting  business  was  the  spying  and  the 
importunity  of  the  informers.  It  required  much  astute- 
ness upon  the  part  of  Crippa  to  distinguish  the  true 
from  the  false  spies ;  for  in  every  complot,  whether  of  the 
many  or  the  few,  there  arise  ever  true  or  false  in- 
formers. 

416 


Cavalier e  Setti 


The  municipalities  were  soon  relieved  of  this  onerous 
service  when  the  new  commissioners  of  police  were  ap- 
pointed and  entered  upon  their  offices.  The  first  com- 
missioner sent  us  was  the  Cavaliere  Setti,  an  old  repub- 
lican and  an  able  functionary.  In  taking  charge  of  his 
office,  he  said  something  that  was  evidently  his  maxim : 
"The  police  must  have  money;  much  money  a  good 
police;  little  money  a  poor  one." 

Before  Setti's  arrival  a  sad  sort  of  personage  came  to 
me  with  a  letter  of  recommendation  from  a  deputy  of  a 
subalpine  district.  This  letter  exhorted  me  to  confide  in 
this  person,  as  he  was  known  by  many  patriots  to  have 
rendered  our  cause  important  services  in  the  past.  I  re- 
ceived the  man  cordially,  and,  after  several  visits,  he 
became  confidential  and  let  me  see  some  letters  he  had 
from  the  old  Committee  of  London,  —  from  Mazzini, 
Kossuth,  and  Ledru-Rollin.  He  told  me,  too,  of  his 
journeys,  to  Italy,  Hungary,  and  France,  to  carry  the 
instructions  of  the  committee;  and  concluded  that,  for 
some  time  past,  he  had  renounced  his  wandering  life,  and 
was  joyful  that  Italy  offered  him  a  safe  harbor  of  retreat. 

The  safe  harbor  was  an  office  of  some  kind  in  Milan; 
but  it  was  not  forthcoming  at  the  moment,  so  I  told  him 
to  wait.  One  day,  in  passing  in  review  various  em- 
ployments, I  spoke  of  the  police,  and  said  the  Govern- 
ment intended  to  reorganize  it.  I  thought  he  would  sniff 
at  the  idea;  but  to  my  great  surprise  he  said,  after  some 
hesitation,  that  he  had  had  experience  in  police  matters. 
Then,  little  by  little,  he  confided  to  me  that  he  had  been 
in  the  pay  of  the  Prefect  of  Police  of  Paris,  as  one  of  his 
secret  agents. 

417 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


Poor  Committee  of  London !  The  proof  that  was  given 
me  was  too  convincing  to  be  ignored.  To  how  many  un- 
fortunate episodes  did  my  thoughts  not  turn !  I  told  the 
man  that  the  municipality  had  nothing  to  do  with 
the  police  reorganization,  and  that  he  should  apply  to 
the  Governor.  Later  on  I  learned  that  he  had  gone  to 
Naples. 

How  many  were  flocking  to  Naples,  to  seek  their  for- 
tunes and  to  increase  the  disorder  which  distracted  the 
Lieutenant !  Farini,  who  had  been  appointed  to  the  office, 
had  invited  my  brother  Emilio  to  join  him.  His  lieuten- 
ancy did  not  last  long,  for,  in  the  ardor  of  his  labors,  his 
mind  became  impaired,  and  the  long  paralysis  began 
which  killed  him. 

The  sequence  of  events  which  occurred  in  Naples, 
at  the  end  of  1860,  was  the  subject-matter  of  all  our 
thoughts  and  conversations.  The  entry  of  the  royal  army 
into  the  southern  provinces,  the  possible  friction  with 
the  Garibaldians,  the  question  of  the  plebiscite,  the  strug- 
gle of  the  parties,  the  clash  between  Garibaldi  and  Ca- 
vour,  the  siege  of  Gaeta,  and  the  diplomatic  complica- 
tions that  arose,  excited,  depressed,  and  exalted  us  by 
turns.  Behind  the  great  questions  there  arose  a  multi- 
tude of  little  ones  which  vexed  all  that  part  of  the  public 
which  sees  little  evils  by  preference  and  allows  itself  to 
be  blinded  by  the  dust  of  the  storm. 

One  evening,  in  the  house  of  Alessandro  Manzoni,  we 
were  talking  of  the  little  things  that  the  many  journal- 
ists and  politicians  were  discussing.  Inoperative  laws, 
badly  drawn  regulations,  and  bureaucratic  red-tape  cer- 
tainly abounded.  As  we  passed  in  review  some  of  the 

418 


Proclamation  of  the  Kingdom 

evils  of  the  day,  Manzoni  listened ;  then,  finally,  he  said : 
"Within  a  few  years,  and  perhaps  within  a  few  months, 
who  will  remember  all  these  little  woes  which  now  oc- 
cupy us  so  much  ?  Only  one  thing  will  always  be  remem- 
bered ;  it  will  always  be  remembered  that  within  these 
two  years  Italy  was  made!" 

A  few  months  after  the  surrender  of  Gaeta  and  the  de- 
parture of  the  former  King  of  Naples,  Parliament  pro- 
claimed the  Kingdom  of  Italy  with  its  capital  at  Rome. 
Although  the  Venetian  provinces  were  not  yet  united  to 
the  kingdom,  thenceforth,  in  the  knowledge  of  the  world, 
Italy  was  made.  The  Powers  which,  for  centuries,  had 
rejected  it,  were  now  about  to  receive  it  into  the  pale; 
and,  by  a  mysterious  fate,  the  death  of  Cavour,  who 
had  been  its  great  artificer,  was  to  lead  the  way  to  this 
consummation. 

The  first  recognition  the  new  kingdom  received  was 
from  our  old  friend  of  Magenta,  Napoleon,  who,  on  the 
day  when  the  country  wept  for  the  misfortune  of  the 
nation,  with  delicacy  of  thought  remembered  us  and 
recognized  the  kingdom. 

And  now  that  I  have  come  to  the  proclamation  of  the 
Kingdom  of  Italy,  to  the  great  goal  of  the  passionate 
faith  and  devotion  of  a  generation,  I  will  end  these  me- 
moirs. I  have  desired  to  hear,  and  I  have  heard,  again 
in  my  soul  the  echo  of  the  days  when  hopes  were  high 
and  arms  were  strong.  These  pages  are  for  you,  my 
nephews.  In  the  papers  of  your  father  you  will  find  doc- 
uments of  greater  value;  but  you  will  not,  perhaps,  dis- 
dain the  more  modest  writings  of  your  uncle.  This  is  not, 
I  repeat,  a  history;  it  is  a  chronicle  of  the  things  I  have 

419 


Memoirs  of  Youth 


seen  and  known;  it  is  besides  a  relation  of  the  opinions 
and  impressions  which  were  prevalent  in  the  days  com- 
prised in  my  chronicle,  touching  the  acts  which  then 
took  place;  and  it  is  also  a  document  which  history,  one 
day,  will  have  to  take  into  account. 

Preserve  the  sentiments,  and  understand  the  faith, 
that  animated  the  young  men  of  the  days  that  have 
gone;  and  if  some,  in  the  present,  seem  to  be  forgetful  of 
the  past,  keep  close  to  your  own  souls  the  old  device: 
"All  for  the  country,  and  the  country  beyond  and  above 
all." 


THE    END 


NOTES 


NOTES 

1.  BEFORE  the  tempestuous  times  of  the  French  Revolution 
had  begun,  my  grandfather,  in  union  with  the  most  conspicuous 
persons  of  the  valley,  had  taken  part  in  a  legal  agitation  against 
the  mal-administration  of  the  Canton  of  the  Grisons.  They  ad- 
dressed themselves  to  the  Government  of  the  Duchy  of  Milan, 
or  rather  to  Austria,  as  the  guarantor  of  the  treaties  which  existed 
between  the  Valtellina  and  the  Grisons;  treaties  which  the  ruling 
Government  had  continually  violated. 

The  Government  of  the  Grisons,  which  began  in  Valtellina 
after  the  fall  of  the  Duchy  of  Milan,  in  1512,  was  interrupted 
during  the  Thirty  Years'  War  by  the  revolution  of  1620,  known 
by  the  name  of  the  "  Sacro  Macello,"  which  was  followed  by  a 
long  war.  It  was  reestablished,  afterwards,  by  the  Powers  in  1639. 
The  Government  of  the  Grisons,  called  of  the  Three  Leagues, 
was  fixed  at  Coire,  and  was  an  oligarchy,  which  farmed  out  the 
public  offices,  especially  in  Valtellina,  to  the  highest  bidders. 
These  in  turn  compensated  themselves  by  making  a  traffic  of  jus- 
tice and  of  administrative  measures  in  the  subject  countries.  One 
can  understand  how  much  this  Government  was  abhorred,  and 
what  odious  memories  it  left  in  the  Valtellina. 

2.  The  invasion  of  Lombardy  by  the  French  came  in  1796. 
The  Valtellina,  a  little  after,  arose  against  its  Grisons  masters, 
and  obtained  from  General  Bonaparte  a  decree  that  it  should  be 
joined  to  the  Lombard  province.  This  decree  was  dated  the  7th 
Brumaire  in  the  year  VI  (28th  October,  1797).   The  Valtellina 
passed  through  very  sorrowful  years  during  the  Jacobin  Govern- 
ment and  the  subsequent  Austro-Russian  invasion.  At  this  time 
a  certain  Simeone  Paravicini  became  the  head  of  the  reaction 
and  of  the  civil  war  party.  TheAustrians  entered  into  the  valley, 
arresting  and  sending  to  Innsbruck  as  hostages,  several  of  the 
most  noted  heads  of  the  Liberal  movement.    My  grandfather, 
who  was  especially  sought  for,  succeeded  in  escaping  through 
many  dangers.  The  region  of  High  Valtellina  was  then  invaded 
by  bands  of  deserters  and  of  fugitives  from  the  adjacent  coun- 
tries, who  inaugurated  a  period  of  assassination  and  of  robberies 

423 


Notes 

that  was  called  afterwards  the  times  of  "the  brigands."  My 
grandfather,  who  had  come  back  to  the  country  after  the  battle 
of  Marengo  and  the  return  of  the  French,  was  called  to  different 
public  duties.  He  was  many  times  shot  at  by  the  brigands.  In 
the  exercise  of  his  offices,  he  went  about  always  accompanied  by 
armed  servants.  Acts  of  brigandage  were  repeated  in  the  Val- 
tellina  in  1809,  following  the  insurrection  that  had  arisen  at  the 
renewing  of  the  war  between  France  and  Austria.  The  acts  of  the 
brigands  formed  later  a  legend  that  I  have  heard  related  by  the 
old  people  when  I  was  a  boy.  In  this  legend  the  names  of  my 
grandfather  and  of  his  family  were  frequently  mentioned. 

3.  Imagine  with  what  terror  the  Valtellina  feared  the  possibil- 
ity of  a  restoration  of  the  Government  of  the  Grisons  after  1815, 
and  the  fall  of  the  Napoleonic  regime.  Therefore  the  Depart- 
mental Council,  in  the  name  of  all  the  Communal  Representa- 
tives, determined  to  send  a  mission  to  Vienna  to  ward  off  the 
danger,  and  to  defend,  at  the  Congress,  the  status  quo,  that  is, 
the  union  of  Valtellina  with  Lombardy.  Two  delegates,  Conte 
Diego  Guicciardi,  formerly  Minister  and  President  of  the  Senate 
of  the  Italian  Kingdom,  and  Gerolamo  Stampa,  of  Chiavenna, 
were  sent. 

They  remained  at  Vienna  several  months,  informing  the  Coun- 
cil and  their  friends  (among  whom  was  my  grandfather)  of  what 
was  happening.  They  sent  my  grandfather  reports  of  their 
mission,  in  which  they  noted  daily  the  negotiations  and  the 
conversations  that  they  had  had  with  different  representatives 
of  the  Powers.  From  these  reports  (which  have  been  preserved 
in  our  house)  can  be  seen  the  intrigues  of  the  Grisons  to  recover 
the  Valtellina  and  the  movements  of  the  delegates  to  circum- 
vent them,  as  well  as  the  various  projects  of  the  Powers.  Austria 
naturally  welcomed  the  desire  of  the  Valtellina  to  remain  a  part 
of  the  province  of  Lombardy,  and  had  already  occupied  Chia- 
venna. Only  the  Ambassador  of  Sardinia,  San  Marzano,  sup- 
ported this  proposition,  saying  that  no  new  doors  for  foreigners, 
across  the  Alps,  should  be  opened.  France  and  England  inclined 
to  making  the  Valtellina  an  autonomous  Swiss  Canton.  Other 
Powers,  and  a  part  of  the  Swiss  Cantons  themselves,  at  first 
opposed  this  solution,  in  order  not  to  enlarge  the  Confederation 
with  a  Catholic  Canton.  In  the  mean  time  an  intermediate 

424 


Notes 

solution,  that  of  uniting  the  Valtellina  to  the  Grisons,  but  as 
constituting  a  fourth  league,  acquired  favor,  and  was  about  to 
triumph,  when,  unforeseenedly,  the  news  that  Napoleon  had 
escaped  from  Elba  and  had  landed  at  Cannes  fell  like  a  bomb 
into  the  Congress.  Then,  in  hurry  and  fury,  pending  questions 
were  variously  decided.  The  Alpine  border  of  the  Lombard 
country  was  suddenly  conceded  to  Austria,  because  the  Powers 
desired  to  gain  her  good  will  and  were  anxious  to  push  her  against 
Napoleon.  The  people  of  Valtellina  were  joyful  to  have  shaken 
off  the  hated  lordship  of  the  Grisons.  They  had  not  regained 
their  independence,  but  they  had  become  again  Lombards  and 
Italians,  obtaining  finally  and  forever  a  civil  and  regular  govern- 
ment. The  Valtellina  was  officially  called  the  Province  of  Son- 
drio. 

4.  At  the  Scala  the  opera  was  interrupted  in  the  middle  by  a 
ballet  called  "grand."  When  the  opera  was  finished,  there  was  a 
little  ballet,  or  balletto  comico.    One  of  these  little  ballets  was 
quite  celebrated;  it  represented  in  caricature  all  the  young  ele- 
gant Milanese  that  were  most  noted  at  the  time. 

5.  In  the  Cronistoria  of  Alessandro  Gianetti,  published  by  L.  F. 
Cogliati,  we  read:  "The  Director  of  the  Boselli  Institute,  in  obe- 
dience to  an  injunction  he  had  received,  made  arrangements  to 
teach  his  pupils  the  singing  of  the  Austrian  Hymn.    But  not  a 
few  of  his  pupils  refused,  and  would  not  sing  it.    Such  was  the 
sentiment  of  Italianism  that  these  little  pupils  had  absorbed  in 
the  environment  of  their  respective  families.   These  youths  were 
the  brothers  Mancini,  the  brothers  Guy,  the  brothers  De  Cristo- 
foris,  the  brothers  Visconti-Venosta,  Carissimi,  Emilio  Bignami- 
Sormani,  and  others." 

6.  Cattaneo  describes  the  visit  he  received  from  some  young 
men,  on  the  morning  of  the  i8th  of  March,  as  follows:  — 

"The  evening  of  the  iyth  of  March  one  of  my  friends,  who  had 
just  come  from  the  house  of  Conte  O'Donnel,  the  Viceroy,  hav- 
ing told  me  that  a  sedition  in  Vienna  had  brought  about  the 
abolition  of  the  censorship,  I  determined  to  begin  next  day  the 
publication  of  a  journal.  The  moment  seemed  to  me  to  be  pro- 
pitious for  forcing  the  Government  to  give  us  arms  and  some 
liberty  of  action,  above  all  to  put  our  soldiers  under  our  own  con- 
trol. It  seemed  wise  to  make  a  beginning  of  an  Italian  league 

425 


Notes 

with  our  hands  equipped,  since  the  neighboring  ruler,  who  had 
just  become  constitutional  (and  only  for  love  of  us),  would 
then  be  our  ally  and  not  our  master.  I  recall  to  mind  that  the 
enterprise  of  the  citizens  comprehended  the  conquest  of  liberty 
and  of  independence  at  the  same  time.  A  slavish  independence, 
that  is,  in  the  Austrian  or  Russian  manner,  did  not  seem  to  me 
to  be  worth  having.  For  a  partial  undertaking  I  did  not  think 
it  right  to  drench  the  country  with  blood. 

"  I  had  scarcely  finished  writing  the  first  sheet,  a  little  after 
sunrise,  when  two  friends  came  in  and  told  me  that  the  Podesta 
Casati  intended  to  go  at  midday  from  the  Municipio  to  the  Pal- 
ace to  demand,  in  the  name  of  the  people,  certain  reforms.  They 
asked  me  what  they  should  do  in  case  of  a  conflict.  The  mania 
of  resorting  to  force,  when  nothing  had  been  done  to  organize  it, 
seemed  to  me  to  be  favorable  to  the  enemy,  who,  we  knew,  was 
ready  and  eager  to  use  it.  'The  Podesta  will  lead  the  people  to 
slaughter,'  I  said.  'He  goes  as  a  blind  man  whither  he  is  led. 
With  what  forces  can  you  assault  twenty  thousand  men  who  are 
prepared  for  a  butchery,  and  who  wish  to  make  one?  How  many 
combatants  have  you  ? '  These  young  men  were  able  to  lay  hands 
only  upon  a  dozen  or  two  cacciatori.  *  Do  you  not  see  that  sev- 
eral thousand  well-armed  and  disciplined  men  are  needed : '  They 
told  me  that  the  whole  city  would  rise,  and  that  there  were 
forty  thousand  guns  on  hand.  'These  forty  thousand  guns, 
have  you  seen  them?'  No,  they  had  not  seen  them,  but  they 
knew  that  the  directing  committee  had  imported  them  from 
Piedmont.  'Go  and  see  first  whether  they  have  arrived.  Go  to 
the  directing  committee;  but  learn  first  whether  such  a  commit- 
tee exists.'  'There  is  one  without  doubt,  as  every  one  speaks  of 
it.'  'Very  well;  but  you  will  see  in  the  end  that  there  are  neither 
guns  nor  committee.  I  have  known  these  courtiers  for  some  time; 
they  have  a  blind  faith  in  Carlo  Alberto,  but  they  will  be  re- 
warded as  usual.  The  King  does  not  love  liberty,  and  cannot 
love  it.  We  must  take  time  to  arm  ourselves,  so  that  all  Italy 
can  help  us,  for  all  of  Italy  will  be  needed.  Do  not  let  us  drive 
an  unarmed  people  to  the  cannon's  mouth;  at  least,  not  until 
there  is  an  absolute  need  of  defense.'  My  friends  went  away  little 
contented  with  me.  Then  came  some  others,  and  I  made  them 
the  same  sort  of  reply.  Some  invited  me  to  a  kind  of  a  meeting 

426 


Notes 

in  the  Galleria  at  two  o'clock.    In  the  mean  time  I  carried  my 
manuscript  to  a  printer." 

"C.  CATTANEO." 

(DeW  Insurrezione  di  Milano  nel  1848,  e  delta  successiva 
gufrra,  Memorie  di  C.  Cattaneo.  Bruxelles,  Societa  Tipografica, 
1849,  pages  29-31). 

7.  The  evening  of  the  I7th  of  March,  Cesare  Correnti  re- 
quested his  friends  to  go  the  following  morning  to  the  house  of 
Dr.  Attilio  De  Luigi,  in  Via  Disciplini.    There  went,  therefore, 
Achille  Maiocchi,  Daverio  Perroni,  Guido  Borromeo,  Giovanni 
Pezzotti,  Anselmo  Guerrieri  Gonzaga,  Pietro  Bonetti,  Achille 
Griffini,  Alberico  Gerli,  Giovanni  and  Gaetano  Cantoni,  Giu- 
seppe Finzi,  the  brothers  Lazzati,  and  others.    When  Correnti 
had  gathered  his  friends  around  him,  he  said,  "  It  is  no  longer 
possible  to  defer  the  revolution;  rather  is  it  necessary  to  promote 
it.    Therefore  it  is  proposed  to  make  an  armed  demonstration 
to-morrow,  and,  if  the  Austrians  assault  the  citizens,  to  with- 
stand them."   "At  the  words  of  Correnti  we  smothered  a  cry  of 
joy,"  said  Gerli,  "and,  after  having  pressed  one  another's  hands, 
separated.    The  next  morning  we  were  all  at  the  house  of  De 
Luigi  at  the  hour  appointed.    After  a  short  discussion,  it  was 
agreed  to  entrust  the  Provisional  Government  to  the  Munici- 
pality with  power  to  add  whomsoever  it  might  desire.    In  the 
mean  time  the  Podesta  was  to  ask  O'Donnel,  in  the  absence  of 
Spaur,  to  entrust  the  administration  of  the  police  to  the  Muni- 
cipality.   It  was  agreed,  also,  to  accompany  the  Podesta  to  the 
palace  of  the  Government,  to  demand  the  performance  of  this 
request."    (Vittore  Ottolini,  Rivoluzione  Lombarda  del  184.8-59, 
page  60.)  ^ 

8.  "United  in  little  groups,"  wrote  Emilio  Dandolo,  in  his 
book  on  the  Volontari  Lombardi,  "  we  passed  hours  in  learning  the 
manual  of  arms.    Our  nights  were  spent  in  some  little  hidden 
room,  casting  balls  and  preparing  cartridges.  In  every  one  of  our 
gardens  and  courtyards  ammunition  was  secreted,  which  had 
been  obtained  by  our  savings  at  an  age  when  saving  is  painful." 

Among  these  young  men  I  recall  the  brothers  Croff,  the  bro- 
thers Broggi,  Girolamo  and  Alessandro  Borgazzi,  Manara,  the 
brothers  Dandolo,  Fioretti,  Testa,  the  brothers  Mancini,  Lodo- 
vico  Trotti,  Saule  Mantegazza,  Carlo  De  Cristoforis,  and  Bussi. 

427 


Notes 

There  were  others  whose  names  I  cannot  remember.  All  were  at 
the  barricades,  and  Angelo  Fava  was  always  with  them.  In  Via 
Rugabella,  in  the  garden  of  Casa  Valeric,  the  brothers  Lazzati 
had  hidden  some  ammunition.  Carlo  Alberto  sent  a  load  of 
powder  during  the  Five  Days,  but  it  was  impossible  to  bring  it 
into  the  city. 

9.  The  Committee  of  Defense  transformed  itself  into  a  Com- 
mittee of  War,  of  which  Conte  Pompeo  Litta  (formerly  captain 
of  artillery  in  the  suite  of  Napoleon  I)  was  the  President,  and  of 
which  Cattaneo,  Cernuschi,  Clerici,  Terzaghi,  Carnevali,  Lis- 
soni,  Cerani,  and  Torelli  were  members. 

10.  The  construction  of  the  barricade  and  balloons  was  di- 
rected by  one  of  the  older  clerical  students,  Antonio  Stoppani, 
who  was  then  twenty-three  years  of  age.    He  later  became  a 
priest,  and  was  celebrated  as  a  geologist  and  author. 

11.  Later  on,  when  legend  began  to  take  the  place  of  truth, 
many  desired  to  have  attributed  to  themselves  the  merit  of  hav- 
ing rejected  the  armistice.   It  was  said,  among  other  things,  that 
the  Provisional  Government  accepted  it,  and  that   Cattaneo 
alone  opposed  it.   The  truth  is  simple.   Luigi  Torelli,  who  was 
present  at  the  meeting  of  the  Council,  wrote  in  his  Ricordi  delle 
Cinque  Giornate  (an  exact  narrative  of  the  revolution) :  — 

"Being  present  at  the  Council,  I  can  give  an  account  of  it.  We 
were  fourteen  or  fifteen  in  number;  since,  besides  the  members  of 
the  Government,  there  were  those  of  the  Committees  of  Defense 
and  of  War.  The  President,  Casati,  placed  before  us  the  request 
of  Marshal  Radetzky  for  a  suspension  of  arms.  Who  first  began 
to  speak  I  do  not  know.  Signore  Cattaneo  was  certainly  one  of 
those  who  spoke  against  the  proposal;  but  only  three  of  those 
present  favored  its  acceptance;  the  others,  without  the  need  of 
the  rhetoric  of  anybody,  resolutely  opposed  it  as  being  more 
useful  for  Radetzky  than  for  us. 

"When  my  turn  came  to  speak,  I  added  that,  in  my  quality  of 
chief  of  the  patrols,  I  could  say  they  would  be  much  deceived  if 
they  believed  that,  in  accepting  an  armistice,  our  combatants 
would  observe  it,  for  of  discipline  there  was  not  a  shadow.  Be- 
sides, I  can  appeal  to  many,  who,  I  hope,  are  still  living,  that 
they  will  recollect,  that  during  the  crossing  from  the  Casa  Vidi- 
serti  to  Casa  Taverna,  the  cry  was  raised,  'No,  no;  do  not  let  us 

428 


Notes 

accept  a  suspension,'  and  this  was  repeated  in  the  great  hall  of  the 
Casa  Taverna,  where  the  Council  was  then  held.  You  can  see, 
therefore,  that,  without  detracting  from  the  merits  of  Signore 
Cattaneo,  no  circumstance  can  be  brought  forward  to  prove  that 
he  rendered  a  signal  service  to  his  country." 

12.  At  the  beginning  it  was  decided  to  attempt  the  attack  of 
the  city  by  way  of  the  bastion  of  the  Porta  Comasina,  now  Porta 
Garibaldi.   Gerolamo  Borgazzi,  at  the  head  of  some  hundreds  of 
men  whom  he  had  brought  from  the  country,  was  entrusted  with 
this  command;  but,  during  the  attack,  he  was  killed.    He  was  a 
brother  of  Alessandro  Borgazzi,  who,  when  insulted  during  a 
demonstration  by  an  officer,  the  nephew  of  Conte  di  Ficquel- 
mont,  caned  him.  The  Gazzetta  (T Augusta  published  a  notice  that 
a  noble  Milanese  had  assaulted  a  Thurn,  and  that  he  had  been 
arrested.   These  Borgazzi  were  cousins  of  my  mother. 

13.  During  the  first  days  of  the  revolution  the  highest  part  of 
the  roof  of  the  cathedral  was  occupied  by  the  Tyrolese,  who,  with 
their  carbines,  kept  the  piazza  and  the  neighboring  streets  clear. 
The  firing  of  the  third  day  had  scarcely  finished  when  Luigi 
Torelli,  who  afterwards  became  a  senator  and  a  minister  of  the 
kingdom,  and  another  citizen  had  the  happy  idea  of  going  to 
see  whether  the  cacciatori  had  retired.    They  found  that  they 
had  gone;  so  they  unfurled  a  tricolored  flag  to  let  the  citizens 
know  that  they  were  masters  of  the  city.   This  act  lifted  up  the 
souls  of  all  the  people  and  likewise  of  many  in  the  surrounding 
country. 

14.  An  order  to  take  the  Palazzo  del  Broletto  at  any  cost  was 
given  to  Colonel  Perrin,  who  commanded  a  Bohemian  regiment. 
Schonhals,  however,  in  his  history  of  the  Campaigns  of  Italy, 
attributes  its  capture  to  Colonel  Doll,  who  commanded  the 
Paumgater  Regiment. 

15.  The  hostages  were  Antonio  Bellati,  Prefect  of  Milan; 
Conte  Giuseppe  Belgiojoso,  Alderman;  Conte  Ercole  Durini, 
Nobile  Pietro  Bellotti,  Alderman;  MarcheseGibertoPorro,  Conte 
Giulio  Porro,  Nobile  Filippo  Manzoni,  Nobile  Carlo  De  Capitani, 
Nobile  Francesco  Giani,  Enrico  Mascazzini,  Nobile  Alberto  De 
Herra,  Dr.  Antonio  Peluso,  Enrico  Obicini,  Mascheroni,  Citterio, 
Engineer  A.  Brambilla,  Carlo  Crespi,  Carlo  Pozzi,  Guglielmo 
Fortis,  and  Nobile  Carlo  Porro.    Sixteen  others  were  added  on 

429 


Notes 

the  way.  These  had  been  arrested,  and  were  chosen  from  among 
the  notables  of  the  districts  through  which  the  troops  passed  on 
their  retreat.  Carlo  Porro  was  a  brother  of  Conte  Alessandro 
Porro,  who  afterwards  became  a  senator,  and  was  the  president 
of  the  Savings  Bank  of  Milan. 

1 6.  Shortly  after  the  revolution  a  subscription  was  opened  for 
offerings  for  the  national  cause,  or  rather  for  the  expenses  of 
the  war.    It  was  enthusiastically  received,  and  attained  in  four 
months  to  nearly  three  million  lire.   The  names  of  the  principal 
givers  were:  Duca  Antonio  Litta,  Conte  Giulio,  and  the  Du- 
chessa  Madre,  154,000  lire  and  a  battery;  Duca  Tommaso  Scotti, 
100,000  lire;  Conte  Giuseppe  Archinto,  100,000  lire;  Marchese 
Arconati,  100,000  lire;  Conte  Castelbarco,  50,000  lire;  Conte 
Taverna,  60,000  lire;  Duca  Melzi,  70,000  lire;  Arnaboldi,  50,000 
lire.    From  10,000  to  20,000  lire:  D'Adda,  Arese,  Soncino,  Cri- 
velli,  Dal  Verme,  Greppi,  Prinetti,  Annoni,  Ponzone,  Bolognini, 
Besana,  and  others.  Cattaneo  speaks  of  the  avarice  of  the  Milan- 
ese patricians.    (Cattaneo,  Archivio  Triennale.) 

In  the  mean  time  a  forced  loan  of  five  millions,  increased  after- 
wards to  fourteen,  was  decreed  by  the  Provisional  Government, 
and  a  voluntary  loan  was  also  asked  for.  Then  an  offering  of 
horses,  of  silverware,  and  of  other  valuables  was  opened.  To  this 
the  patrician  families  contributed  most  generously.  They  robbed 
themselves  of  artistic  and  antique  silver  to  send  to  the  mint  with 
an  elan  that  was  much  more  generous  than  sensible.  To  the  of- 
fering of  precious  objects  all  classes  contributed.  No  one  can 
read  of  the  sacrifices  that  were  made  without  emotion.  Regular 
financial  methods  would  have  provided  far  better  for  the  needs  of 
the  Government,  but  sentimental  ways  were  preferred.  A  few 
months  later  the  Austrians  instituted  severe  and  energetic  finan- 
cial measures  for  their  own  account. 

17.  Conte  Bethlen  had  an  only  daughter,  who  married,  first, 
Principe  Fabio  Gonzaga,  and  afterwards,  when  a  widow,  Nobile 
Giovanni  Frigerio. 

1 8.  The  Proclamation  of  London  was  in  the  name  of  sixty 
representatives  of  the  Roman  Constituent  Assembly;  but  it 
seems  that  these  representatives  of  a  disbanded  assembly  had 
not  held  any  meeting,  and  that  they  had  not  given  this  mandate 
to  Mazzini.   It  was  an  expedient  resorted  to  by  him  in  order  to 

430 


'  Notes 

justify  the  dictatorship  that  he  assumed  in  these  days.  This  is  the 
proclamation:  — 

NATIONAL  ITALIAN  LOAN 

1.  The  National  Committee  solicits  a  loan  of  ten  million 
Italian  lire. 

2.  The  loan  is  divided  into  two  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
shares;  fifty  thousand  of  one  hundred  lire  each,  and  two  hundred 
thousand  of  twenty-five  lire  each.  The  bonds  will  be  distributed 
in  series,  and  each  one  bears  a  progressive  number. 

3.  The  bonds  will  be  delivered  to  the  purchaser  upon  payment. 
They  are  made  payable  to  bearer,  and  are  transmissible  by  de- 
livery. Possession  will  prove  the  right  to  them  and  to  all  interest 
accrued,  and  to  accrue,  thereon. 

4.  Interest  will  be  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent  per  annum,  from 
the  time  of  delivery  of  the  bonds,  upon  the  sums  named  therein; 
the  time  is  to  be  indicated  by  the  persons  charged  by  the  com- 
mittee to  deliver  them. 

5.  The  employment  of  the  moneys  received  is  to  be  made  by 
the  National  Committee,  according  to  the  terms  of  the  act  of 
July  4,  1849,  exclusively  for  the  purchase  of  materials  of  war  and 
for  the  attainment  of  the  liberty  and  independence  of  Italy.  No 
part  of  the  funds  can  be  used  for  subsidies  of  any  kind. 

6.  The  moneys  raised  will  be  deposited  in  London  with  Martin, 
Stone  and  Martin,  68  Lombard  Street.   In  case  of  need  the  com- 
mittee can  change  the  place  of  deposit. 

7.  A  committee  of  six,  half  Italians  and  half  foreigners,  will 
verify  the  condition  of  the  credits  and  debits  periodically.  The 
examiners  will  not  interfere  with  the  administration  of  the  funds. 

8-9.  [Not  given  in  the  Italian  text.] 

10.  When  a  national  government  shall  have  been  constituted 
in  Italy,  the  National  Committee  will  place  in  its  hands  the 
books,  the  registry  of  bonds,  the  materials  of  war,  and  everything 
concerning  the  loan.  The  examiners  will  make  their  report  at  the 
same  time. 

11.  The  National  Committee  and  the  signers  of  the  act  assume 
the  obligation  to  do  all  that  is  in  their  power  to  induce  the  Na- 
tional Government  to  recognize  the  debt  contracted,  and  to  fix 
as  early  a  date  as  possible  for  paying  off  the  loan  with  interest. 

431 


Notes 

12.  The  National  Committee  promises  absolute  secrecy  re- 
garding the  names  of  the  purchasers,  who  may  wish,  as  long  as 
the  present  state  of  affairs  continues,  to  remain  unknown.  Nev- 
ertheless their  names,  and  the  sums  paid  by  them,  will  be  regis- 
tered because  some  day  they  should  have  a  testimonial  from  their 
fellow-citizens  that  they  had  not  despaired  of  the  salvation  of 
their  country,  and  had  helped  to  hasten  it. 

(From  the  writings,  published  and  unpublished,  of  Giuseppe 
Mazzini.) 
COUPON  OF  THE  LOAN 

God  and  the  People : 
National  Italian  Loan 
Directed  only  to  the  hastening  of 
The  Independence  and  Unity  of  Italy 

10  or  25  Francs. 

Receipt  for  ten  (or  twenty-five)  francs  of  capital,  with  current 
interest  of  half  a  franc  per  month,  to  date  from  this  day. 
For  the  National  Committee: 

Giuseppe  Mazzini 
Aurelio  Saffi.  Mattia  Montecchi. 

19.  In  the  search  that  was  made  of  the  house  of  the  priest 
Griola,  some  manifestoes  were  found.  Pardon  was  offered  him  if 
he  would  denounce  his  associates,  but  the  brave  priest  would 
compromise  no  one.  At  the  place  of  execution,  when  he  was  ex- 
horted to  reveal  their  names,  he  said  to  the  soldiers:  "Do  your 
duty." 

20.  The  words  of  Mazzini  which  express  the  idea  to  which  I 
refer  I  found  in  the  memoirs  of  G.  Piolti  de  Bianchi,  published  by 
Senator  A.  Bargoni  in  the  Rivista  Storica  del  Risorgimento  (1897, 
nos.  7-8.)   The  memoirs  of  Piolti,  in  regard  to  the  6th  of  Febru- 
ary, are  written  with  care  and  precision.    They  should  be  con- 
sulted by  whoever  desires  to  form  a  true  conception  of  the  event. 
I  have  found  in  them  nothing  different  from  what  I  saw  and 
heard,  and,  because  of  this,  I  have  made  use  of  them  to  confirm 
the  exactness  of  my  recollection. 

21.  Castellazzo  was  the  son  of  an  employee  of  the  police. 
Shortly  after  he  came  from  prison  he  was  admitted  to  his  doctor's 
degree,  in  an  extraordinary  examination,  held  by  the  faculty  of 

432 


Notes 

law,  by  an  order  of  the  Lieutenant  of  Lombardy,  dated  July  16, 
1853.  The  memoirs  of  the  times  are  unanimous  in  their  condem- 
nation of  him  for  bargaining  for  impunity  for  himself  in  return 
for  his  revelations  in  regard  to  his  companions.  Tito  Speri  called 
Castellazzo  and  another,  in  one  of  his  letters,  raging  informers. 

Castellazzo  insisted  that  some  other  prisoner  might  have  re- 
vealed the  cipher,  but  it  was  known  only  to  the  President,  Taz- 
zoli  (who  was  hanged),  and  the  Secretary,  who  was  himself. 
And  the  Secretary  was  pardoned,  after  having  sustained  a  con- 
frontation with  several  of  his  fellow-prisoners.  Finzi  and  Laz- 
zati  have  narrated  the  particulars  of  this  episode. 

"I  cannot  turn  my  thoughts  to  him"  (Castellazzo),  wrote 
Signora  Teresa  Valenti,  "without  shaking  with  anger.  With  an 
unimaginable  impudence  he  passed,  debonnaire  and  triumphant, 
through  our  streets  in  company  with  the  man  who  had  conducted 
the  trial."  (Letter  of  Teresa  Valenti  Arrivabene  to  Carlo  Arriva- 
bene  in  London.) 

If  Krauss  had  had  him  whipped  ninety  times,  it  does  not  seem 
possible  that  a  little  while  after  Castellazzo  would  have  been 
promenading  Mantua  with  his  tormentor!  In  the  beginning 
thirty  blows  were  spoken  of,  but  afterwards  they  became  ninety. 
When,  in  1884,  the  matter  was  debated  upon  the  nomination  of 
Castellazzo  as  deputy  for  Grosseto,  Finzi  wrote  a  memoir  of  the 
trial  and  confrontation  for  the  "  Pungolo."  Lazzati  was  asked, 
at  the  same  time,  to  give  an  account  of  the  event,  and  he  gave  it 
before  the  commission  appointed  by  the  Museo  del  Risorgi- 
mento.  He  told,  among  other  things,  that,  when  he  was  brought 
to  the  confrontation,  Castellazzo  looked  at  him  and  said:  "Ah,  ah, 
behold  Signer  Lazzati,  in  the  cap  and  overcoat  he  wore  the  even- 
ing he  came  to  the  meeting  in  the  house  of  Tazzoli."  Lazzati's 
account  was  written  out  and  consigned  to  the  Museo,  and  ex- 
ists in  a  volume  of  the  official  reports  of  the  commission.  At 
the  taking  of  his  testimony  there  were  present  the  President, 
Carlo  d'  Adda,  and  several  other  members  of  the  commission,  of 
which  I  was  one. 

The  illustrious  director  of  the  Mantuan  state  archives,  Ales- 
sandro  Luzio,  eventually  made  inquiries,  by  trusted  persons,  re- 
garding the  circumstances  of  the  trials,  of  the  former  auditor, 
Krauss,  who  was  living  on  a  pension  at  Vienna.  Krauss  said  that 

433 


Notes 

the  cipher  of  Tazzoli  had  been  read  by  the  cryptographic  office 
of  the  Viennese  police  before  the  confessions  of  Castellazzo  had 
been  obtained,  who,  seeing  that  the  cipher  was  known,  resolved 
to  reveal  everything;  that  he  did  reveal  new  circumstances  and 
facts,  which,  up  to  this  time,  were  unknown,  and  that  his  revela- 
tions prolonged  the  trials,  and  were  the  cause  of  several  condem- 
nations to  death.  Castellazzo  was,  perhaps,  persuaded  to  con- 
fess by  his  father,  who  bargained  for  his  impunity  and  an  office. 
Luzio  exposed  these  facts,  which  forever  clear  up  the  Castellazzo 
affair,  in  the  six  popular  conferences  he  gave  in  the  Circolo  Filo- 
logico  at  Milan.  They  will  be  published  shortly  by  Cogliati  in  a 
book  on  the  prosecutions  of  Mantua.  The  conferences  of  Luzio 
were  given  while  the  second  edition  of  my  memoirs  was  being 
printed;  but  I  can  leave  my  narration  intact  for  the  present,  since 
the  revelations  of  Krauss  do  not  contradict  the  testimony  of  my 
friends.  Krauss  also  confirmed  my  statement  that  no  one  was 
whipped  during  the  trials,  as  such  a  measure  was  unnecessary 
because  the  cipher  was  known. 

22.  Salis  left  a  memoir  on  his  trial  which  was  read  by  my  bro- 
ther and  some  other  of  his  friends.  Professor  De  Castro  published 
extracts  therefrom.    He  narrated  that  his  case  was  hurt  by  the 
confession  of  Zanetti;  but  that  Zanetti,  when  called  upon  to  con- 
front him,  refused.   Krauss,  it  seems,  did  not  insist  for  fear  that 
Zanetti  would  retract.    Zanetti,  however,  was  condemned,  but 
to  a  lesser  term  than  Salis. 

23.  The  family  Salis  Sitzer  established  itself  in  the  Valtellina 
during  the  dominion  of  the  Grisons;  but  it  was  allowed  to  remain, 
even  during  the  Thirty  Years'  War,  because  it  was  a  Catholic 
family,  and  followed  the  patriots  of  the  country.  It  was  a  branch 
of  the  family  that  furnished  so  many  officers  to  the  Swiss  corps 
of  the  armies  of  Europe,  especially  of  Austria.  Because  of  its  ser- 
vices the  title  of  Conte  was  given  to  this  branch  by  Leopold  I  of 
Austria.   The  grandfather  of  Conte  Ulisse  Salis  was,  at  the  end 
of  the  last  century,  the  general  in  command  of  the  Swiss  troops 
of  the  King  of  Naples.  In  1 848,  while  the  brothers  Salis  of  Tirano 
fought  in  the  corps  of  the  Italian  volunteers,  three  members  of 
the  family  died,  as  Austrian  officers,  upon  the  Lombard  fields. 
The  branch  of  Tirano  is  now  nearly  extinct,  although  Conte 
Ulisse  had  five  brothers. 

434 


Notes 

24.  [The  translator  has  endeavored  to  render  the  verses  into 
English,  but  has  given  up  the  task  for  reasons  that  are  obvious.] 

25.  To  Conte  Cavour:  — 

TURIN,  i6th  February,  1855. 
Signore  Conte:  — 

I  went  yesterday,  as  you  kindly  suggested,  to  the  Ministry  of 
War  where  I  was  informed  by  Colonel  Petitti  that  I  had  been 
appointed  second  lieutenant  of  the  bersaglieri,  and  accredited  to 
the  staff  of  the  expedition.  I  occupied  myself  immediately  with 
the  preparations  for  my  departure,  which  I  can  accomplish  be- 
fore the  end  of  the  month.  On  the  27th  a  steamer  leaves  Genoa 
in  correspondence  with  the  mails  of  the  Orient.  By  that  time  I 
shall  be  able  to  embark,  but  I  await  your  orders.  Will  you  kindly 
notify  me  of  the  hour  at  which  I  should  go  to  the  Ministry,  either 
by  Conte  Oldofredi  or  directly  by  note  addressed  to  Hotel  Trom- 
betta,  where  I  am  stopping  ? — as  I  do  not  like  to  disturb  you 
in  your  many  occupations. 

Permit  me,  Signore  Conte,  now  that  I  find  that  I  have  attained 
my  desire,  to  renew  my  warmest  thanks  for  the  kindness  of  which 
you  have  given  me  so  many  proofs,  as  well  as  for  the  fortunate  is- 
sue of  my  request.  I  will  try  to  put  the  greatest  zeal  into  fulfill- 
ing the  commission  with  which  I  have  been  honored,  and  in  show- 
ing, better  than  by  words,  the  sincerity  of  my  thankfulness  and 
devotion. 

You  will  pardon  me,  I  hope,  if,  before  I  close  this  letter,  I  re- 
new a  recommendation  which  I  have  already  made  by  word  of 
mouth,  which  concerns  a  distinguished  young  man,  a  friend  of 
mine  who  desires  to  enter  the  medical  corps  of  the  expedition  as  a 
physician  and  surgeon.  He  is  Scipione  Signoroni,  a  son  of  a  pro- 
fessor of  the  University  of  Padua;  and  is  favorably  known  in 
Milan,  both  for  the  honorable  part  he  took  as  an  officer  of  the 
bersaglieri  in  the  recent  war,  and  for  the  knowledge  with  which 
he  has  practiced  his  profession.  You  will  crown  the  favor  you 
have  bestowed  upon  me  if  you  can  grant  this  my  most  respectful 
prayer. 

In  the  mean  time,  with  the  assurance  of  my  homage  I  am,  etc., 

EMILIO  DANDOLO. 

26.  I  wrote  this  autumn  a  poetical  farce  which  I  mention  here 
in  the  chronological  order  of  my  narrative.    We  were  near  the 

435 


Notes 

reopening  of  the  schools,  when,  one  day,  a  good  lady  who  lived 
near  us  came  to  me  leading  her  son,  who  was  a  pupil,  I  think,  of 
the  Gymnasium  of  Como.  She  was  much  mortified  because  the 
boy  had  not  been  able  to  accomplish  a  task  that  had  been  given 
him  by  one  of  his  professors.  The  boy  was  moved  to  tears;  so  I 
offered  to  finish  his  work.  It  was  concerned  with  some  verses,  the 
subject  of  which  was  chosen  from  among  those  that  were  then 
common.  It  was  entitled:  "The  Departure  of  the  Crusader  for 
Palestine."  The  boy  had  commenced  his  poem  in  this  way:  — 

There  passed  one  day,  and  there  passed  another, 
But  ne'er  returned  Anselm  our  brother; 
Though  he  was  not  among  the  dead 
For  he  'd  put  his  helmet  on  his  head. 

Here  he  had  stopped.  In  reading  the  verses  an  irresistible  temp- 
tation came  to  me.  I  told  my  visitors  to  return  the  next  day,  and 
that  I  would  finish  the  poem.  I  ran  into  my  study  and  declaimed 
the  lines,  and  the  following  verses  came  of  themselves. 

THE  DEPARTURE  OF  THE  CRUSADER 

There  passed  one  day,  and  there  passed  another, 
But  ne'er  returned  Anselm,  our  brother; 
Though  he  was  not  among  the  dead, 
For  he'd  put  his  helmet  on  his  head. 

He  had  put  his  helmet  on  his  head 
When  he  went  to  war,  as  it  is  said, 
And  left  with  lance  at  rest,  of  course, 
On  horseback  on  a  goodly  horse. 

His  sweetheart  whom  he  loved  so 
Gave  him  a  kiss,  and  bade  him  go, 
While  'round  his  shoulders  she  did  place 
A  bottle  that  was  good  to  taste. 

She  gave  him,  too,  a  golden  ring, 
The  sacred  pledge  of  everything, 
And  put  into  his  little  pack 
All  sorts  of  things  that  he  did  lack. 

One  morning,  as  the  clock  struck  nine, 
Went  forth  Anselm,  very  fine; 
To  Palestine  he  journeyed  on, 
To  conquer  and  to  righten  wrong. 

436 


Notes 


He  did  not  go  by  an  iron  way, 
Nor  in  a  steamer  as  in  our  day; 
For  then  the  way  was  not  of  steel, 
Rather  the  knight,  if  one  should  feel. 

Of  iron  his  cravat  was  made, 
With  brass  his  waistcoat  was  inlaid; 
On  horseback  he  did  always  stay, 
As  his  hackney  jogged  along  the  way. 

Thereafter  he  did  naught  whatever 
But  to  journey  on,  and  to  journey  ever, 
When,  behold,  a  lake  he  thought  he  saw, 
But  of  the  sea  it  was  the  shore. 

He  paused  and  then  began  to  think 
The  water  sure  was  good  to  drink, 
So,  bending,  he  thrust  in  his  finger 
And  tasted  it,  but  did  not  linger. 

As  if  he  on  a  ship  did  fare, 
Quickly  came  the  mal-de-mer, 
But  Anselm  in  a  moment  more 
Had  put  his  dinner  on  the  shore. 

[The  translator  has  had  considerable  difficulty  in  rendering  the 
Italian  verses  into  English,  so  he  thinks  it  best  to  stop  before 
the  reader  becomes  weary  of  his  efforts.] 

The  following  day,  when  the  mother  and  son  returned,  the 
deed  was  done.  I  listened,  without  remorse,  to  their  words  of 
thanks,  and  gave  them  the  poem.  A  few  months  after,  as  I  was 
taking  my  doctor's  examinations  at  Pavia,  I  observed  that  some 
of  the  professors  looked  at  me  and  laughed.  When  they  had  fin- 
ished their  questions,  one  of  them  said:  "Well,  'passed  one  day 
and  passed  another'  —  are  you  the  author  of  the  ballad?" 
Then  I  politely  questioned  him,  and  learned  that  he  had  heard 
of  my  "Crusader"  from  one  of  his  friends,  a  professor  at  Como. 
From  that  day  the  ballad  traveled  far  and  wide,  and  I  met  it  con- 
stantly, now  diminished,  now  augmented,  and  generally  very 
ridiculous.  For  this  reason  I  have  reproduced  it  in  this  note,  as 
in  the  matter  of  nonsense  I  prefer  my  own.  And  the  student? 
The  year  after,  he  entered  the  seminary  and  became  a  priest. 
There  passed  one  day  and  there  passed  another,  but  he  has  not 
passed  beyond  the  first  strophe  in  his  career. 

437 


Notes 

27.  D'  Adda  was  secretly  introduced  into  the  cabinet  of  the 
King  by  the  Minister  Casaretto.   Carlo  Alberto  desired  to  be  in- 
formed of  all  that  had  happened.  The  frankness  of  d'  Adda  was 
stimulating  to  the  King,  above  all,  when  the  great  decision  had 
to  be  taken,  and  the  difficulties  that  confronted  him  had  to  be 
surmounted.     At  the  same  period  d'Adda  united  with   some 
members  of  high  society  in  Turin,  such  as  Azeglio,  Balbo,  Col- 
legno,  Alfieri,  and  Cavour,  and  with  some  others,  in  an  endeavor 
to  push  Piedmont  into  war  with  Austria. 

28.  In  1848,  when  the  question  of  the  annexation  of  Lombardy 
to  Piedmont  was  discussed,  d'  Adda  wrote  (his  letter  is  dated 
Turin,  April  18)  to  the  Provisional  Government:  "Republic  or 
constitutional  monarchy,  I  will  serve  my  country  faithfully;  but 
at  present  it  is  my  desire,  as  it  is  that  of  all  reasonable  men,  that 
the  form  of  government  should  be  determined  by  a  vote  of  the 
people,  and  that  we  should  not  exert  any  influence  upon  the  free 
choice  of  the  country."    (Lettera  al  Governo  Provvisorio,  in  the 
Museo  del  Risorgimento.) 

29.  The  first  proposal  of  a  monument  to  the  Sardinian  army 
was  given  out  by  Correnti,  by  understanding,  perhaps,  with 
Cavour,  who  at  this  time  sought  to  exasperate  Austria,  while 
she,  upon  the  advice  of  England,  was  disposed  to  renew  rela- 
tions with  Piedmont. 

30.  Among  those  who  received  a  severe  reproof  was  Giuseppe 
Rovani,  who  had  become  the  apologetic  historiographer  of  the 
Emperor's  journey,  in  the  Gazzetta  Ufficiale.  One  evening  he 
appeared  in  the  Cafe  Martini,  and,  displaying  a  new  fur  coat, 
said:  "This,  too,  I  owe  to  the  Emperor."    Great  as  was  his  free- 
dom of  speech,  the  joke  was  displeasing,  and  many  ceased  to  sa- 
lute him.    Rovani  had  talent  and  culture,  which  he  dissipated, 
however,  in  disorderly  living.   Many  years  after,  I  met  him  in  a 
byway  of  the  city,  when  he  planted  himself,  half-tipsy,  before  me 
and  said :  "  I  know  why  you  do  not  salute  me;  but  I  must  tell  you 
that  I  was  once  a  good  boy  —  but  I  have  finished  badly."    "It 
is  only  too  true,"  I  replied. 

31.  Contract  entered  into  at  Vienna  the  I4th  of  March,  1856, 
and  approved  the  17th  of  April  ensuing  by  the  Imperial  and 
Royal  resolve,  between  the  Austrian  Ministers  of  Finance  and 
Commerce  and  Messieurs:  — 

438 


Notes 


Prince  Adolph  de  Schwarzenberg,  President  and  representa- 
tive of  the  I.  R.  Institute  of  Credit  and  Industry  of  Vi- 
enna; 

Comte  Francois  Zichy,  Junior; 
Baron  A.  S.  de  Rothschild,  Vice-President  and  representative 

of  the  above-mentioned  Institute; 
The  banking  house  of  S.  M.  Rothschild,  of  Vienna; 
Marquis  Raffaele  de  Ferrari,  Due  de  Galliera,  of  Bologna; 
Due  Lodovico  Melzi,  of  Milan; 
S.  E.  Comte  Giuseppe  Archinto,  of  Milan,  represented  by 

Messieurs  Sebastiano  Mondolfo  and  C.  F.  Brot; 
Pietro  Bastogi,  of  Livorno; 
Rothschild  Freres,  of  Paris; 
E.  Blount  &  Co.,  of  Paris; 
Paolino  Talabot,  of  Paris; 
N.  M.  de  Rothschild  &  Sons,  of  London; 
Samuel  Laing,  of  London; 
M.  Uzielli,  of  London; 

by  which  there  is  conceded  to  the  above-mentioned  Messieurs  — 
(i)  The  working  and  the  enjoyment  of  the  imperial  and  royal 
railways,  situated  in  the  Lombardo-Venetian  Kingdom,  with  the 
exception  of  the  trunk  line  from  Verona  to  Southern  Tyrol,  with 
all  the  rights  and  obligations  thereto  belonging  .  .  . 

32.  Cantu,  in  his  Cronistoria  delV  Indipendenza  Italiana,  ig- 
nored the  best  and  the  most  beloved  of  the  men  of  the  National 
Rtsorgimento,  and  this  became  an  obstacle  to  his  entering  the 
Senate,  a  position  to  which  his  writings  would  have  called  him. 
Crispi,  when  Minister  of  the  Interior,  proposed  Cantu  as  Senator 
to  King  Humbert.  Domenico  Farini,  the  son  of  the  former  Dicta- 
tor of  Emilia,  was  President  of  the  Senate  at  the  time.  When 
he  heard  of  Crispi's  intention  he  went  to  the  King,  and  warmly 
advised  him  not  to  confirm  the  nomination  of  the  author  of  the 
Cronistoria.  The  King,  therefore,  did  not  sign  the  decree. 

33.  Among  the  intimate  friends  whose  presence  cheered  Emilio 
Dandolo  as  he  approached  his  end,  I  recall,  besides  Dr.  Signoroni, 
the  Mancini  brothers,  the  Carcano  and  the  Caccianino,  the  en- 
gineer Pirovano,  Alfredo  Ulrich,  Costantino  Garavaglia,  Conte 
Ignazio  Lana,  Ignazio  Crivelli,  the  Marchese  and  the  Marchesa 
Crivelli,  the  artist  Chialiva,  and  the  families  Piola  and  Fontana. 

439 


Notes 

34.  I  can  yet  recall  the  names  of  many  of  the  young  men  who 
offered  themselves  to  the  committee  of  recruitment.  Some  of 
them  were  my  friends;  yet  I  may  forget  several  whom  I  ought  to 
remember;  and  if  I  have  forgotten  any,  I  beg  them  to  send  me 
their  names.  Among  the  many  I  recall  Rinaldo  Taverna  and  Lu- 
chino  Dal  Verme  (both  of  whom  became  generals),  Lodovico 
Trotti  (who  had  fought  in  the  campaign  of  1848  as  an  officer  of 
the  artillery),  the  three  brothers  Visconti  di  Modrone  (sons  of 
the  Duke),  Gerolamo  and  Giacomo  Sala,  Luigi  Esengrini,  Conte 
Pietro  Cicogna,  Conte  Alfonso  di  Saliceto,  Principe  Gian  Gia- 
como Trivulzio,  Conte  Arconati,  Conti  Alfonso  and  Annibale 
Sanseverino,  Giacomo  Battaglia,  Malachia  De  Cristoforis,  the 
brothers  Mancini,  Emilio  Guicciardi,  Alfonso  Carcano,  the  bro- 
thers Caccianino,  Augusto  Verga,  Gerolamo  Fadini,  Cartellieri, 
Galbiati,  Eleuterio  Pagliano,  Giulio  Vigoni,  Michele  Redaelli, 
De  Albertis,  the  brothers  Conti  Belgiojoso  (Carlo  is  now  a  gen- 
eral), the  brothers  Emilio  and  Giuseppe  Rapazzini,  the  brothers 
Nobili  Steno  and  Luigi  Majnoni  (who  became  generals),  Cesare 
Cavallotti  (now  a  colonel),  Nobile  Carlo  Porta,  Avvocato  Ercole 
Torri,  Nobile  Carlo  Dall'  Acqua,  Nobile  Andrea  Delia  Porta, 
Gustavo  Viola,  Silvio  Delia  Torre,  the  brothers  Achille  and 
Edoardo  Frigerio  (one  of  whom  is  now  a  general,  and  the  other  a 
colonel),  Paolo  Frigerio,  Conte  Camillo  Dal  Verme  and  Armando 
Vital!  (both  of  whom  died  in  1866  at  Custoza),  Nobile  Lavelli 
De  Capitani,  Alberto  Corbetta,  Nobile  Cristoforo  Manzi,  the 
brothers  Luigi  and  Carlo  Biffi,  Nobile  Carlo  Manzoli,  Nobile 
Lorenzo  Greppi,  Riccardo  Gavazzi,  Giulio  Adamoli,  Nobile 
Diego  Melzi,  Senator  Giuseppe  Robecchi,  Marchese  Luigi 
d'  Adda,  Francesco  Ponti,  Gerolamo  and  Gian  Luca  Padulli, 
Del  Mayno  Luchino,  Cesare  Finzi,  Antonio  Greppi,  Lorenzo, 
Gaetano,  and  Carlo  Medici  di  Marignano,  Leopoldo  Pulli,  Gae- 
tano  Robaglia,  Cesare  Stucchi,  Marchese  Arconati,  Gian  Mar- 
tino,  Carlo  Baldironi,  Franco  Fadini,  Alfredo  Ulrich,  Carlo 
Calvi  Patroni,  Enrico  Borromeo,  Filippo  Castelbarco,  Luigi 
Mainoni,  Norberto  and  Francesco  Del  Mayno,  Ernesto  Turati, 
Adalberto  Barbo,  Luigi  Biffi,  Cesare  Cavi,  Alessandro  Piola, 
Giulio  Brambilla,  the  brothers  Averoldi,  the  brothers  Marti- 
nengo  'of  Brescia,  Cesare  Menghini  of  Mantua,  Carlo  Marocco, 
Prinetti,  Arici  of  Brescia,  Gigi  Caroli,  Max  Fadini,  Mazzoni, 

440 


Notes 

Pavia,  Bolchesi,  and  Bianchi  d'  Adda.    And  there  were  many 
others  whose  names  I  cannot  now  remember. 

35.  This  decree  was  posted  throughout  the  province:  — 

THE  ROYAL  COMMISSIONER  OF  His  SARDINIAN  MAJESTY 

TO  THE  PEOPLES  OF  LOMBARDY 
CITIZENS! 

Scarcely  had  King  Vittorio  Emanuele  announced  that  he  had 
drawn  his  sword  in  the  cause  of  national  independence,  than  the 
peoples  of  Lombardy  turned  their  eyes  beyond  the  Ticino,  and 
asked  for  the  signal  for  the  insurrection. 

Reasons  of  humanity  and  prudence,  allied  to  the  exigencies  of 
war,  moved  us  to  counsel  you  to  delay,  which  advice  you  ac- 
cepted, knowing  that  everything  must  be  done  in  order,  in  Italy, 
to-day. 

But  now  the  days  of  waiting  have  passed.  The  gallant  Gen- 
eral Garibaldi  comes  to  assure  us  of  this  fact.  Everywhere  before 
him  the  people  rise  up,  and  pronounce  for  the  national  cause  and 
the  government  of  Vittorio  Emanuele. 

As  Commissioner  of  His  Majesty  I  come  to  take  charge  of  the 
civil  government  in  this  spontaneous  movement. 

CITIZENS  ! 

The  Lombard  insurrection  will  surely  be  animated  by  the  new 
and  admirable  spirit  which  makes  us  find  the  secret  of  success  in 
the  bond  of  concord.  No  disorder  will  arise  to  disturb  the  su- 
preme good  of  liberty;  no  differences  will  grow  to  disorganize  the 
civil  government  of  the  country;  no  spirit  of  faction  will  presume 
to  consider  the  triumph  of  society  to  be  that  of  a  party. 

Wars  for  independence  are  not  gained  save  by  great  efforts. 
Before  us  stands  the  example  of  generous  Piedmont  which,  for 
eleven  years,  has  made  many  sacrifices  because  of  a  hope  which, 
to-day,  has  become  a  reality. 

Our  cause  is  secure:  the  valiant  Piedmontese  army,  guided  by 
the  King,  comes  to  our  aid.  Italy  is  organizing  for  the  struggle, 
and  Napoleon  III  has  thrown  the  sword  of  France,  our  sister  and 
natural  ally,  upon  the  scales  of  destiny. 

All  Italy  demands  the  formation  of  a  strong  state  which  will 
become  the  bulwark  of  the  nation  and  the  beginning  of  its  new 

441 


Notes 

destinies.   The  ten  years  of  the  longing  of  the  country  for  free- 
dom are  about  to  be  fulfilled,  and  you  can  rise  in  the  certitude  of 
the  union  of  the  nation  and  cry:  — 
Viva  Vittorio  Emanuele,  Re  Costituzionale! 

EMILIO   VlSCONTI-VENOSTA, 

The  Royal  Commissioner  Extraordinary  of  His  Sardinian  Majesty. 
COMO,  28th  May,  1859. 

CITIZENS! 

The  enemy  has  retreated. 

The  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi  have  fought  with  a  courage  worthy 
of  the  valiant  soldier  who  commands  them  and  of  the  cause  in 
which  they  are  engaged.  All  the  young  men  have  come  to  ask 
for  arms  to  defend  a  barricade,  to  demand  to  be  led  to  battle. 
Every  family  desires  to  give  aid  and  assistance  to  the  combat- 
ants with  generous  feelings  of  emulation. 

All  Lombardy  will  follow  your  example. 

The  Commissioner  of  His  Sardinian  Majesty  thanks  you,  in 
the  name  of  the  King,  the  great  leader  in  our  war  for  independ- 
ence. 

EMILIO  VISCONTI-VENOSTA, 
The  Commissioner  of  His  Majesty  King  Vittorio  Emanuele. 

VARESE,  26th  May,  1859. 

Como  is  delivered  from  the  Austrians.  Our  brave  soldiers  have 
done  wonders.  The  people  on  the  lake  have  gathered  together  in 
masses  for  the  defense  of  the  country. 

Do  likewise. 

VARESE,  28th  May,  6.30  A.M. 

36.  The  originator  of  the  Committee  of  Relief  was  Achille  Villa, 
Conte  Gaetano  Manci  (formerly  Podesta  of  Trento),  Conte  Ste- 
fano  Medin  of  Venetia,  Dr.  Giovanni  Soresina,  and  Vito  Bas- 
sano  of  Mantua.  Signore  Enrico  Fano,  Conte  Ignazio  Crivelli, 
Antonio  Grassi,  Antonio  Comerio,  Nobile  Carlo  Cagnola,  Mar- 
chese  Carlo  Ermes  Visconti,  and  Achille  Villa  were  members.  I 
was  elected  President,  and  Conte  Tiepolo,  of  Venice,  Secretary. 

442 


Notes 

There  was  also  a  political  committee,  of  which  Conti  Giustiniani 
and  Correr  were  members.  This  committee  did  much  to  send  the 
immigrants  to  enlist  in  the  Emilia,  for  whose  expenses,  however, 
the  Committee  of  Relief  provided. 

37.  The  first  act  of  Beretta  as  Mayor  was  to  choose  the  junta 
and  surround  himself  with  sympathetic  friends.  The  kindness 
with  which  he  was  regarded  made  it  easy  for  him  to  obtain  their 
election.  Their  names  were  the  architect  Brocca,  the  engineer 
Alessandro  Cagnoni,  Carlo  Cagnola,  Giuseppe  Finzi,  Tullo  Mas- 
sarani,  Marzorati,  Giuseppe  Robecchi,  Luigi  Sala,  Lodovico 
Trotti,  Francesco  Vitali,  and  Giovanni  Visconti  Venosta.  Carlo 
Tenca,  Paolo  Belgiojoso,  and  Dr.  Giuseppe  Terzaghi  were  after- 
wards chosen  to  fill  vacancies. 

The  names  of  the  members  of  the  first  commission  on  edu- 
cation were  Cesare  Correnti,  Professor  Luigi  Rossari,  Giovanni 
Cantoni,  Conte  Paolo  Belgiojoso,  and  Giovanni  Visconti  Ve- 
nosta, with  Carlo  Tenca  as  reporter.  Paolo  Belgiojoso  was  school 
superintendent  for  several  years. 

38. 
DEAREST  FRIEND,  — 

I  reply  with  pleasure  to  your  request.  One  Saturday  evening 
I  went,  as  was  my  custom,  to  the  Union  Club  and  found  there  a 
note  from  the  Marchese  Massimo  d'  Azeglio,  who  requested  me 
to  call  upon  him  on  the  most  urgent  business. 

I  went  immediately,  and,  as  soon  as  announced,  d' Azeglio 
came  toward  me  smiling  and  said:  "I  must  have  to-morrow  morn- 
ing two  hundred  and  fifty  or  three  hundred  thousand  lire;  and  I 
want  them  in  gold,  in  twenty-franc  pieces." 

I  replied  that  he  could  have  them  at  the  earliest  hour  on  Mon- 
day, but  that  on  Sunday,  with  the  banks  closed,  it  was  impossible 
to  procure  the  sum  asked  for  in  gold.  Then  he  approached  some 
person  at  the  other  end  of  the  room,  whom  I  had  not  observed 
because  of  the  obscurity;  and,  after  exchanging  some  words  with 
him,  said:  —  "Keep  the  secret,  but  know  that  it  is  the  Conte  di 
Cavour  who  orders  me  to  consign  the  sum  mentioned  to  Cap- 
tain Chiassi  to-morrow  morning.  All  that  I  can  concede  to  you, 
to  give  you  an  additional  hour,  is  to  send  Chiassi  to  your  office  to 
take  the  money." 

I  then  understood  that  some  important  affair  was  afoot,  and 

443 


Notes 


replied,  without  further  ado,  that  I  would  wait  for  the  captain  at 
eleven  o'clock. 

D'  Azeglio  thereupon  took  me  under  the  arm,  and  accompanied 
me  to  the  anteroom,  enjoining  absolute  secrecy. 

I  confess  I  was  not  happy.  I  feared  it  would  be  impossible  to 
procure  a  sum,  relatively  so  large  in  gold,  on  a  fete-day,  and  in  a 
few  hours;  so  much  the  more  so  as  I  was  not  able  to  give  any  ex- 
planation of  the  urgency  for  it.  I  could  turn  only  to  a  few  friends 
who  would  not  ask  me  for  the  reason. 

The  banker  Carlo  Brot  and  the  brothers  Ronchetti  gave  me  all 
the  gold  they  had  in  their  banks  (about  seven  thousand  ma- 
renghi);  others  whose  names  I  cannot  now  recall  gave  me  as 
much,  and  I  had  about  two  thousand  in  the  bank  of  my  firm.  At 
ten  o'clock  the  whole  sum  was  ready. 

At  eleven,  Chiassi,  with  the  aid  of  the  porter  Scotti,  carried  the 
sacks  to  his  carriage  and  departed.  He  asked  me  if  it  were  neces- 
sary to  leave  a  receipt,  and  I  said,  "No."  It  occurred  to  me,  as  he 
pressed  my  hand,  that  he  was  much  moved. 

The  day  after,  d'  Azeglio  sent  me,  in  settlement,  a  number  of 
drafts  for  fifty  thousand  lire  each,  to  make  up  the  amount.  They 
were  drawn  on  the  Cabinet  of  Cavour.  When  two  or  three  days 
after  we  heard  of  the  departure  of  Garibaldi  from  Quarto,  I 
thought  I  understood  the  matter. 

I  press  your  hand,  and  I  am, 

Most  affectionately  yours, 

COSTANTINO  GARAVAGLIA. 
Sic.  COMM. 

GIOVANNI  VISCONTI-VENOSTA. 


INDEX 


INDEX 


./Etna,  206,  207. 

Ajroldi,  Don  Cesare,  priest,  64,  65. 

Alessandria,  proposal  for  fortification 
of,  273. 

Alfieri,  engineer,  in  the  revolution,  60, 
6l;  death  of,  67. 

Allievi,  Antonio,  146;  contributor  to 
the  "  Crepuscolo,"  147;  favored  pub- 
lications, 150;  instructor  at  Milan, 
155;  promotes  enactment  to  help 
Valtellina,  290;  address  of,  at  Dan- 
dolo's  funeral,  304;  member  of  Ca- 
vour's  Lombard  commission,  328; 
and  the  "  Perseveranza,"  386. 

Alma,  battle  of,  227. 

Altobelli,  Signer,  200. 

Ancona,  capture  of,  414. 

Andres,  Dr.,  134. 

Anfossi,  Augusto,  in  the  revolution,  71. 

Anglo-French  mediation,  125. 

Annoni,  Conte  Francesco,  friend  and 
relative  of  Visconti's  father,  career 
of,  385,  386. 

Aprica,  342,  345. 

Archbishop,  death  of  Gaisruck  and 
election  of  Romilli,  33-5;  entry  of 
Romilli  into  Milan,  35,  36;  severe 
regime  of  Gaisruck,  153. 

Archduke  Maximilian.  See  Maximil- 
ian. 

Archinto,  Conte  Giuseppe,  267,  268, 

430-. 

Arcioni,  at  Val  d'  Intelvi,  113. 
Arduino,  Lieutenant-Colonel  N.,  324. 
Arese,  Conte  Francesco,  238,  320,  334, 

430. 
Armistice,   of   1849,    126;   at   Sponda 

Lunga  (1859),  380,  381. 
Arona,  116,  335. 
Arsoli,  199. 

Assi,  condemnation  of,  1 88. 
"Associazione     Nazionale     Italiana," 

the,  87. 
Austria,  occupation  of  Ferrara  by,  32; 

first  demonstrations   against,  32-8; 


persecutes  priests,  153;  stupidity  of 


its  military  government,  173;  begins 


to  threaten,  253;  demands  disarma- 
ment, 326;  and  the  Valtellina  after 
1796,  423-25. 

Austrian  Emperor.  See  Ferdinand  I, 
Francis  Joseph. 

Austrian  Legation  at  Naples,  204,  205. 

Austrian,  police,  libels  spread  by,  31; 
officers,  duels  with,  245,  246,  272, 
283-88;  spies,  355;  prisoners,  brought 
before  Garibaldi,  357. 

Austrians,  proceedings  of,  preceding  and 
during  the  Five  Days,  51-78;  retreat 
of,  after  the  Five  Days,  78,  79;  offer 
to  treat  for  peace  with  Carlo  Alberto 
and  the  Provisional  Government,  96; 
enter  Milan,  106;  march  into  Valle 
d'  Intelvi,  114;  victories  of  (1848-49), 
126-28;  reappearance  of,  in  Valtel- 
lina, 128;  movements  of,  from  the 
Stelvio,  342,  343;  reconnoiter,  345; 
movements  of,  before  and  after  Sol- 
ferino,  368;  attack  of,  repulsed  at 
Ponte  del  Diavolo,  369;  retreat  of, 
from  Bormio,  372-74;  at  Sponda 
Lunga,  374. 

Azzi,  colleague  of  Carta  on  Mazzinian 
committee,  157,  158. 

Balaklava,  battle  of,  227. 

Banishments,  before  coming  of  Em- 
peror to  Milan  (1857),  263. 

Barbavara,  Signora  Saulina  Viola,  146, 
245. 

Barbiera,  Raffaello,  book  of,  about 
Contessa  Maffei,  142. 

Bargnani,  Conte  Gaetano,  speaks  at 
funeral  of  Dandolo,  302,  304. 

Bargnani,  Contessa,  305. 

Barinetti,  Awocato,  155. 

Bassi,  Contessa  Antonietta,  415. 

Battaglia,  Giacomo,  440;  teaches  fen- 
cing, 141 ;  inmate  of  Casa  Maffei,  146; 
contributor  to  the  "Crepuscolo," 
147;  duel  of,  272;  death  of,  336,  337. 

Beccaria.  See  S.  Alessandro. 

Bedeschini,  police  agent,  229. 

Belgiojoso,  Conte  Giuseppe,  429. 


447 


Index 


Belgiojoso,  Conte  Luigi,  395. 

Belgiojoso,  Paolo,  127,  443. 

Belgiojoso  Trivulzio,  Principessa  Cris- 
tina,  83,  107,  389,  406,  407. 

"Bella  Gigogin,"  popular  song,  297, 
316,  336. 

Bellinzona,  103-5,  I08- 

Berchet,  Giovanni,  influence  of  his 
writings,  27,  28;  death  of,  164. 

Beretta,  Antonio,  envoy  from  the  Pro- 
visional Government  to  Carlo  Al- 
berto, 96,  97;  goods  of,  sequestered, 
107;  mayor  of  Milan,  396,  397,  414, 

415,  443- 

Bergamo,  356,  357. 

Bertani,  Agostino,  presides  over  jury, 
192 ;  physician  of  volunteer  corps,  381. 

Bes,  General,  83. 

Besana,  Enrico,  430;  joins  in  protest  to 
Ficquelmont,  47;  frequenter  of  Cafe 
Cecchina,  52;  starts  on  mission  to 
Mazzini,  but  returns,  180;  second  in 
Viola  duel,  245;  on  Garibaldi's  sub- 
scription list  for  a  million  rifles,  402. 

Besozzi,  Luciano,  183. 

Bethlen,  Conte,  and  his  nephew,  148, 
149;  his  daughter,  430. 

Bixio,  at  Bormio,  373,  374. 

Bologna,  393. 

Bolognini,  Luigi  Attendolo,  139. 

Bolognini,  Contessa  Vimercati,  263. 

Bolza,  commissary,  36. 

Bonaparte,  General,  anecdote  of,  139. 

Bonfadini,  Romualdo,  promotes  en- 
actment to  help  Valtellina,  290;  ill- 
ness of,  342;  assists  Guicciardi  at 
Sondrio,  375,  376;  goes  to  Milan  with 
Visconti,  383;  and  the  "Perseve- 
ranza,"  386. 

Bordini,  notary,  114. 

Borgazzi,  Alessandro,  427,  429. 

Borgazzi,  Gaetano,  uncle  of  Visconti, 
92. 

Borgazzi,  Giacomo,  uncle  of  Visconti, 
92. 

Borgazzi,  Giovanni,  uncle  of  Visconti, 
92. 

Borgazzi,  Girolamo,  427,  429. 

Borgazzi,  Ignazio,  cousin  of  Visconti, 
91. 

Borgazzi,  Luigi,  uncle  of  Visconti,  92. 

Borgazzi  Caimi,  Donna  Rosa,  grand- 
mother of  Visconti,  91,  92, 

Borjes,  Spanish  bandit,  200. 


Bormio,  Montanari's  plan  to  attack, 
3S6-S9»  Austrians  retire  to,  369; 
taken  by  Medici,  372. 

Borromeo,  Guido,  51,  427. 

Borromeo,  Conte  Vitaliano,  31. 

Borroni,  Signer,  Vice-Delegate  of  Pro- 
vince at  Sondrio,  344. 

Boschi,  Cavaliere,  Intendant  of  Ver- 
celli,  334. 

Boselli,  Antonio,  and  his  Institute,  12- 
8;  death  of,  18,  58;  singing  of  the 
Austrian  Hymn  at  his  Institute,  425. 

Brambilla,  Senator  Pietro,  408. 

Brescia,  taken  by  the  Austrians,  128; 
Cialdini  falls  back  upon,  369. 

Brigands,  the,  the  time  of,  424. 

Brignole,  Marchese,  124. 

Brignone,  Colonel,  367. 

Brizio,  Eugenio,  engaged  in  Mazzini's 
plots,  175-81. 

Broggi,  Giuseppe,  in  the  revolution,  59, 
60. 

Broggi,  the  brothers,  427. 

Broglio,  89. 

Broletto,  taking  of  the,  80,  429. 

Brot,  Carlo,  banker,  100. 

Buol,  Conte,  Austrian  minister  at 
Turin,  33,  327;  recalls  his  charge- 
d'affaires,  269. 

Burger,  Baron,  291,  303;  conversation 
with  the  Marchese  Ernies  Visconti 
about  Emperor's  proposed  visit,  263. 

"Cacciatori  degli  Appennini,"  375-77. 

"Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,"  formation  of 
the,  319,  324;  advance  guard  of,  350, 
35 1>  3545  compared  with  the  "Cac- 
ciatori degli  Appennini,"  376,  377. 

Cadorna,  Raffaele,  denounces  armis- 
tice (1849),  126. 

Cafes  of  the  Peppina  and  the  Cecchina, 

S.i,  52- 

Caimi,  G.  B.,  346,  347;  Visconti  at 
house  of,  340;  comes  in  collision  with 
Montanari,  351. 

Cairoli,  in  plots  of  Mazzini,  175;  death 
of  one  of  the,  336. 

Calvi,  Pietro  Fortunato,  arrest  and  exe- 
cution of,  213-15. 

Camerini,  Eugenio,  contributor  to  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Camozzi,  Gabriele,  tries  to  incite  insur- 
rection in  Lombardy,  127,  128;  in- 
mate of  Casa  Maffci,  146. 


448 


Index 


Campeggi,  Don,  uncle  of  Visconti,  92, 

93- 

Campeggi,  Donna  Giuseppina,  aunt  of 
Visconti,  92,  103,  115. 

Camperio,  Manfredo,  joins  in  protest 
to  Ficquelmont,  47;  frequenter  of 
Cafe  Cecchina,  52;  volunteer,  71; 
his  account  of  his  duel,  247-52. 

Cannon,  subscription  for,  253,  254. 

Cantoni,  Gaetano,  114,  427. 

Cantoni,  Giovanni,  443;  contributor  to 
the  "Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde,"  40; 
emigrant,  114;  contributor  to  the 
"Crepuscolo,"  147;  in  the  revolu- 
tion, 427. 

Cantu,  Cesare,  278-80,  439. 

Capua,  201. 

Caravaggio,  advocate,  305. 

Carcano,  Alfonso,  241,  440;  duel  with 
d'  Adda  Salvaterra,  284-88. 

Carcano,  Costanzo,  285;  banished,  263; 
arrested,  308;  trial  of,  321-23. 

Carcano,  Donna  Giulia,  Casa  of,  241; 
on  occasion  of  her  son's  duel,  285. 

Carcano,  Giulio,  friend  of  Correnti,  29; 
writes  for  "II  22  Marzo,"  89;  sent 
on  mission  to  Paris,  124;  frequenter 
of  CasaMaffei,  146;  and  the  "Perse- 
veranza,"  386;  friend  of  Manzoni, 
408. 

Carcano,  Lodovico,  241. 

Carfora,  monk  at  Montecassino,  201. 

Carlo  Alberto,  intervention  of,  69,  70; 
and  the  Provisional  Government,  the 
Austrians  offer  to  treat  for  peace 
with,  96;  and  his  generals,  97;  be- 
lieved to  be  traitor,  109;  and 
d'  Adda,  438. 

Carnevali,  Antonio,  in  the  revolution, 
72;  on  Committee  of  War,  428. 

Caroli  of  Bergamo,  316. 

Carrano,  Colonel  Francesco,  book  of, 
340;  words  to  Visconti  on  Garibaldi's 
movements,  360. 

Carta,  G.  B.,  and  his  colleagues,  156, 

>    IS7,  159,  174,  175- 
Cartellieri,  death  of,  336,  337. 
Casa  Arese,  320. 

Casa  Bargnani,  searched,  304,  305. 
Casa  Beretta,  397. 

Casa  Camozzi,  Garibaldi's  headquar- 
ters at,  356. 

Casa  Carcano,  241,  246,  262. 
Casa  Correnti,  27-30,  39,  47,  48,  320. 


Casa  Crevelli,  262,  282,  300. 

Casa  d'  Adda,  258-60,  262;  on  the  oc- 
casion of  the  Emperor's  visit  to 
Milan,  270;  the  "  Perseveranza  "  pro- 
moted at,  386. 

Casa  Dandolo,  148,  241,  242,  246,  262, 
294,  301;  on  the  occasion  of  the  Em- 
peror's visit  to  Milan,  265;  discus- 
sion of  the  Archduke  at,  283 ;  searched, 
308. 

Casa  Visconti  di  Modrone,  244. 

Casa  Gargallo,  204. 

Casa  Lutti,  295. 

Casa  Maffei,  144-46,  171,  240,  241,  243, 
244,  246,  262,  389;  evolution  in,  221, 
222;  struggle  against  Maximilian  in, 
281;  Visconti  flees  to,  309. 

Casa  Manara,  148,  241. 

Casa  Rescalli,  244. 

Casa  Samoyloff,  244-46. 

Casa  Trotti,  diversions  at,  II,  141. 

Casalini,  Carlo,  companion  of  Visconti 
at  Naples,  202. 

Casati,  Conte  Gabrio,  47,  49,  100;  mis- 
sion of,  to  the  wife  of  Vittorio 
Emanuele,  32,  33;  arrested,  46.  fej 

Castelfidardo,  battle  of,  414. 

Castellazzo,  Luigi,  and  the  Mantuan 
prosecutions,  190-93,  432-34;  secre- 
tary of  Central  Committee,  169;  in 
after  life,  192,  193. 

Castiglioni,  Donna  Francesca,  grand- 
mother of  Visconti,  5. 

Catania,  206,  207. 

Cattaneo,  Carlo,  asks  Visconti's  father 
to  prepare  notes  on  the  Valtellina, 
21 ;  character  of,  48;  adversary  of 
Correnti,  48-51 ;  part  taken  by,  in  the 
revolution  of  the  Five  Days,  57,  58; 
on  the  Committee  of  War,  70;  feder- 
alists led  by,  88;  contributor  to  the 
"Operaio,"  89;  emigrant  who  disa- 
greed with  Mazzini,  151;  in  Milan 
elections,  403;  his  description  of  an 
event  on  March  18,  1848,  425-27; 
attitude  on  armistice,  428. 

Cattaneo,  Signora  luvalta,  wife  of 
Costantino  luvalta,  346,  347. 

Cavaignac,  repulses  revolutionists,  124. 

Cavour,  150;  influence  increases,  221; 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs,  231;  at 
the  Congress  of  Paris,  243,  253;  and 
the  Mazzinian  conspirators,  254; 
gives  national  cause  a  new  impulse, 


449 


Index 


261;  actions  at  time  of  Emperor's 
visit  to  Milan,  268,  269;  proposes  to 
create  naval  port  at  Spezia,  273; 
words  of,  to  Giulini  and  Dandolo, 
282;  words  of,  to  La  Farina,  293;  at 
Plombieres,  292;  calls  Giulini  and 
Dandolo,  293;  report  of  his  conversa- 
tion with  Napoleon,  293;  creates 
new  national  party,  294;  the  great 
artificer  of  the  new  kingdom  of  Italy, 
294;  sure  of  his  course,  321;  Visconti 
has  interview  with,  323;  anxiety  of, 
disguised,  325;  convokes  Parliament 
and  asks  for  full  powers,  326,  327; 
nominates  commission  to  arrange  for 
administrative  decrees,  328;  nomin- 
ates Emilio  Visconti  Royal  Commis- 
sioner, 331-34;  wishes  Lombardy  to 
rise  before  French  arrive,  361;  audi- 
ence of  Visconti  with,  371;  resigns, 
383,  390;  returns  to  power,  394;  sur- 
prised at  result  of  Milan  elections, 
403 ;  his  aims  with  regard  to  Naples, 
413;  death  of,  419;  letter  of  Dandolo 
to,  435. 

Cecchino,  Cafe  of  the,  51,  $2. 

Central  Committee  of  Mantua,  159, 
160,  165. 

Cernuschi,  Enrico,  58;  contributor  to 
the  "Operaio,"  89;  his  character  and 
career,  89,  90;  emigrant  who  disa- 
greed with  Mazzini,  151;  on  Com- 
mittee of  War,  428. 

Ceroli,  Abbe  Natale,  408-12. 

Cervieri,  whipped,  170. 

Cervis,  second  in  duel,  285. 

Chartres,  Due  de,  329. 

Chiassi,  F.,  216,  405,  443,  444. 

Chiavenna,  events  at,  in  1848,  114. 

Chiaves,  advocate,  326. 

Cholera,  in  Lombardy,  in  1836,  8,  9;  in 
1854,  226. 

Chrzanowski,  a  poor  general,  125. 

Cialdini,  General,  332,  333;  in  charge 
of  formation  of  volunteers,  319;  falls 
back  upon  Brescia,  369;  sent  on 
embassy  to  Napoleon,  414. 

Ciceri,  Dr.,  denounced  by  Dr.  Vandoni, 

157- 

Cinque  Giornate,  revolution  of  the, 
the  beginning,  53;  first  day,  53-8; 
second  day,  59-66;  third  day,  66,  67; 
fourth  day,  67-71;  fifth  day,  72-7; 
days  immediately  following,  78-94. 


"Cisalpino,"  the,  51. 

Civitavecchia,  custom-house  at,  197.    ! 

Clary,  Contessa,  43. 

Clerici,  Giorgio,  58,  428. 

Club  of  the  Galline,  402,  403. 

Cobden,  Richard,  at  Milan,  32. 

Colet,  Madame,  399. 

Colombo,  Antonio,  contributor  to  the 
"Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Colombo,  Claudio,  assassinates  Dr. 
Vandoni,  157,  158. 

Committee,  relief,  at  Milan,  385,  392. 

Committee  of  Defense,  58,  428. 

Committee  of  Lugano,  121. 

Committee  of  Public  Defense,  99,  101. 

Committee  of  Public  Security,  ap- 
pointed by  Visconti  at  Sondrio,  345. 

Committee  of  War,  70,  428. 

Committees,  of  followers  of  Mazzini, 
156-61,  174,  175;  signs  relating  to,  in 
possession  of  Castellazzo,  169. 

Confalonieri,  Conte  Federico,  funeral 
of,  30,  31. 

"  Conf erenza,"  the,  nominated  by  Met- 
ternich,  42. 

"  Congregazione  Centrale,"  the,  43. 

Congresses,  scientific,  20,  21. 

Consorteria,  403. 

Corbellini,  colleague  of  Carta  on  Maz- 
zinian  Committee,  157,  158. 

Coriandoli,  the,  398,  399. 

Cornelio,    Don   G.  B.,   parish  priest, 

Corpus  Domini,  procession  of,  87,  88. 

Correnti,  Cesare,  21,  22,  25,  36,  443; 
directs  studies  of  Giovanni  and 
Emilio  Visconti,  27;  men  who  met  at 
his  house,  27-9;  his  influence,  29, 
30,  48;  his  project  of  the  "Nipote  del 
Vesta  Verde,'  40;  opposed  by  Cat- 
taneo,  48,  49;  speech  in  Piedmontese 
Parliament,  231;  proposes  subscrip- 
tion for  monument  to  Piedmont 
army,  258;  promotes  enactment  to 
help  Valtellina,  290;  tells  Visconti 
of  Mezzacapo's  plans,  327,  328; 
member  of  Cavour's  commission, 
328;  Visconti  confers  with,  363,  364; 
writes  to  Farini  about  Emilio  Vis- 
conti, 371,  372;  promotes  the  "Perse- 
veranza,"  386;  on  the  evening  of 
March  17,  1848,  427;  proposal  of,  for 
monument  to  Sardinian  army,  438. 

Corte,  Clemente,  357. 


450 


Index 


Cosenz,  Colonel,  and  the  volunteers, 
3 19;  at  Bormio,  374,  375. 

Costantini,  General,  408. 

"  Crepuscolo,"  the,  146,  147,  243;  ad- 
monished regarding  the  Emperor's 
coming  to  Milan,  264;  partial  sup- 
pression of,  272;  end  of,  386/392. 

Crespi,  Carlo,  429. 

Crimean  War,  240,  243,  247. 

Crippa,  Francesco,  416. 

Crispi,  editor  of  the  "Perseveranza," 
404;  and  the  expedition  to  Sicily, 
404. 

Crivelli,  Ignazio,  302,  430,  439,  442. 

Crivelli,  Marchese  Luigi,  arrested  by 
mistake,  186;  Casa  of,  282. 

Crivelli,  Marchese  Vitaliano,  114. 

Croatian  soldiers,  116, 118-21, 132,  136. 

Curioni,  Giovanni,  52. 

Curtatone,  rout  of,  95. 

Custom-house  at  Civitavecchia,  197. 

D'  Adda,  Carlo,  29,  46,  47,  49,  51,  259, 
260;  Casa  of,  258-60;  recalls  assault 
upon  his  palace,  270;  promotes  the 
"Perseveranza,"  386;  and  the  king, 
438;  on  the  form  of  government,  438. 

D*  Adda,  Giovanni,  29,  51. 

D'  Adda,  Donna  Laura  Scaccabarozzi, 

3°9- 

D'  Adda,  Contessa  Maria  Borromeo,  3 1, 
265. 

D'  Adda  Salvaterra,  Marches!  Fran- 
cesco and  Giuseppe,  140. 

D'  Adda  Salvaterra,  Marchese  Gero- 
lamo,  284. 

D'  Adda  Salvaterra,  Marchese  Luigi, 
duel  with  Alfonso  Carcano,  284-88. 

D'  Adda  Salvaterra  De  Capitanei, 
Laura,  future  wife  of  Visconti,  first 
meeting  with  Visconti,  n,  12;  an- 
other meeting,  140,  141. 

D'  Adda  Salvaterra  Pallavicino,  Mar- 
chesa  Ippolita,  8. 

Dandolo,  Emilio,  71,  148,  240,  242; 
wounded,  130;  banished,  263;  words 
of  Cavour  to,  282;  summoned  by  Ca- 
vour,  293;  tells  Cavour's  plan  to 
Emilio  Visconti,  294;  presents  Emilio 
to  Cavour,  294;  last  month  of  his 
life,  294,  295;  death  of,  301;  funeral 
procession  of,  and  the  tricolored 
crown,  302-4;  orations  at  funeral  of, 
304;  trial  as  result  of  the  funeral, 


321-23;  on  the  secret  preparation  for 
war,  427;  letter  of,  to  Cavour,  435. 

Dandolo,  Enrico,  130,  242. 

Dandolo,  Contessa  Ermellina,  148,  242; 
at  Emilio's  funeral,  302,  304;  her  ac- 
count of  her  examination,  322,  323. 

Dandolo,  Conte  Tullio,  second  wife  of, 
148;  author,  242;  absented  himself 
from  the  society  of  the  Casa,  242;  at 
funeral  of  Emilio  Dandolo,  303,  304. 

Dandolo  brothers,  56,  427. 

D'  Apice,  at  Val  d'  Intelvi,  113,  114. 

D'  Azeglio,   Marchese   Massimo,   304, 

394,  4°5- 

De  Albertis,  Sebastiano,  painter,  in  the 
revolution,  77. 

De  Canal,  execution  of,  173. 

De  Capitanei  di  Scalve,  Contessa  Gio- 
vanna,  her  receptions,  138-41. 

De  Capitanei  di  Scalve,  Conte  Pirro, 
140. 

De  Castro,  Professor,  434. 

Decio,  Innocente,  146;  contributor  to 
the  "Crepuscolo,"  147. 

De  Cristoforis,  Carlo,  during  the  Five 
Days,  56;  frequenter  of  salon  of  Con- 
tessa Clara  Maffei,  146;  and  Carta's 
committee,  157,  175;  joyous  manner 
of,  167;  cuts  Nava's  portrait,  168;  on 
the  6th  Feb.,  1853, 183;  escape  of,  186, 
187;  his  writings,  187;  condemned  in 
default,  188;  returns  from  exile,  329; 
departs  for  war,  330;  death  of,  330, 
336,  337;  secret  preparations  for  war, 
427. 

De  Cristoforis,  Malachia,  15,  337,  440. 

Delia  Croce,  Antonio,  134. 

Delia  Croce,  the  brothers,  38. 

Delia  Porta,  Luigi,  156. 

Delia  Rocca,  second  in  duel,  285-87. 

Delia  Rocchetta,  Alberto  dei  Marchesi 
Incisa,  295,  301. 

De  Luigi,  Dr.,  160;  on  committee  of 
conspiracy,  150;  and  Carta's  commit- 
tee, 157;  condemned  in  default,  188. 

Depretis,  in  plots  of  Mazzini,  175. 

De  Simoni,  papal  consul,  67. 

Di  Geneva,  Duca,  brother  of  Vittorio 
Emanuele,  232. 

Di  Rora,  Marchese,  394. 

Di  S.  Donate,  Duca,  377. 

Di  Santa  Croce,  Conte  Ceschi,  Austrian 
envoy,  326. 

Di  Sant'Alessandro,VincenzoLutti,  295. 


451 


Index 


Doll,  Colonel,  429. 

Dolzino,  Francesco,  114. 

Dom  Pedro,  Emperor  of  Brazil,  410. 

Dottesio,  Luigi,  execution  of,  152,  164. 

Duels,  with  Austrian  officers,  141,  245, 
246,  272,  283;  duel  of  d' Adda  Salva- 
terra  and  Alfonso  Carcano,  284-88. 

Durando,  promoter  of  honor  to  memory 
of  Emilio  Dandolo,  304. 

Durini,  Conte  Ercole,  70,  429. 

Edolo,  367,  368. 

Emigrants,  Italian,  109,  234-36,  255. 

Emperor,  the.  See  Ferdinand  I,  Francis 

Joseph. 
England,  alliance  of,  with  Turkey,  222; 


Congress  proposed  by,  32 
Ermes  Visconti,  Marchese  ' 
442. 


"arlo,  263, 


Fabris,  Professor,  408. 

Fadini,  Gerolamo,  302. 

Faido,  Antonietta,  188. 

Falco,  Donna  Mariquita,  259. 

Fano,  Enrico,  147,  442. 

Fanti,  General  Manfredo,  member  of 
Committee  of  Public  Defense,  99. 

Farini,  Armando,  393. 

Farini,  Domenico,  393,  439. 

Farini,  Luigi,  summons  Emilio  Visconti 
in  name  of  Cavour,  331;  his  account 
of  interview  with  Cavour,  332,  334; 
summons  Emilio  to  Modena,  371, 
372;  Dictator  of  the  Duchies,  372, 
387,  388;  Emilio  with,  at  Modena, 
372,  387;  negotiates  with  committee 
of  relief  of  Venetians,  392;  family  and 
secretaries  of,  393 ;  wins  in  election  at 
Milan,  403 ;  sends  Emilio  Visconti  to 
Paris,  404;  sent  on  embassy  to  Na- 
ples, 414;  nominated  Lieutenant  at 
Naples,  418;  joined  by  Emilio,  418; 
decline  of  his  health,  418. 

Fava,  Professor  Angelo,  57,  242,  428. 

Ferdinand  I,  Emperor,  entry  of,  into 
Milan,  9,  10. 

Ferrara,  occupation  of,  32. 

Ferrari,  Giuseppe,  151,  235. 

Ferrari,  Paolo,  387. 

Ferretti,  Cardinal  Mastai  (Pius  IX), 
34.  See  Pius  IX. 

Fern,  Francesco,  colleague  of  Carta, 
157;  part  taken  by,  in  proposed  re- 
volt of  Feb.  6, 1853, 176, 178, 181, 183. 


Ficquelmont,  Conte  di,  42-4,  47,  50. 

Finzi,  Giuseppe,  443;  inmate  of  salon 
of  Contessa  Clara  Maffei,  146;  goes 
to  London  to  meet  Mazzini  in  interest 
of  bond  sale,  152;  as  regards  whipping 
in  prisons,  169;  rarely  spoke  of  his 
trial,  192;  and  Castellazzo,  192,  193, 
433;  on  subscription  list  for  a  million 
rifles,  402;  called  by  Cavour  to  Turin, 
404,  405;  sent  by  Cavour  to  Naples, 
413;  preparations  of,  for  revolution, 
427. 

Firemen's  school,  at  Tirano,  225. 

Five  Days,  the,  53-77,  137.  See  Cinque 
Giornate. 

Fluk,  examiner  in  trial  resulting  from 
Dandolo  funeral,  321. 

Flye  de  Sainte  Marie,  400. 

Foldi  brothers,  182. 

Fortis,  Leone,  402. 

Fossati,  Marchese,  146. 

France,  refuses  aid  (1849),  124,  125; 
coup  d'etat  and  establishment  of  em- 
pire in,  172;  alliance  of,  with  Turkey, 
222;  recognizes  kingdom  of  Italy,  419. 

Francis  Joseph,  Emperor,  at  Milan, 
163,  164;  proposed  visit  (1857)  to 
Milan,  257,  258;  preparations  for  and 
in  opposition  to  his  coming,  261-63; 
arrival  of,  264-66;  court  reception  to, 
266,  267;  suite  of,  267,  268;  further 
events  connected  with  his  visit,  268- 
72. 

Frapolli,  Agostino,  127. 

Freemasonry,  292. 

French,  in  Rome,  198;  arrival  at  Turin, 
328,  329;  invade  Lombardy  in  1796, 

423- 

French  officers,  389,  390,  399,  400. 
Frigerio,  Antonio,  223,  224. 
Fronti,  in  proposed  revolt  of  1853,  180- 

82. 
Furagy,  in  command  of  Hungarians, 

179,  181. 

Gaisruck,  Archbishop,  death  of,  33;  se- 
vere regime  of,  153. 

Gallas,  General,  50. 

Galline,  Club  of  the,  402,  403. 

Garavaglia,  Dr.  Bartolomeo,  146. 

Garavaglia,  Costantino,  224,  255,  302, 
439;  arrested,  308;  trial  of,  321-23; 
gives  three  hundred  thousand  lire  to 
Chiassi,  405,  443,  444. 


452 


Index 


Garibaldi,  151,  232;  Emilio  Visconti  en- 
lists under,  101;  interview  with  Ca- 
vour,  324;  nominated  Major-Gen- 
eral, and  takes  command  of  corps  of 
volunteers,  324;  arrives  at  Varese 
from  Como,  336;  his  advice  to  com- 
mittee from  Valtellina,  338,  339; 
sends  Visconti  officers  and  soldiers  to 
instruct  Valtellinese  troops,  350; 
Visconti  goes  to  confer  with,  35^ 
headquarters  at  Casa  Camozzi,  Ber- 
gamo, 356;  interview  of  Visconti 
with,  357;  and  the  Austrian  prison- 
ers, 357,  358;  his  orders  regarding 
Montanari,  358,  359;  movements  of, 
uncertain,  360;  plans  to  march  to 
Brescia,  361;  his  ideal,  362;  announce- 
ment of  his  coming  to  the  Valtellina, 
366,  368;  enters  Valtellina,  369; 
comes  to  Bormio,  372,  373;  fascina- 
tion of,  378,  379;  goes  to  Sondrio  to 
consult  with  Guicciardi,  379;  reviews 
volunteers,  380;  asks  for  a  million 
rifles,  402;  enters  Naples,  413,  414. 

Garibaldian  "Guides,"  371,  372. 

Gamier  College,  Visconti  family  at,  66- 

9- 

"Gazzetta  Italiana,"  Maximilian's  pro- 
ject of,  278. 

Gazzoletti,  poet,  295. 

Gemellaro,  Professor,  206. 

Genoa,  197,  211,  212;  attempted  upris- 
ing at,  273. 

Gerli,  Alberico,  emigrant,  1 14;  member 
of  committee  of  conspiracy,  150;  and 
Carta's  committee,  157;  condemned 
in  default,  188;  in  the  revolution, 
427. 

German  professor,  affair  of,  at  Sondrio, 
.348,  349- 

Gianella,  Donna  Teresa,  cousin  of  Vis- 
conti's  father,  148. 

Gioberti,  125,  126. 

Girgenti,  207,  209. 

Giulay,  General,  citizens  go  to,  184, 1 8$; 
at  production  of  "Norma"  in  the 
Scala,  298,  299. 

Giulini,  Conte  Cesare,  146,  334;  friend 
of  Correnti,  29,  49;  joins  in  protest 
to  Ficquelmont,  46;  frequenter  of 
Cafe  Cecchina,  51;  anecdote  of,  99; 
services  of,  145;  and  his  relations 
with  Piedmont,  222;  inTadvance 
guard  of  National  party,  259;  in  the 


years  of  resistance,  281,  282;  and 
Cavour,  293 ;  assists  captains  of  Pied- 
montese  staff  to  obtain  information 
of  Austrian  troops,  301;  member  of 
Cavour's  commission,  328;  promotes 
the  "Perseveranza,"  386. 

Giulini,  Conte  Giorgio,  145. 

Giulini,  Rinaldo,  145,  259. 

Giulio,  Conte,  430. 

Goito,  combat  of,  95. 

Govone,  captain  of  Piedmontese  staff, 
301. 

Grazioli,  G.,  condemnation  and  execu- 
tion of,  190,  191. 

Griffini,  Achille,  427. 

Griffini,  Dr.  :Romolo,  36,  146;  contrib- 
utor to  the  "Nipote  del  Vesta 
Verde,"  40;  the  "Voce  del  Popolo" 
directed  by,  89;  contributor  to  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Griola,  Giovanni,  execution  of,  159, 
432. 

Grisons,  the,  132;  conspiracy  against 
the  government  of,  6;  and  the  Valtel- 
lina, subsequent  to  1796,  366,  423- 
25;  government  of,  423. 

Griziotti,  Garibaldian  officer,  335. 

Grosio,  19,  20,  24,  226,  227;  parish 
priest  of,  353. 

Guard  Mobile,  formed  at  Sondrio,  342. 

Guerrieri  Gonzaga,  Marchese  Anselmo, 
49;  sent  on  mission  to  Paris,  124;  in 
advance  guard  of  National  party,  259; 
in  the  revolution,  427. 

Guicciardi,  Conte  Diego,  424. 

Guicciardi,  Emilio,  224,  440. 

Guicciardi,  Enrico,  discourages  revolu- 
tionary movement,  113,  121;  career 
of,  219,  220;  promotes  enactment  to 
help  Valtellina,  290;  member  of  Ca- 
vour's commission,  328;  nominated 
as  Intendant  of  Sondrio,  363,  364, 
366;  offers  office  of  inspector  to  Vis- 
couti,  367;  at  Sondrio  and  Bormio, 
370-76;  consults  with  Garibaldi,  379, 
380. 

Guicciardi,  Nobile  Gaudenzio,  Podesta 
at  Sondrio,  342. 

Gussalli,  Antonio,  146. 

Guttierez,  and  Carta's  committee,  157; 
condemned  in  default,  1 88. 

Guy,  G.  B.,  his  account  of  Emilio  Vis- 
conti's  escape,  317,  318. 

Guy,  the  brothers,  52. 


453 


Index 


Hainau,  General,  129. 

Homodei,  Don  Antonio,  229. 

Hospitals,  390. 

Hiibner,  Baron,  42,  43,  50,  297. 

Hungarians,  in  proposed  revolt  of  1853, 

178,  179,  181. 
Hungary,  122,  125,  131. 
Huyn,  General,  342. 

"II  22  Marzo,"  the,  89. 

Induno,  Gerolamo,  130,  183. 

Inkerman,  battle  of,  228. 

"Italia  del  Popolo,"  the,  87-9. 

Italy,  scientific  congresses  in,  a  sign  of 

national  awakening,  20,21;  Kingdom 

of,  proclaimed,  419. 
luvalta,  Costantino,  affair  of,  atTeglio, 

346,  347- 

Jacini,  Stefano,  wins  prize  for  treatise, 
187;  commissioned  by  Maximilian  to 
report  on  conditions  in  Valtellina, 
288-90. 

Jacini,  the  brothers,  52. 

Jesus,  Company  of,  and  Visconti's 
grandfather,  4-6. 

Josephstadt,  Visconti's  friends  return 
from,  270. 

Kellesperg,    Baron,    Austrian    envoy, 

326. 
Kingdom  of  Italy,  proclamation  of, 

419. 
Krall,  Major,  commander  at  Tirano, 

121. 

Kramer  Berra,  Signora  Teresa,  Vis- 
con  ti  calls  upon,  at  Lugano,  112;  her 
salon  at  Paris,  236. 

Krauss,  Captain  Carlo,  and  Mantua 
trials,  169,  190,  195,  215,  433,  434. 

La  Farina,  separates  from  Mazzini, 
254;  institutes  the  Societa  Nazionale, 
273;  words  of  Cavour  to,  292. 

La  Marmora,  General,  232,  301,  304; 
fetes  given  to,  253;  proposes  to  fortify 
Alessandria,  273 ;  inspires  sense  of  se- 
curity, 415. 

Lambertenghi,  Dr.,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety  at  Sondrio, 

345- 

Lambertenghi,  Signer  Giovanni,  mem- 
ber of  Committee  of  Public  Safety  at 
Sondrio,  345. 


Lanfranchi,  president  of  tribunal,  321. 

Lanza,  promoter  of  honor  to  memory  of 
Dandolo,  304. 

Laprade,  artillery  officer,  400. 

Latif,  negro  servant  of  Dandolo,  308, 
309;  trial  of,  321-23. 

La  Ville  Huchet,  400. 

Lazzati,  Antonio,  114,  167,  169,  189; 
inmate  of  salon  of  Contessa  Maffei, 
146;  goes  to  Mantua  on  commission, 
1 60;  arrested,  170,  171;  condemna- 
tion of,  and  commutation  of  sentence, 
190,  191;  rarely  referred  to  his  trial, 
192;  his  account  of  his  confrontation 
with  Castellazzo,  433. 

Lazzati,  the  brothers,  427. 

Lega,  priest,  28. 

Litta,  Duca  Antonio,  430. 

Litta,  Duchessa  Eugenia,  263. 

Litta,  Conte  Giulio,  244,  245. 

Litta,  Conte  Pompeo,  70,  428. 

Litta  family,  98. 

Lizabe,  favored  Prince  Murat,  256. 

Lombard  battalion,  80. 

Lombard  clergy,  and  the  Austrians,  in 
1850,  153,  154;  respected,  198. 

Lombardo-Venetia,  value  of  Visconti's 
account  of  resistance  of,  xx,  xxi ;  gov- 
ernment assumes  suspicious  attitude 
in,  32;  troops  sent  into,  42;  Kingdom 
of,  created  in  1815,  43;  coincidence  of 
revolutions  in,  81;  harsh  measures  in, 
135;  in  ten  years  of  Austrian  rule 
(1850-1860),  137;  secret  committees 
formed  in,  150;  visit  of  Emperor 
Francis  Joseph  to,  163,  164;  state  of 
siege  in,  186;  Radetzky  nominated 
Governor  of,  253;  effect  of  circular 
letter  regarding  Emperor's  visit  to, 
257,  259;  report  as  to  reorganization 
of,  272;  Radetzky's  rule  of,  277; 
Maximilian's  agreement  for  working 
railways  of,  278;  volunteers  from,  go 
to  Piedmont,  299,  300. 

Lombardy,  part  played  by,  in  unifica- 
tion of  Italy,  xiii;  annexation  of  the 
Valtellina  to,  6;  autumn  of  1847  in, 
37;  discussion  whether  Lombard 
provinces  should  be  fused  with  Pied- 
mont, 88;  subscription  among  prin- 
cipal landowners  of,  100;  emigrants 
from,  gathered  about  Mazzini  in 
Lugano,  112;  return  of  emigrants  to, 
115;  municipalities  of,  under  Aus- 


454 


Index 


trian  rule,  394,  395;  invasion  of,  by 
the  French  in  1796,  423;  decree  of 
commission  of  King  of  Sardinia  to, 
441,  442. 

Lonato  Pozzuolo,  311. 

Louvencour,  Marquis  de,  400. 

Lucini,  Antonio,  commands  volunteers 
at  Sondrio,  343. 

Lugano,  no,  in. 

Lutti,  Donna  Clara,  295. 

Lutti,  Francesca,  295. 

Luzio,  Alessandro,  his  inquiries  con- 
cerning Mantuan  trials,  433,  434. 

Madonnina,  the,  statue  of  the  Virgin 
on  the  Milan  cathedral,  74,  75. 

Maestri,  Pietro,  contributor  to  the 
"Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde,"  40;  the 
"Voce  del  Popolo"  directed  by,  89; 
on  Committee  of  Public  Defense,  99; 
and  the  Italian  emigrants,  234;  his 
adherence  to  formula  of  Manin,  256. 

Maffei,  Andrea,  295. 

Maffei,  Contessa  Clara,  281;  acquaint- 
ance made  by  Visconti,  142-44;  and 
Tenca,  assist  Visconti  to  flee,  309. 
See  Casa  Maffei. 

Magenta,  battle  of,  297,  298,  345,  354; 
news  of  battle,  350. 

Magnan,  Captain,  400. 

Mainoni,  the,  52,  259. 

Maiocchi,  Achille,  157,  427. 

Maisner,  condemnation  of,  164. 

Manara,  Luciano,  52,  56,  71,  427;  and 
his  battalion,  129,  130. 

Manara  Fe,  Signora  Carmelita,  elope- 
ment and  marriage  of,  129;  her  salon, 
147,  148,  242;  at  funeral  of  Dandolo, 
302. 

Manassero,  Major,  367,  368. 

Mancini,  Carlo,  233. 

Mancini,  Lodovico,  224,  242;  wounded, 
130;  banished,  263;  at  Dandolo's 
funeral,  303. 

Mancini,  the  brothers,  56,  71,  427,  439, 
440. 

Manganini,  Counselor  of  Appeal, 
killed,  46. 

Mangiagalli,  Alessandro,  243. 

Mangili,  Angelo,  sentence  of,  173. 

Manin,  Daniele,  emigrant  who  did  not 
agree  with  Mazzini,  151,234, 254;  had 
clear  perception  of  future,  235;  his 
utterance,  "Italia  Una  e  Vittorio 


Emanuele,"  235,  25$;  head  of  Sar- 
dinian party,  255;  death  of,  273. 

Mantegazza,  Saule,  233,  427. 

Mantua,  reunion  of  delegates  at  (1850), 
152;  headquarters  of  committees, 
156;  Central  Committee  of,  159,  160, 
165;  trials  at,  169,  170,  173,  189-92, 

215,  432-34- 

Manzoni,  Alessandro,  his  choice  be- 
tween unity  and  federation,  49;  and 
Vittorio  Emanuele,  398;  Visconti 
makes  acquaintance  of,  407;  his  fam- 
ily and  his  friends,  407,  408;  his  hab- 
its and  his  conversation,  408;  public 
homage  to,  411,  412;  death  of,  412; 
a  saying  of,  418,  419. 

Marcello,  Signer,  proprietor  of  palaz- 
zotto  at  Arsoli,  199. 

Marionettes,  a  tragedy  for,  246,  247. 

Marsala,  21 1. 

Martin,  proprietor  of  hotel  at  Naples, 
202,  203. 

Martini,  Conte,  69,  259. 

Martini,  Don,  priest,  215. 

"Martinitt,"  the,  74. 

Maspero,  Dr.,  407. 

Massarani,  Tullo,  146, 443;  contributor 
to  the  "Crepuscolo,"  147;  goes  to 
London  to  meet  Mazzini,  152. 

Massari,  Giuseppe,  319,  324,  325. 

Mauri,  Achille,  35;  at  the  Boselli  Insti- 
tute and  later,  12. 

Maximilian,  Archduke,  Governor-Gen- 
eral, arrival  at  Milan,  272,  273;  his 
powers  as  Governor-General,  276; 
endeavors  to  attract  conspicuous  citi- 
zens, 277,  278;  his  project  of  the 
"Gazzetta  Italiana,"  278,  279;  seeks 
support  from  the  Clerical  party,  279; 
his  seductiveness,  279-81,  283,  284; 
struggle  of  patriotic  Milanese  against, 
280,  281;  commissions  Jacini  to  re- 
port on  conditions  in  Valtellina,  288- 
90;  rumor  of  confidential  ambassador 
sent  to  Napoleon  by,  290;  impotence 
of,  becomes  more  apparent,  291;  un- 
successful at  Venice,  293. 

Mazzini,  Giuseppe,  no;  influence  of 
his  writings,  28;  his  Associazione  Na- 
zionale  Italiana  and  the  "Italia  del 
Popolo,"  87-9;  Emilio  makes  ac- 
quaintance of,  91;  meets  Visconti, 
112;  and  Cavour,  150;  a  ten  million 
loan  announced  by,  151;  first  acts  of 


455 


Index 


Mazzinian  conspiracy,  152;  his 
method  of  surveillance,  156;  his  ad- 
herents, 160,  161,  174;  prepares  for 
revolt  in  Milan,  174-80;  continues 
plotting  after  the  6th  Feb.,  193-96, 
213,  215;  influence  declines,  196,  221; 
his  subscription  for  ten  thousand 
guns,  254;  on  the  occasion  of  the  Em- 
peror's visit  to  Milan,  269;  continues 
to  promote  vain  enterprises,  273. 

Medal  of  St.  Helena,  274,  275. 

Medici,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Giacomo, 
writes  to  Garibaldi  on  Mazzinian 
folly,  254;  volunteers  formed  at 
Savigliano  under,  324;  at  San 
Fermo,  337;  report  of,  on  Valtellina, 
341;  before  and  after  Solferino,  368, 
369;  marches  upon  and  takes  Bor- 
mio,  372. 

Mellerio,  Conte,  92. 

Melzi  d'  Eril,  Duca  Lodovico,  278;  at 
Paris,  290,  291. 

Menini,  journalist,  278. 

Merizzi,  the  author's  uncle,  134,  228. 

Merizzi,  Antonio,  20. 

Merizzi,  Giacomo,  38,  39. 

Messina,  206. 

Mezzacapo,  Luigi,  327,  328. 

Mezzi,  Father,  6. 

Mickiewicz,  Polish  poet,  90. 

Migliavacca,  Cecco,  64,  374,  375. 

Milan,  customs  in,  before  1848,  7,  8; 
cholera  in  (1836),  8,  9;  Emperor 
Ferdinand  enters,  9,  10;  schools  of, 
12;  Boselli  Institute,  12-18;  con- 
gress at  (1844),  21 ;  groups  of  patri- 
ots in,  united  under  Correnti,  30; 
funeral  of  Conte  Federico  Confaloni- 
eri,  30,  31;  poverty  and  want  in,  in 
1846,  31;  work  of  patriotism  and 
charity  in,  3 1 ,  3  2 ;  Richard  Cobden  at, 
32;  demonstrations  in,  against  the 
Austrian  government,  33-8,  45;  the 
clergy  in  the  diocese  of,  33-6;  as- 
saults in,  46;  martial  law  declared  in, 
47;  garrison  in,  increased,  50;  first 
day  of  the  revolution  in,  53-8; 
second  day,  59-66;  third  day,  66,  67; 
fourth  day,  67-71;  fifth  day,  72-7; 
days  immediately  following,  78-94; 
taken  by  the  Austrians,  105,  106;  ap- 
pearance of,  on  Visconti's  return, 
116,  117;  in  winter  of  1849,  123,  124; 
in  a  state  of  siege,  131;  appearance 


of,  in  1850,  136;  in  ten  years  of  re- 
sistance to  Austrian  rule,  137;  eventi 
in,  preceding  and  on  6th  Feb.,  1853, 
174-83;  after  6th  Feb.,  188,  189;  the 
Corso  Francesco,  264;  the  Giardini 
Pubblici  and  Central  Railway  Sta- 
tion, 272;  after  the  Peace  of  Villa- 
franca,  384,  385;  Venetian  immigra- 
tion to,  384, 385;  communal  elections 
of,  in  1860,  395,  396;  the  Galleria 
Vittorio  Emanuele,  396;  entry  of  Vit- 
torio  Emanuele  in,  397;  Parliamen- 
tary elections  in,  402,  403 ;  strangers 
at,  406;  Conte  Pasolini,  governor  of, 
414,  415;  police  powers  at,  415-17. 

"Milanaise,"  popular  song,  297. 

Milanese,  the,  mental  and  political  evo- 
lution of,  221;  pay  little  attention  to 
arrival  of  Maximilian,  275;  struggle 
of,  against  Maximilian,  280,  281. 

Milanese,  society,  Visconti's  picture  of, 
xv;  ladies,  nickname  of,  246. 

Military  perquisitions,  134,  135. 

Military  service  made  obligatory,  223. 

Mille,  the,  376,  382,  405. 

Mincio,  peace  to  the,  96,  97. 

Minghetti,  his  scheme  of  local  adminis- 
tration, 391. 

Minonzio,  cousin  of  Visconti,  56. 

Minunzi,  Carlo,  cousin  of  Visconti,  141, 
142. 

Minunzi,  Donna  Carolina,  aunt  of  Vis- 
conti, 103. 

Modena,  387. 

Modena,  Gustavo,  recitals  of,  for  emi- 
grants, 109. 

Modignani,  Marchese  Lorenzo  Litta, 
408. 

Mongeri,  priest,  29. 

Mongeri,  Giuseppe,  contributor  to  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Montanara,  rout  of,  95. 

Montanari,  Conte  Carlo,  190. 

Montanari,  Francesco,  Garibaldi's  cap- 
tain, induces  patriots  to  incite  to  re- 
bellion, 337;  arrives  at  Sondrio,  350; 
gets  drunk,  351;  comes  in  collision 
with  Caimi,  351;  addresses  guards, 
351,  354;  conversation  with  Visconti 
on  revolutionizing  the  country,  352, 
353;  and  Cornelio,  parish  priest,  353, 
354;  difficulties  caused  by,  354,  355; 
plans  attack  upon  Bormio,  356;  Gari- 
baldi's orders  regarding,  358,  359; 


456 


Index 


not  pleased  with  Sanfront,  364,  365; 

.'  on  station  of  volunteers,  376;  death 
of,  376. 

Montanelli,  emigrant  who  disagreed 
with  Mazzini,  151,  234,  254;  ad- 
vances towards  Cavour,  256;  in  the 
"Cacciatori  degli  Appennini,"  377. 

Montecassino,  abbey  at,  200. 

Monte  Cenisio,  proposal  for  tunnel 
through,  273. 

Mora,  with  Mazzini  at  Lugano,  113; 
on  committee  of  conspiracy,  150. 

Moro  family,  105. 

Morosini,  Emilio,  56,  71,  130,  242. 

Mosca,  Avvocato  Antonio,  professor  of 
law,  14,  155,  403. 

Murat,  Prince,  party  of,  255. 

Naples,  201-5,  413,  418. 

Napoleon  I,  anecdote  of,  139. 

Napoleon  III,  Emperor,  222;  attacked 
by  Pianori,  232;  how  regarded  by  Ital- 
ians after  Tchernaya,  236;  his  words 
to  Conte  Arese,  238;  institutes  Medal 
of  St.  Helena,  274,  275;  Cavour's  con- 
versation with,  293;  words  to  Baron 
Hiibner,  297;  restrained  from  war  by 
opposition  of  ministers  and  people, 
324,  325;  accepts  proposal  for  Con- 
gress, but  knows  that  it  has  been  de- 
cided upon,  325,  326;  breaks  off  rela- 
tions with  Austria,  327;  his  reply  to 
embassy  of  Cavour,  414;  recognizes 
Kingdom  of  Italy,  419. 

National  Guard,  "Palladip  della  Li- 
berta,"  83,  84;  in  Valtellina  (1859), 

342,  350,  354,  381,  3.85; 
National  Italian  Association,  the,  87. 
National  Italian  Committee,  organized 

by  Mazzini,  151. 
Nava,  Conte  Ambrogio,  his  portrait 

cut,  167,  168. 

Nazari,  Avvocato  G.  B.,  43,  44. 
Neapolitan  Government,  212. 
Negri,  Gaetano,  300. 
Negri,  Giuseppe,  priest,  159. 
Negri,  Luigi,  134. 
Negri,  Valentino,  228. 
Neipperg,  Conte,  45. 
Newspapers,  89,  402,  403. 
Nieyo,  Ippolito,  335. 
Ve 


"Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde,"  the,  40. 
"Norma,"  demonstration  at  produc- 
,    tion  of,  in  the  Scala,  298. 

457 


Novara,  battle  of,  127. 
Novion,  Comte  de,  400. 

O'Donnel,  Vice-Governor,  50. 
Oldofredi,  Conte,  member  of  Cavour'f 

commission,  328. 
Olivari,  arrested  at  Sondrio,  346. 
Olivari,  Teresa,  131. 
"Operaio,"  the,  89. 
Orsmi,  separates  from  Mazzini,  254. 

Pagani,  and  the  Societa  Nazionale,  291, 

292. 

Pagliano,  Eleuterio,  183. 
Palermo,  21 1. 

Palestra  Parlamentare,  the,  85. 
Palestro,  battle  of,  345. 
"Palladio  della  Liberta,"  the,  83,  84. 
Pallavicino,  Giorgio,  254. 
Papal  Government,  212. 
Paravicini,  Lamberto,  cousin  of  Vis- 

conti,  141. 
Paris,  Exposition,  233,  237;  Congress 

of,  243. 

Pasetti,  Antonio,  whipping  of,  169,  170. 
Pasolini,  Conte  Giuseppe,  governor  of 

Milan,  414,  415. 
Passalacqua,  General,  83. 
Pastro,  Dr.  Luigi,  169,  192,  271. 
Pedotti,  death  of,  336. 
Pepe,  General  Guglielmo,  254. 
Pepoli,  Conte  Gioachino,  393. 
Peppina,  Cafe  of  the,  51,  52. 
Peregro,      Pietro,      editor      of      the 

"Operaio,"  89. 

"Perseveranza,"  the,  386,  403,  404. 
Peschiera,  surrender  of,  95. 
Pezzi,  Giulietta,  146. 
Pezzotti,  Giovanni,  150,  170,  427. 
Pianori,  Giovanni,  attacks  Napoleon, 

233- 

Piantoni,  Father,  57,  303. 

Piedmont,  extreme  opinion  of  Parlia- 
ment of,  that  the  war  should  be  re- 
sumed, 125;  joins  the  alliance  be- 
tween France  and  England,  231; 
subscription  for  monument  to  army 
of,  258;  photographs  of  the  monu- 
ment in  the  Emperor's  suite  at 
Milan,  266;  arrangements  for  send- 
ing recruits  to,  295;  flight  to,  296; 
volunteers  go  to,  299,  300;  Parlia- 
ment of,  accepts  Cavour's  proposal 
and  refuses  to  disarm,  326,  327. 


Index 


Pievani,  Antonio,  381,  382. 

Piola,  Senator,  408. 

Piolti  de  Bianchi,  Giuseppe,  plots  re- 
volt in  Milan,  175-82;  escape  of,  188; 
work  praised  by  Mazzini,  193;  his 
comments  on  Emilio  Visconti's  let- 
ter to  Mazzini,  194;  memoirs  of,  432. 

Pisacane,  landing  of,  at  Sapri,  273. 

Pius  IX,  Pope,  election  of,  30;  hymns 
to,  36,  37.  See  Ferretti. 

Plombieres,  Cavour  at,  292. 

Poma,  condemnation  and  execution  of, 

173- 
Ponte  del  Diavolo,  342,  343,  345,  354, 

367,  369- 

Porcia,  Principe,  263;  departure  of,  to 
his  Austrian  estates,  291. 

Porro,  Alessandro,  52,  259,  386. 

Porro,  Conte  Carlo,  debates  with  Vis- 
conti's father  about  the  "  Society  for 
the  Encouragement  of  the  Sciences, 
etc.,"  22;  death  of,  22,  81;  friend  of 
Correnti,  29;  in  advance  guard  of 
National  party,  259. 

Porro,  Marchese  Gilberto,  429. 

Porta  Tosa,  capture  of,  72-77. 

Porta  Vittoria,  75.   See  Porta  Tosa. 

Poschiavo,  24. 

Pozzi,  Giuseppe,  229,  230. 

Pozzi,  Maestro,  teacher  at  the  Boselli 
Institute,  12. 

Prati,  poet,  295. 

Priests,  persecution  of,  by  Austrian  gov- 
ernment, 153;  in  Valtellina,  353,  354. 

Prinetti,  the  brothers,  52,  259. 

Proclamation  of  London,  430-32. 

Provisional  Government,  the,  consti- 
tution of,  69;  weakness  of,  89;  and 
Carlo  Alberto,  Austrians  offer  to 
treat  for  peace  with,  96;  did  not  fa- 
vor negotiations  of  peace,  97;  char- 
acter of,  100;  its  project  for  raising 
money,  100;  last  act  of,  101;  seques- 
trations among  those  who  had  held 
office  under,  107;  members  of,  accused 
of  treason,  109;  sends  mission  to  Paris, 
124;  forced  loan  decreed  by,  430. 

"Pungolo,"  the,  402,  403. 

Quadrio,  Ercole,  commands  volunteers 

at  Sondrio,  342. 
Quadrio,  Luigi,  cousin  of  Visconti,  20, 

24. 
Quadrio,  Maurizio,  214,  216,  219,  403. 


458 


Radetzky,  Marshal,  44,  163,  164;  Vis- 
conti's account  of,  xiv;  member 
of  the  "Conferenza,"  42;  reinforced, 
50;  justifies  retreat  in  revolution,  70; 
takes  the  offensive,  97;  nominated 
Governor  of  Lombardo-Venetia,  233; 
relieved  of  his  command,  271;  how 
he  ruled  Lombardo-Venetia,  277. 

Railways,  in  Lombardo-Venetia,  278, 

438,.439: 

Raineri,  Viceroy,  44;  member  of  the 
"Conferenza,"  42;  gossip  regarding, 

Rajmond,  Signer,  205. 

Ramorino,  shot,  125. 

Rattazzi,  221;  and  his  new  laws,  390, 

391-  . 

Rescalli,  Marchesa,  244. 
Restelli,  Dr.  Francesco,  55;  member  of 

the  Committee  of  Public  Defense,  99. 
Revere,  Giuseppe,  poet,  19,  22. 
Revolution  of  the  Cinque  Giornate,  the 

beginning    of,   53;    first    day,   53-8; 

second  day,  59-66;  third  day,  66,  67; 

fourth  day,  67-71;  fifth  day,  72-7; 

days  immediately  following,  78-94. 
Ricasoli,  Barone,  370,  388. 
Riccardi,  secretary  of  Farini,  393. 
Ricci,  Colonel,  367. 
Ricci,  Deputy,  124. 
Ricetti,  student,  incident  concerning, 

Risorgimento.   See  Revolution. 

Rivoli,  battle  of,  95. 

Rizzi,  Dr.  Benedetto,  227. 

Rizzi,  Giovanni,  correspondent  of  the 

"Crepuscolo,"  147;  friend  of  Man- 

zoni,  408. 
Robecchi,    Cristoforo,    companion    of 

the  brothers  Visconti  at  Naples,  202, 

204. 

Robecchi,  Orsola  Bianconi,  146. 
Robilant,  Conte  di,  Italian  ambassador 

at  Vienna,  43. 
Rome,   128-31;  Visconti's  sojourn  at, 

197,  198. 
Romilli,    Bartolomeo,    nominated    as 

Archbishop  of  Milan,  34-6. 
Ronchi,    Ambrogio,    heads    Mazzini's 

party,  194. 
Rosa,  Gabriele,  correspondent  of  the 

"Crepuscolo,"  147. 
Rosari,  Francesco,  141. 
Rossari,  Professor  Luigi,  408,  409,  443. 


Index 


Rossi,  Librarian  of  the  Brera,  408. 

Rovani,  Giuseppe,  438. 

Ruffoni,  favored  Prince  Murat,  256. 

St.  Helena,  medal  of,  174,  275. 

Sala,  Luigi,  89,  127,  386,  443. 

Saliceti,  256. 

Salis,  Giovanni,  38,  225,  365. 

Salis,  Conte  Ulisse,  38;  trial  of,  213-16, 
434;  preserves  Emilio  from  arrest, 
215;  at  the  Stelvio  Pass,  217;  carries 
off  abandoned  cannon,  218;  guns  for- 
warded to  Valtellina  by,  354. 

Salis,  Contessa,  216,  217. 

Salis,  the  brothers,  134. 

Salis  family,  434. 

Salle  d'Armes,  at  Milan,  141. 

Samoyloff,  Contessa,  and  her  Casa, 
244,  245. 

S.  Alessandro,  gymnasium  of,  17. 

San  Fermo,  assault  upon,  330,  336,  337. 

Sanfront,  Colonel,  arrives  at  Sondrio 
and  makes  inspection,  364,  365. 

Sanseverino  Vimercati,  Contessa  Te- 
resa, 263. 

Sapri,  landing  of  Pisacane  at,  273. 

Sardinia,    decree   of   commissioner   of 

I  King  of,  to  peoples  of  Lombardy,  44 1 , 
442. 

Sardinian  army,  proposal  of  monu- 
ment to,  438. 

Sassatelli,  Conte,  companion  of  Vis- 
conti  at  Naples,  202. 

Scala,  the,  8,  138,  165,  244,  245,  285, 
286,  425;  demonstration  in,  at  pro- 
duction of  "Norma,"  298,  299. 

Scarsellini,  condemnation  and  execu- 
tion of,  173. 

Schonhals,  Captain,  50;  duel  with 
Camperio,  247-52;  on  the  capture 
of  the  Broletto,  429. 

Schools  in  Milan,  12. 

Schwarzenberg,  General  Felix  von,  50; 
sent  to  Vienna,  97;  appointed  Gov- 
ernor of  Milan,  106;  his  "notifica- 
zione,"  106,  107. 

Scialoia,  promoter  of  enactment  to  help 
Valtellina,  290. 

Sciesa,   Antonio,   colleague  of  Carta, 

157-59- 
Secret  organizations  to  further  revolt  in 

Milan,  175-83. 

Secret  Service  in  the  Tyrol,  365. 
Selinunte,  207. 


Sella,  promoter  of  honor  to  memory  of 
Dandolo,  304. 

Sequestrations,  107,  188. 

Serbelloni,  Duca  Alessandro,  139. 

Sertoli,  Don  Pietro,  member  of  Com- 
mittee of  Public  Safety  at  Sondrio, 

o    3^5^ 

Setti,  Cavahere,  417. 

Sicilian  expedition,  404,  405. 

Sicily,  Visconti's  travels  in,  206-12. 

Signoroni,  Dr.  Scipione,  242;  wounded, 
130;  surgeon  at  duel,  287;  Emilio 
Dandolo's  physician,  301,  439;  trial 
of,  321-23. 

Simonetta,  frequenter  of  Cafe  Cec- 
china,  52. 

Sinzendorf,  Principessa,  139. 

Sirtori,  Giuseppe,  emigrant,  234;  sepa- 
rates from  Mazzini,  254;  career  of, 
256,  257;  Visconti  meets,  320,  321; 
joins  Sicilian  expedition,  404. 

Sixth  of  February,  1853,  181,  182. 

Smoking,  demonstration  against,  41, 
42,  45- 

Societa  d' Incoraggiamento  delle  Sci- 
enze,  Lettere  ed  Arti,  21,  22. 

Societa  Nazionale,  founded,  273;  its 
purpose,  292;  influential  in  flight  to 
Piedmont,  295,  296. 

Societa  Palatina,  22. 

Solferino,  battle  of,  368. 

Soncino,  Marchese  Massimiliano  Stam- 
pa,  banished,  263;  second  in  duel, 
285-87. 

Sondrio,  volunteers  of,  in  1848-49,  219; 
blight  in,  288-90;  committee  from, 
asks  for  help,  337;  arrival  of  Visconti 
at,  340;  National  Guard  and  Guard 
Mobile  instituted  at,  342;  further  acts 
of  Visconti  at,  344, 345;  arrival  of  Gar- 
ibaldian  officers  and  soldiers  at,  350. 

Sormanni,  Contessa,  goes  to  Bellinzona 
with  the  Visconti,  103,  105;  news 
gathered  by,  106;  comforts  fugitives, 
no;  impatient  to  return  to  Milan, 

"5-  . 

Sormani,  Emilio  Bignami,  146;  contrib- 
utor to  the  "  Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Sottocornola,  Pasquale,  71. 

Spaur,  Conte,  Governor  of  Lombardy, 
35,  44;  member  of  the  "  Conferenza," 
42;  proclaims  martial  law  at  Milan, 
47;  leaves  Milan,  50. 

Speri,  Tito,  190,  433. 


459 


Index 


Spezia,  proposal  to  create  naval  port 
at,  273. 

Spinelli,  Conte  G.  B.  Carrara,  144. 

Sponda  Lunga,  Austrians  at,  374,  380. 

Stampa,  Gerolamo,  424. 

Stampa,  Conte  Stefano,  408. 

Stelvio,  trip  to,  37;  movements  of  Aus- 
trians from,  342,  343. 

Stelvio  Road,  217,  218. 

Stoppani,  Antonio,  428. 

Stoppani,  Gervasio,  trial  of,  213,  214. 

Strambio,  Captain,  368,  381. 

Strassoldo,  General,  185. 

Students  and  seminarians,  90,  91. 

Subscriptions,  for  cannon,  253,  254;  for 
monument  to  Piedmont  army,  258; 

I  for  a  million  rifles,  402;  for  expenses 
of  war,  430. 

Susani,  Guido,  10,  386. 

Swiss,  spirit  of,  108;  soldiers,  give  in- 
formation to  Austrian  spies,  355. 

Syracuse,  207. 

Tagliaferri,  Angelo,  52,  114,  146. 

Tailor,  story  of  the,  at  Tirano,  238-40. 

Tattini,  Contessa,  393. 

Taverna,  Conte  Lorenzo,  163. 

Taverna,  Conte  Paolo,  52,  92. 

Taverns  in  Sicily,  208. 

Tazzoli,  Enrico,  president  of  central 
committee  at  Mantua,  152;  arrested, 
1 65 ;  condemned  and  hanged,  1 73 ;  and 
Castellazzo,  433,  434. 

Tchernaya,  victory  of,  235,  236. 

Teglio,  346,  347. 

Tenca,  Carlo,  55,  211,  443;  editor  of 
the  "Rivista  Europea,"  91;  founder 
of  the  "  Crepuscolo,"  146,  147,  150, 
386;  good  taste  and  judgment  of,  243, 
244;  admonished  regarding  the  Em- 
peror's coming  to  Milan,  264;  par- 
tial suppression  of  his  "Crepuscolo," 
272;  and  Contessa  Maffei,  assist  Vis- 
conti  to  flee,  309;  career  after  the  end 
of  the  "Crepuscolo,"  392;  in  Milan 
elections,  403. 

Terzaghi,  Giulio,  58. 

Terzaghi,  Dr.  Giuseppe,  84,  443. 

Theater  Canobbiana,  demonstration 
in,  32. 

Theater  Carcano,  1 66. 

Theaters,  138,  165,  166. 

Theresienstadt,  friends  of  Visconti  re- 
turn from,  270. 


Thurr,  Colonel,  357,  358. 

Ticino,  canton,  109,  no. 

Tinelli,  Donna  Anna,  salon  of,  22,  23. 

Tirano,  vacations  at,  20,  23;  Visconti 
goes  to,  115;  Ricetti  incident  at,  118; 
soldiers  in  house  at,  133;  firemen  at, 
225;  story  of  the  tailor  at,  238-40; 
Visconti  sees  his  mother  at,  345; 
Swiss  soldiers  at,  355. 

Tirinanzi,  Ernesto,  314,  315. 

Tizzoni,  Angelo,  55. 

Torelli,  Luigi,  major  of  staff  in  Solaroli 
brigade,  121;  career  of,  219;  promo- 
ter of  enactment  to  help  Valtellina, 
290;  member  of  Cavour's  commission, 
328;  words  on  the  armistice  follow- 
ing the  Five  Days,  428;  movements 
on  the  third  day  of  the  revolution,  429. 

Torresani,  Baron,  Director  of  Police, 
35,50. 

Trentmo,  the,  295. 

Tresenda,  342,  343,  345. 

Treves,  Emilio,  278. 

Trotti,  sons  of  Marchese  Antonio,  II. 

Trotti,  Lodovico,  56,  148,  240,  364, 
440,  443,  427. 

Trotti,  Marchese,  398. 

Turin,  316,  318,  324,  327;  arrival  of 
French  troops  in,  328,  329. 

Ulloa,  General,  235,  256,  377. 
"Unita  Italiana,"  the,  403. 
University  at  Milan,  closed,  123,  IJJ. 
Urban,  General,  338,  339. 
Urbino,  attempts  to  overthrow  the  gov- 
ernment in  the  Palazzo  Marino,  89. 

Vaillant,  Marshal,  389,  401. 
Valcamonica,  the,  367. 
Val  d'Intelvi,  events  at,  113,  114. 
Valenti,  Signora  Teresa,  on  Castellazzo, 

433- 

Valtellina,  the,  the  journey  from,  to 
Rome,  before  1770,  4,  5;  annexation 
of,  to  Lombardy,  6;  other  events  of 
consequence  to,  before  and  after  the 
annexation,  6;  vacations  in,  19;  mon- 
ograph of  Visconti's  father  on,  21,  23; 
appearance  of,  after  the  revolution  of 
1848, 117-21;  took  an  important  part 
in  the  revolution,  121;  no  committee 
in,  161;  smuggling  of  books  into,  161; 
patriots  in,  219;  story  of  the  tailor, 
238;  conversations  with  patriotic 


Index 


friends  in,  274;  blight  in  and  commis- 
sion to  report  on  conditions  in,  288- 
90;  rising  of,  337;  committee  from, 
asks  help  of  Garibaldi,  338,  339;  Vis- 
conti  made  Royal  Commissioner;in, 
339;  Visconti  arouses,  340;  conditions 
in,  340,  341;  defenses  of,  343;  difficult 
communications  in,  349;  the  battal- 
ion of,  350,  368,  369,  375,  376,  379, 
381;  discontented  with  Montanari, 
355;  and  the  Grisons,  366,  423-25; 
fear  of  invasion  of,  368;  Garibaldi 
enters,  369. 

Valussi,  Pacifico,  386. 

Vandoni,  Dr.,  murder  of,  157,  158. 

Varese,  battle  of,  335;  Visconti  arrives 
at,  336;  appearance  of,  336. 

Venetian  immigration  into  Milan,  384, 

385- 

Venice,  veterans  of,  130,  131;  trials  at, 
152;  the  Archduke  fails  to  attract 
conspicuous  people  at,  292. 

Venini,  Giulio,  266,  300. 

Verdi,  Giuseppe,  146. 

Verga,  Andrea,  295. 

Verga,  Augustp,  224. 

Vertua,  Councilor,  member  of  Commit- 
tee of  Public  Safety  at  Sondrio,  345. 

Vicenza,  fall  of,  95. 

Vienna,  troops  sent  from,  into  Lom- 
bardo-Venetia,  42;  revolution  at,  51; 
decrees  from,  arrive  at  Milan,  52. 

Vigliani,  Visconti  confers  with,  363, 
364;  renews  Visconti's  appointment, 

363,  364- 

Vignati,  29. 

Villa,  Achille,  442;  assists  Visconti  to 
escape,  309,  310. 

Villafranca,  Peace  of,  382-84. 

Viola,  Gustavo,  440;  duel  of,  245,  246. 

Visconti,  Duchessa  Giovanna,  303. 

Visconti  di  Madrone,  Duca,  his  house 
attacked,  64;  his  regiment,  66,  98. 

Visconti  di  Modrone,  Duchessa,  244, 
398. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Marchese,  father  of 
Giovanni,  2,  3,  8,  9,  12,  18,  19;  his 
monograph  on  the  Valtellina,  21,  23; 
his  interest  in  the  "Societa  d'lnco- 
raggiamento  delle  Scienze,  Lettere  ed 
Arti,"  21,  22;  loss  of  eye  through  an 
accident,  23;  death  of,  24,  25. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Carlo,  38. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Emilio,  last  of  the 


461 


statesmen  of  Cavourian'  school,  xix; 
brother  of  Giovanni,  2, 3, 37, 134, 150, 
183;  escapade  of,  at  school,  17,  18; 
parental  lessons  with,  18,  19;  begins 
study  of  law,  27;  contributor  to  the 
"Nipote  del  Vesta  Verde,"  40;  takes 
part  in  early  disturbances,  47;  on  the 
first  day  of  the  revolution  of  the 
Cinque  Giornate,  53-8;  on  the  sec- 
ond day,  59;  on  the  third  day,  66; 
on  the  fifth  day,  75;  his  acquaintance 
with  Mazzini,  87,  91;  enlists  with 
Garibaldi,  101;  found  by  Giovanni  at 
Lugano,  in;  goes  to  Valtellina  and 
consults  with  Guicciardi,  113;  goes 
to  Tuscany,  121,  122;  enlists  in  bat- 
talion of  students,  123;  returns  to 
Tuscany,  132;  contributes  to  the 
"  Crepuscolo,"  147;  puts  bonds  in 
circulation,  152;  makes  address  at 
funeral  of  Delia  Porta,  156;  attends 
meeting  of  representatives  of  re- 
volutionary committees,  161;  head  of 
patriots  who  smuggled  in  books  from 
Switzerland,  161;  goes  on  trip  to 
Switzerland,  161-63;  refuses  to  flee 
after  the  treachery  of  Castellazzo, 
171;  starts  for  Lugano  to  go  to  Maz- 
zini, but  returns  to  Milan,  180;  saved 
by  firmness  of  Lazzati,  190;  Piolti's 
words  about  his  letter  to  Mazzini, 
194;  journeys  to  the  south  with  Gio- 
vanni, 197-212;  saved  by  firmness 
of  Salis,  213-15;  warned  by  director 
of  police,  216;  obtains  agreement  in 
1866  for  rebuilding  of  Stelvio  road, 
21 8;  at  Tirano  and  Grosio,  226;  es- 
capes arrest  with  Pozzi  and  others, 
229,  230;  goes  to  Paris  to  the  exposi- 
tion, 233;  second  at  Viola  duel,  245; 
brings  news  daily  to  Casa  Maffei,  262; 
restrains  Mazzinians  on  occasion  of 
Emperor's  visit  to  Milan,  269;  con- 
verses with  patriotic  friends  in  Val- 
tellina, 274;  his  words  to  an  Austrian 
minister  regarding  conspiracy  of  op- 
position, 280,  281;  commissioned  to 
prepare  legislative  measures  for  relief 
of  Valtellina,  290;  presented  by  Dan- 
dolo  to  Cavour,  294;  unable  to  speak 
at  Dandolo's  funeral,  302;  escapes 
capture  after  Dandolo's  funeral,  305- 
7;  meets  Giovanni  in  Turin,  316; 
G\iy's  account  of  his  escape,  3 17, 3 18; 


Index 


member  of  Cavour's  commission, 
328;  made  Royal  Commissioner,  331 
-34;  sends  for  Giovanni,  334;  advises 
Giovanni  to  accept  appointment  for 
Valtellina,  339;  arrival  of  letter  of,  to 
Giovanni,  350;  at  CasaCamozzi,  356; 
goes  to  Milan  to  confer  with  Vigliani, 
361;  difficulties  of  his  office,  361,  362; 
rejoins  the  Garibaldians  on  their 
march,  363;  and  the  Valcamonica, 
367;  goes  to  Modena,  at  call  of  Fa- 
rini,  371,  372;  with  Farini  at  Mo- 
dena, 387,  393;  at  Tirano  with  his 
mother  and  Giovanni,  388;  attacked 
by  the  "Unita  Italiana,"  403;  goes 
to  Paris  and  London,  404;  sent  by 
Cavour  to  Naples,  413;  joins  Lieu- 
tenant Farini  at  Naples,  418. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Enrico,  brother  of 
Giovanni,  2,  3,  226,  307;  character, 
13,  14;  leaves  Milan,  103;  goes  to 
Tirano,  115;  returns  to  Milan,  122; 
detained  in  Milan,  344. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Francesco,  great- 
grandfather of  Giovanni,  4. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Giovanni,  value  of 
his  memoirs,  vi,  vii,  xix-xxii;  his 
family,  vi,  xix;  introductory  letter  to 
his  nephews,  xxiii-xxv;  early  years,  I, 
2,  7;  his  brothers,  2;  his  father,  2,  3; 
his  mother,  3,  4;  his  great-grand- 
father, 4;  his  grandfather,  4-7;  his 
memories  of  early  Milan  customs,  7, 
8;  his  recollections  of  the  cholera  of 
1836,  8,  9;  at  the  entry  of  Ferdinand 
I  into  Milan,  9, 10;  goes  to  school,  10; 
drinks  sulphuric  acid  by  mistake,  10, 
II;  at  Casa  Trotti,  n;  first  meeting 
with  future  wife,  n,  12;  had  no 
schooling  until  after  seven,  12;  at  the 
Boselli  Institute,  12-18;  vacations  at 
Tirano,  19,  20,  23;  death  of  father, 
24,  25;  studies  at  home  and  under 
Correnti,  27;  his  reading,  27,  28;  at 
Casa  Correnti,  27-30,  39, 47;  his  visit 
to  the  Stelvio,  37;  his  -singing  of 
hymns  to  Pius  IX,  37;  at  disturb- 
ances in  Milan,  47;  movements  on 
first  day  of  revolution,  53-8;  on  sec- 
ond day,  59-66;  on  third  day,  66,  67; 
on  fourth  day,  67-71;  on  fifth  day, 
72-7;  on  following  days,  78-94;  ad- 
venture with  a  thief,  86,  87;  sees 
Mazzini,  87;  at  his  grandmother's 


462 


and  uncle's,  91-4;  his  uncles  and 
aunts,  92,  93;  leaves  Milan  and  goes 
to  Bellinzona,  103-5;  at  Bellinzona, 
108;  goes  to  Lugano  and  finds  Emi- 
lio,  1 10, 1 1 1 ;  calls  on  Signora  Kramer, 
112;  meets  Mazzini,  112;  returns  to 
Milan,  116,  117;  leaves  for  the  Val- 
tellina, 117;  studies  German  and 
music,  122;  returns  to  Milan  to 
study,  123;  returns  to  Tirano,  132; 
life  at  Tirano,  132-35;  returns  again 
to  Milan,  136;  life  at  Milan,  138; 
makes  acquaintance  of  Contessa  De 
Capitanei,  138-41;  helps  form  salle 
(Tarmfs,  141;  makes  acquaintance  of 
Contessa  Maffei,  142-44;  studies  at 
Milan,  155;  trip  through  Switzerland, 
161-63;  favors  Theater  Carcano, 
166;  movements  on  6th  Feb.,  1853, 
182,  183;  ideas  about  Mazzini,  196; 
journey  to  Rome,  Naples,  and  Sicily, 
197-212;  how  affected  by  the  law 
of  obligatory  military  service,  223; 
studies  firemen's  exercises,  225;  occu- 
pied with  estate,  226;  at  Tirano  and 
Grosio,  226,  227;  goes  to  Paris  to  the 
exposition,  233;  visits  emigrants  at 
Paris,  234,  235;  at  the  opera,  236, 
237;  life  at  Paris,  237;  returns  to 
Milan,  237;  and  the  tailor  at  Tirano, 
238-40;  writes  tragedy  for  marion- 
ettes, 246,  247;  his  second  journey  to 
France,  255-57;  on  the  occasion  of 
the  Emperor's  visit  to  Milan,  265 ;  dis- 
tributes Medals  of  St.  Helena,  274; 
acts  as  second  in  duel  between 
d'Adda  and  Carcano,  285-88;  helps 
Pagani,  291,  292;  keeps  out  of  the 
Societa  Nazionale,  292;  at  Casa 
Lutti,  295;  escapes  arrest,  306,  307; 
flees  to  Casa  Maffei,  308,  309;  leaves 
the  city  with  the  help  of  the  Contessa 
and  Tenca,  309;  arrives  at  Lonato 
Pozzuolo,  310,  311;  his  host  at  Lon- 
ato Pozzuolo,  311-13;  presented  as  a 
railway  engineer,  313;  crosses  the 
Ticino,  314;  at  Oleggio,  315;  meets 
his  brother  Emilio  at  Turin,  316; 
meets  friends  at  Turin,  318,  320;  ap- 
pointed to  recruiting  committee,  3 19; 
has  audience  with  Cavour,  323; 
present  at  important  session  of  Par- 
liament, 326;  attaches  himself  to 
Mezzacapo,  328;  member  of  Cavour's 


Index 


commission,  328;  summoned  by 
Emilio,  334;  leaves  Turin,  334; 
crosses  Lago  Maggiore  and  arrives 
at  Varese,  335,  336;  sees  Garibaldi, 
336;  made  commissioner  for  Val- 
tellina,  339;  arouses  the  Valtellina, 
340;  institutes  National  Guard  and 
Guard  Mobile,  342;  sees  mother  at 
Tirano,  344;  further  acts  of,  at 
Sondrio,  344,  345;  proceedings  in 
affair  of  Costantino  luvalta,  346, 
347;  proceedings  in  affair  of  German 
professor,  348,  349;  officers  and  sol- 
diers sent  by  Garibaldi  to,  350;  con- 
versation with  Montanari,  352,  353; 
secures  some  guns,  354;  straightens 
out  difficulties  caused  by  Montanari, 
355;  prevents  attack  upon  Bormio, 
356;  goes  to  confer  with  Garibaldi, 
356;  interview  with  Garibaldi,  357- 
59;  consults  with  Carrano,  360;  goes 
to  Milan  to  confer  with  Governor- 
General,  361;  confers  with  Correnti 
and  Vigliani,  363,  364;  renewal  of  his 
appointment,  363,  364;  returns  to 
Sondrio,  3  64;  and  Sanf  ront  and  Trotti, 
364,  365;  two  secret  communications 
to,  365,  366;  end  of  his  office,  366; 
assumes  office  of  inspector,  367;  and 
the  Valcamonica,  367;  leaves  for 
Turin,  370;  audience  with  Cavour, 
371;  spends  two  days  at  Milan,  371; 
returns  to  Sondrio,  372;  arrives  at 
Bormio  after  its  capture,  372;  views 
the  attack  on  the  Austrians,  373, 
374;  returns  to  Bormio,  374;  assists 
Guicciardi  at  Sondrio,  375,  376;  occu- 
pied with  Valtellinese  Battalion,  381; 
retires  from  office  and  goes  to  Milan, 
383;  and  the  "Perseveranza,  386;  at 
Tirano  with  his  mother  and  Emilio, 
388;  goes  to  Modena  to  see  Farini 
and  to  Bologna  to  see  Emilio,  392, 
393;  refuses  office  under  Farini,  394; 
superintendent  of  schools,  396;  on 
scholastic  commission,  396;  received 
by  the  king,  397,  398;  makes  ac- 
quaintance of  Crispi,  404;  conversa- 
tions with  Principessa  Belgiojoso, 


406,  407;  makes  acquaintance  of 
Alessandro  Manzoni,  407;  special 
appointments  of,  at  Milan,  in  con- 
nection with  the  police,  415,  416;  his 
ballad  "The  Departure  of  the  Cru- 
sader," 435-37. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Nicola,  grandfather 
of  Giovanni,  4-7,  19,  20,  423,  424. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Nicoletto,  brother 
of  Giovanni,  2. 

Visconti  Venosta,  Paola  Borgazzi, 
mother  of  Giovanni,  3, 26,  388;  salon 
of,  at  Tirano,  228,  229;  meets 
Giovanni  at  Tirano,  344,  345. 

Viscontini,  Gennaro,  242. 

Vittorio  Emanuele,  232,  240;  speech  at 
opening  of  Parliament,  298;  an- 
nounces war,  327;  entry  into  Milan, 
397;  and  Manzoni,  398. 

"Voce  del  Popolo,"  the,  89. 

Vogue,  Comte  de,  400. 

Volunteers,  organization  to  assist,  299, 
300;  at  Turin,  319,  324;  fatigue  of,  at 
Bormio,  374,  375;  join  the  corps  of 
Garibaldi,  378;  disband  after  Peace 
of  Villafranca,  383. 

Walmoden,  General,  50. 

Wessemberg,  Baron,  Minister  of  For- 
eign Affairs,  96. 

Whipping,  public,  131;  to  obtain  con- 
fessions, 169,  170. 

Wimpfen,  General,  114. 

Wocher,  General,  50. 

Wohlgemuth,  General,  50. 

Wratislaw,  General,  secures  commuta- 
tion of  sentence  for  Lazzati,  191. 

Yung,  Theodore,  400. 

Zaffrani,  Don  Carlo,  134,  228. 

Zaiotti,  Paride,  22,  23. 

Zambelli,  condemnation  and  execution 
of,  171. 

Zanardelli,  Giuseppe,  146;  correspond- 
ent of  the  "  Crepuscolo,"  147. 

Zanetti,  Antonio,  trial   of,   213,  214, 

434- 
Zucchini,  Contessa,  393. 


prcs? 

CAMBRIDGE  .  MASSACHUSETTS 
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